著者
益田 実 細田 晴子 齋藤 嘉臣 橋口 豊 青野 利彦 三宅 康之 妹尾 哲志 清水 聡 小川 浩之 池田 亮 鳥潟 優子 三須 拓也 山本 健 芝崎 祐典
出版者
立命館大学
雑誌
基盤研究(B)
巻号頁・発行日
2014-04-01

本研究では、巨視的視点から冷戦史の全体像を把握するための新たなパラダイムの構築を意図しながら、1940年代半ばから1980年代初頭までを対象とする米英仏独西中など関係諸国アーカイブ史料の実証分析により、同盟政治・脱植民地化・文化的変容という冷戦期における三つの中長期的な変動と冷戦との関連を明らかにすることに努めた。中心的な研究成果としては研究代表者および分担者全員により益田実・青野利彦・池田亮・齋藤嘉臣編著『冷戦史を問いなおす』(ミネルヴァ書房、2015年)を執筆刊行し、さらに同書に関する公開書評会を開催し、そこでの議論を踏まえた発展的研究課題を形成した。
著者
伊達 聖伸 渡辺 優 見原 礼子 木村 護郎クリストフ 渡邊 千秋 小川 浩之 西脇 靖洋 加藤 久子 安達 智史 立田 由紀恵 佐藤 香寿実 江川 純一 増田 一夫 小川 公代 井上 まどか 土屋 和代 鶴見 太郎 浜田 華練 佐藤 清子
出版者
東京大学
雑誌
基盤研究(A)
巻号頁・発行日
2020-04-01

本研究は、加速する時代のなかで西洋社会の「世俗」が新局面に入ったという認識の地平に立ち、多様な地理的文脈を考慮しながら、「世俗的なもの」と「宗教的なもの」の再編の諸相を比較研究するものである。ヨーロッパ大陸とアメリカ大陸の政教体制を規定している歴史的文脈の違いを構造的に踏まえ、いわゆる地理的「欧米」地域における世俗と宗教の関係を正面から扱いつつ、周辺や外部からの視点も重視し、「西洋」のあり方を改めて問う。
著者
小川 浩之
出版者
日本EU学会
雑誌
日本EU学会年報 (ISSN:18843123)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.2005, no.25, pp.139-173,285, 2005-09-30 (Released:2010-05-21)

The British Government under Harold Macmillan made its first application to join the European Economic Community (EEC) in August 1961. This application marked not only a significant turning point of Britain's post-war external policy, but also a very beginning of the enlargement process of the European Integration (“from the Six to the Twenty-five”).In the existing studies, it has often been pointed out that the British Government's consideration about its “special relationship” with the United States, particularly its recognition that the new John F. Kennedy Administration (inaugurated in January 1961) supported the EEC and Britain's entry into it more vigorously than the previous Dwight D. Eisenhower Administration, was one of the factors which facilitated the first application. However, this article, which is based on both British and American governmental records, claims that America's strong support for the European Integration of the Six and its relative coolness towards British initiative such as the European Free Trade Area (FTA) plan (the so-called Plan G) and the European Free Trade Association (EFTA) were largely consistent throughout the Eisenhower and Kennedy Administrations. The British Government tried hard to persuade the Americans into adopting more pro-British and pro-FTA/EFTA attitudes, but those efforts turned out to be mostly abortive. Consequently, the consistency (rather than change, as often pointed out in many existing studies) of the American attitudes facilitated Britain's policy change towards its first application to the EEC.In the diplomatic sphere, Britain's first application to the EEC can be understood as a measure to maintain and strengthen its “special relationship” with the United States, by becoming a member and a “stabilising force” in the EEC. In the trade sphere, Britain's first application can be understood as a measure to secure an equal access to the EEC market, which was expected to be an alternative to the huge but still protective American market but (if Britain remained outside) be surrounded by relatively high common external tariffs. Therefore, it can be pointed out that Britain's first attempt to join the EEC was a primarily defensive effort to avoid the danger of being sandwiched by the United States and the EEC and seriously losing the basis of its international influence and economic power.
著者
小川 浩之
出版者
JAPAN ASSOCIATION OF INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS
雑誌
国際政治 (ISSN:04542215)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.2004, no.136, pp.79-96,L10, 2004-03-29 (Released:2010-09-01)
参考文献数
63

The purpose of this paper is to examine how the Commonwealth has experienced enlargement and changes after the Second World War. In this attempt, particular attention is paid to South Africa's withdrawal from the Commonwealth in 1961. The Government of the Union of South Africa under H. F. Verwoerd made an application to remain within the Commonwealth as a Republic, but eventually decided, or was virtually forced, to withdraw the application as a result of strong criticism against apartheid mainly from Afro-Asian member countries. Therefore, the Republic of South Africa was established on 31 May 1961 outside the Commonwealth. As increasing number of newly-independent states joined after 1947 (when both India and Pakistan became independent and then joined as new members), the Commonwealth which had been originally formulated by Britain and six ‘white’ Dominions was transformed into a multi-racial institution. The major character of the ‘old Commonwealth’ was that the member states maintained traditional ties among the peoples of British origin and did not regard each other as ‘foreign’, while, at the same time, the mutual recognition of internal and external autonomy was the central raison d'étre. However, as newly-independent non-white countries joined one after another and the norm of racial equality was strengthened, both the old intimacy and the conventional principle of mutual non-interference were increasingly faced with strong pressure.In those changes which the Commonwealth has experienced, the disputes about apartheid among the Commonwealth countries and the departure of South Africa marked a crucial turning point. Firstly, the departure of white-dominated South Africa clearly demonstrated that the principle of noninterference in domestic affairs of member states was increasingly under pressure from the norm of racial equality. Secondly, the often uncontrollable and open rows over South Africa's racial policy symbolized the fact that the old intimacy had been largely curtailed as newly-independent members added ‘alien’ elements into the Commonwealth. Thirdly, the sequence of events culminated in South Africa's departure made some of the original members such as Britain and Australia feel increasingly discontent with the ‘new Commonwealth’ and therefore facilitated the centrifugal forces working in the Commonwealth relations. Britain's attempts to accede to the European Economic Community (EEC) and the European Community (EC) in the 1960s and the early 1970s were noticeable examples of the centrifugal tendencies. However, at the same time, the inter-Commonwealth disputes on racial issues such as South Africa's apartheid in 1960-61 and the Unilateral Declaration of Independence (UDI) by the Smith regime of Rhodesia (today's Zimbabwe) in the mid-1960s can also be considered as inevitable hurdles which the Commonwealth had to tackle in the process of becoming a truly multi-racial association.
著者
益田 実 齋藤 嘉臣 橋口 豊 青野 利彦 三宅 康之 妹尾 哲志 小川 浩之 三須 拓也 山本 健
出版者
立命館大学
雑誌
基盤研究(B)
巻号頁・発行日
2011-04-01

従来の冷戦史研究では、冷戦期国際関係上の事象の「どこまでが冷戦でありどこからが冷戦ではないのか」という点につき厳密な検証が不十分であった。それに対し本研究では、「冷戦」と「非冷戦」の境界を明確にし、「冷戦が20世紀後半の国際関係の中でどこまで支配的事象であったのか」を検討し、より厳密な冷戦史・冷戦観を確立することを目的に、冷戦体制が確立した50年代半ばから公文書類の利用が可能な70年代後半までを対象とし、冷戦との関連性に応じて8つの事象を三分類し、関係諸国公文書類を一次史料として「冷戦」と「非冷戦」の境界を実証的に分析した。