著者

北村 匡平

出版者

日本マス・コミュニケーション学会

雑誌

マス・コミュニケーション研究 (ISSN:13411306)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.88, pp.77-96, 2016

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The aim of this paper is to align Kyo Machiko's performance style as a vamp actress with the history of Japanese cinema, and explore postwar public consciousness and desire through her star persona. The voluptuous Kyo Machiko made her film debut in 1949 and went on to become one of the leading actresses of the postwar generation. Her rise to stardom was closely related to many of her roles that embodied social phenomenon amid a trend for kasutori culture, in the sexually liberated climate following the Second World War. In contrast to the intense characters on screen, she portrayed herself as modest and graceful, which enabled her to convey multiple messages within the context of her fame. She depicted a dual-star persona as a result of the contrast between her vamp characters in films and her modest, feminine personality in fan magazines; accordingly, she gained fame as a star across generations. Through the 1950s, she appeared in works by some of the greatest Japanese filmmakers, which catapulted her to international stardom. She was sometimes referred to as "the Grand Prix actress." Following the success of Akira Kurosawa's Rashomon (1950), a growing tendency to promote Japanese cinema overseas emerged, eliciting the gaze of Orientalism from Western spectators. International stardom led to an even more complicated gaze on Kyo Machiko's body. Star/Celebrity studies have developed certain methodological frameworks since Richard Dyer's Stars. From a theoretical perspective, this paper focuses on the film star Kyo Machiko as a cultural text, and analyzes how fans or critics viewed both her cinematic persona, performing acts of violence on screen, and her own persona, which represented traditional Japanese imagery in fan magazines. This research concludes that Kyo Machiko's cinematic body became a national body and functioned as an esthetic vehicle, reflecting both the desire of a trans/national identity and the desire to localize her star image for Japanese spectators.

著者

村上 聖一

出版者

日本マス・コミュニケーション学会

雑誌

マス・コミュニケーション研究

巻号頁・発行日

vol.86, pp.188-189, 2015

著者

武市 英雄 古川 俊実 門奈 直樹

出版者

日本マス・コミュニケーション学会

雑誌

マス・コミュニケーション研究

巻号頁・発行日

vol.43, pp.187-188, 1993

著者

有山 輝雄 柳井 道夫

出版者

日本マス・コミュニケーション学会

雑誌

マス・コミュニケーション研究

巻号頁・発行日

vol.54, pp.239-241, 1999

著者

山腰 修三

出版者

日本マス・コミュニケーション学会

雑誌

マス・コミュニケーション研究 (ISSN:13411306)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.64, pp.150-163, 2004-01-31 (Released:2017-10-06)

参考文献数

53

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This article reconsiders critical communication theory with reference to the theoretical turn of Stuart Hall’s communication model. The focus is on three aspects: social and political change in post-war UK; neo-Marxist concept of “discourse” and “ideology”; Hall's political project as New Left. During the late 70’s to early 80’s, Hall had changed his communication theory dramatically in order to stand against the political project of Thatcherism. I examine that Hall’s perspective had changed from “encoding/decoding” model, which leads to “semiotic democracy,” to “struggle over meaning,” which can be connected with new theoretical trends.

著者

後藤 嘉宏

出版者

日本マス・コミュニケーション学会

雑誌

新聞学評論 (ISSN:04886550)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.36, pp.1-13,195-196, 1987-04-30 (Released:2017-10-06)

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Voltaire has been generally regarded as an absolute defender of freedom of expression. But Peter Gay in his work "Voltaire's Politics"opposes this legendary image of Voltaire. I agree fundamentally with Gay's point of view bacause in "Traite sur la tolerance" Voltaire repeatedly insisted "Pas de tolerance pour les ennemies de tolerance (Never tolerate the enemies of toleration.)" In this context Voltaire can be seen as a situational defender of freedom of expression. Based on that suggestion of Gay's, I discussed Where Voltaire attempted to estabish the boundary between issues worthy of pubic discussion and those not worthy of public discussion. Further, I examined the tactical significance of Voltaire's relative idea of freedom of expression relating it to the historical situation in his day.'The enemies of toleration' in his "Traite sur la tolerance" were Catholics in authority. But French Catholics in those days were divided.The two most dominant sects were Jesuits and Jansenists. The former exerted influence on 'roi' (the court) and the latter on 'parlement'(court of justice). The court was further divided into two factions-the progressives who were on intimate terms with 'philosophes', and the conservatives who were influenced by Catholic authority. In other words, the political situation in France in the 18th cerltunry was char-acterized by critical divisions within the 'establishment'. Voltaire managed to avoid censorship by his use of rhetoric, which revealed and deepend such divisions within the establishment. I described his tactics, drawing on an example from "Traife sur la tolerance". What was intolerance for Voltaire? According to him, intolerance was caused by an insistence on a particular view of the world, specifically, the clergy regarding their particular or private view of the world as general imposed it on many people who did not have a chance to develop their own judgment. The clergy wasted their time on religious disputes, libels etc., issues not worthy of being discussed. So, Voltaire insisted that one should nerer tolerate the enemies of toleration. It is obvious from the above that Voltaire's idea of freedom of expression was not one of absolute freedom in as much as it denied freedom to libel or to conduct religious debates. But in the context of the censorship situation at the time, this idea of incomplete freedom of expression was extremely effective tactically because, according to the censorship policy of those days, which was more tolerant to books than to newspapers or pamphlets, Catholics in authority should, at least in a nominal sense, be punished more frequenthy than "philosophes".

著者

山田 一成

出版者

日本マス・コミュニケーション学会

雑誌

マス・コミュニケーション研究 (ISSN:13411306)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.53, pp.153-166,211, 1998

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"Mutouha-sou" is the most important word in Japanese journalism after local elections in 1995. This word consists of two meanings: there is a group of people without party affiliation and that the number of individual voters have no party affiliation is considerable. This double-sensed word enabled the news media to focus on the discussion centered on the criticism against the established party system. In this paper, "Mutouha-sou" in the news from the media and political viewpoints is discussed. Based on the results of the auther's survey and also a case study of newspapers, letters to the editor, the auther concludes that which people participated in this media event together, they had different opinions. These findings suggest the potentialities and limitations of media events, and some problematic issues about journalism.

著者

茨木 正治

出版者

日本マス・コミュニケーション学会

雑誌

マス・コミュニケーション研究 (ISSN:13411306)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.79, pp.171-172, 2011-07-31 (Released:2017-10-06)

著者

鶴木 眞

出版者

日本マス・コミュニケーション学会

雑誌

マス・コミュニケーション研究 (ISSN:13411306)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.51, pp.3-17,266, 1997-07-31 (Released:2017-10-06)

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"Post 1989" meant in Europe, the breakdown of the structure of the cold war and the end of communist and socialist systems. The same term meant quite differently in East Asia, however. In June of 1989, the Tiananmen massacre took place in China. After the dissolution of the Soviet Union, the scholars of contemporary international relations had to ask themselves why they could not predict the dissolution of the Soviet Union. The paper surveys the theoretical development in the research of political communications brought about by the "post 1989" political situation. This development is not unrelated to the reexamination of theories in the field of international relations. The methodological development in the studies of political communications paved a way for new paradigms.

著者

伊藤 陽一

出版者

日本マス・コミュニケーション学会

雑誌

マス・コミュニケーション研究 (ISSN:13411306)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.51, pp.18-33,266, 1997-07-31 (Released:2017-10-06)

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This article reviews major theories and empirical findings regarding the international flows of information and culture. Specifically, it covers "gravity-integration theories, " and media/cultural imperialism theories as "grand theories, " and empirical research on the patterns and determinant factors of international flows of (news) information and (mass and quality) cultures as "middle-range theories." After reviewing many theories and introducing his own survey results, the author concludes as follows: If we see the patters of international flows of information and culture from the center-periphery viewpoint, Japan seems to belong to the "center" as far as the flows of news and popular culture are concerned, but it is still one of peripheral countries when viewed from the flows of quality (or basic) cultures.

著者

福田 充

出版者

日本マス・コミュニケーション学会

雑誌

マス・コミュニケーション研究 (ISSN:13411306)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.89, pp.45-60, 2016-07-31 (Released:2017-10-06)

参考文献数

47

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Along with the evolution of the media, risk society and globalization have made progress. Media technology manages the risks that result as these functions become means of control. With the progress of risk society and globalization,“ crisis management” has become an important theme in the world. The problem with the National Security Agency (NSA) monitoring global communication has become apparent in the Snowden incident. Changes in media have also caused evolutions in intelligence activities: state power to monitor the world, social structure to preserve state secrets in the name of security, and risk management. Computers and the internet are supporting the social infrastructure. Under the pretext of security (e.g., counterterrorism), monitoring technology has evolved and been introduced to society. As with intelligence activity, this technology is a technique for preventing potential risks that could create crises. Big data is used for economic marketing in corporate activities. It has been used as a tool for intelligence activities by political power. The Arab Spring was described as “Revolution 2.0.” Public Diplomacy 2.0 is using social media (e.g., Twitter and Facebook). While bonding with intelligence activities, this development has affected international relations. In this way, media evolution and risk management society have progressed in the world.

著者

大島 十二愛

出版者

日本マス・コミュニケーション学会

雑誌

マス・コミュニケーション研究 (ISSN:13411306)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.70, pp.177-194, 2007-01-30 (Released:2017-10-06)

参考文献数

19

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From the Meiji to the Taisho era, newspaper companies had undergone a particularly large growth in their enterprises. This paper focuses on "Kodomo Hakurankai" (the children's exhibition) held in 1926 and demonstrates how newspaper companies incorporated the issue of children's cultural programs into their corporate strategies. A special mention of this exhibition was that the first newspaper daily specifically for children was published in Japan. This fact is important in two senses. For one thing, considering that newspapers were regarded as for adults, the fact that a children's newspaper was published is significant. For another, the main occupation (publishing newspapers) was newly produced by the side job (various activities including the children's exhibition).

著者

周 倩

出版者

日本マス・コミュニケーション学会

雑誌

マス・コミュニケーション研究 (ISSN:13411306)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.74, pp.95-113, 2009-01-31 (Released:2017-10-06)

参考文献数

24

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This article focuses on“ Middle Class TV Drama”, a new genre of TV that began

著者

熊 和子 長沢 彰彦 鈴木 正勝 三枝 博之 宮田 英和 嶋内 義明

出版者

日本マス・コミュニケーション学会

雑誌

マス・コミュニケーション研究 (ISSN:13411306)

巻号頁・発行日

no.48, pp.252-253, 1996-01-31

著者

三谷 文栄

出版者

日本マス・コミュニケーション学会

雑誌

マス・コミュニケーション研究 (ISSN:13411306)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.77, pp.205-224, 2010

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The purpose of this paper is to examine the media's role in Japan's foreign policy process through revising R.M. Entman's model and analyzing a case with a revised model. In studies about the nexus of media and foreign policy, the media is not regarded as an actor who critically reports about a government's performance. Rather, preceding studies show that media preferentially covers information a government posts. However, the rapid spread of globalization after the Cold War helps heighten the linkage between domestic and foreign problems. This enables the public to access information about foreign countries much easier and requires us to reconsider media influence. This paper examines R.M. Entman's study, which has attracted special attention among the scholars in this field. His study proposed a model-the Cascade Model-for analysis of the nexus between foreign policy process and media's role (Entman 2004). This paper points out some problems of this model, and proposes a revised Cascade Model. Also it applies the revised model to Japan, specifically the Comfort Women Issue in 2007. As a case study, this paper analyses the interaction between the actions of political elite and news coverage of Asahi Shimbun, Yomiuri Shimbun, Mainichi Shimbun and Sankei Shimbun. In this case study, the argument that media preferentially covers a government's interpretation is not supported. On the contrary, the media criticizes the government from their point of view. Additionally, Prime Minister Abe made a decision to back off from his own belief that comfort women are prostitutes. Finally, he accepted the traditional government's interpretation, the Kono Statement, through the intervention of media and public opinion. In this case, a media frame which reflects the views of Japan's public and each media was found, and this frame pressured on Prime Minister Abe to accept the Kono Statement.

著者

春原 昭彦

出版者

日本マス・コミュニケーション学会

雑誌

マス・コミュニケーション研究

巻号頁・発行日

vol.67, pp.3-5, 2005

著者

伊藤 陽一

出版者

日本マス・コミュニケーション学会

雑誌

マス・コミュニケーション研究 (ISSN:13411306)

巻号頁・発行日

no.51, pp.18-33, 266, 1997-07-31

---

This article reviews major theories and empirical findings regarding the international flows of information and culture. Specifically, it covers "gravity-integration theories, " and media/cultural imperialism theories as "grand theories, " and empirical research on the patterns and determinant factors of international flows of (news) information and (mass and quality) cultures as "middle-range theories." After reviewing many theories and introducing his own survey results, the author concludes as follows: If we see the patters of international flows of information and culture from the center-periphery viewpoint, Japan seems to belong to the "center" as far as the flows of news and popular culture are concerned, but it is still one of peripheral countries when viewed from the flows of quality (or basic) cultures.

著者

林 香里

出版者

日本マス・コミュニケーション学会

雑誌

マス・コミュニケーション研究 (ISSN:13411306)

巻号頁・発行日

no.58, pp.109-125, 223, 2001-01-31

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The Commission on Freedom of the Press published its report, entitled A Free and Responsible Press, in 1947.The report was highly critical of the way in which the press exercised its freedom and urged, among other things, that public rights prevail over private rights in construing freedom of the press and that government should help create a model for the private press.This report, later developed as the social responsibility theory of the press, became a staple in postwar media studies around the globe.This essay reviews its plausibility in the contemporary media environment after it surveys the analyses and critiques of the report in the past.

著者

小笠原 盛浩

出版者

日本マス・コミュニケーション学会

雑誌

マス・コミュニケーション研究 (ISSN:13411306)

巻号頁・発行日

no.81, pp.87-104, 2012-07-31

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This study into the Japanese blogosphere examined the sources used by Japanese A-list political blogs, the sources' influence on the attitude of the A-list bloggers, and the influence of A-list blogs on the attitude of other bloggers. A content analysis of 47 A-list political blogs during Japan's 2007 Upper House election campaign found that A-list blogs considerably depended on mainstream media as sources. 44.8% of these mainstreams sources were accounted for by newspapers, with online news making up another 39.3%. The analysis also found upon an examination of opinions regarding the Liberal Democratic Party that few news items in mainstream media expressed political opinions, whereas most blog items did. The low degree of coincidence between the political opinions of A-list blogs and those in mainstream media suggests there was no influence from these sources on the attitude of A-list bloggers. On the other hand, there was a statistically significant coincidence between the political opinions of A-list blogs and the ones of blogs that cited A-list blogs. Nevertheless, this importance of this coincidence should not be over-emphasized, as the majority of blogs analyzed expressed negative opinions regarding the Liberal Democratic Party in any case.

著者

山本 文雄

出版者

日本マス・コミュニケーション学会

雑誌

新聞学評論 (ISSN:04886550)

巻号頁・発行日

no.6, pp.17-32, 1957-01-30