著者

山下 晋司 Shinji Yamashita

出版者

国立民族学博物館

雑誌

国立民族学博物館研究報告 = Bulletin of the National Museum of Ethnology (ISSN:0385180X)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.17, no.1, pp.1-33, 1992-07-31

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In 1908 the royal family of Klungkung, the oldest and the lastkingdom of Bali, by then part of Dutch East India, committed theto tourism. It aims to make a contribution to the historical anthropologyof the Island as well as to the anthropology of tourism.The main part of the paper consists of four sections. The first sectiondescribes the birth of Bali as the "tourist paradise" in the 1920s tothe 1930s. In this setting, the roles played in the old theatre state of Bali,such as those of sponsors (kings) , director (priests) and actors/audience(peasants) had to change drastically. Now the "theatre" acted as hoststo tourists within the colonial state. The second section pays special attentionto the role of artists, scholars and anthropologists—WalterSpies, a German artist and musician, and Margaret Mead, the Americananthropologist, among others—who stayed in Bali in the 1930s, and whohelped creat the Western perception of Bali as the exotic, oriental "lastparadise." Related to this, the third section examines the re-creation oftraditional Balinese art—dance in particular—under the influence of thetourist, a Balinese version of the "invention of tradition" to quote EricHobsbawm. The final section analyses the present situation in which the"tourist paradise" has been transformed further into the "national parkof beautiful Indonesia" as part of Indonesia's nation building process.Both tourism and nationalism necessarily empasise the beauty of the Indonesiannation, and particularly that of Bali as its foremost tourist attraction.By examining the Balinese cultural dynamics in relation to tourism,I am analysing the Balinese version of what James Clifford has called the"modern art -culture system." Following Clifford, I mean by the "artculturesystem" the way in which the West adopts, transforms and consumesnon-Western cultural elements. In the twentieth century, objectsfrom "primitive" societies have been re-evaluated both as "works ofarts" by artists (and also, importantly, by tourists) , and as "scientificcultural materials" by anthropolgists. In this system artists, tourists andanthropologists play complementary and in some ways, similar, roles,each in establishing the "authenticity" of cultures.It is within this modern art-culture system that the Balinese tourismis embedded. In other words, as is the case with museums whichClifford analyses, it is this modern system which the anthropology oftourism must really analyse. In this sense the anthropology of tourismmust be the anthropology of modernity and/or of post-modernity. TheBalinese case considered here is just one example which demonstratesthis thesis.puputan, mass suicide, by marching helplessly and almost in a state oftrance against the invading Dutch colonial army. It was literally thedeath of negara, the theatre state of nineteenth-century Bali, analysed byClifford Geertz. After the old state died out, however, Bali wasdiscovered by Western pioneer tourists and was reborn again as "the lastparadise" under the Dutch colonial regime.By the 1930s Balinese tourism was well developed, to the extent thatin 1931 Miguel Covarrubias, a Mexican artist and traveller and the writerof the now classic Island of Bali wrote of the Island: "we were disappointed;the tourist rush was in full swing." After a break during theWorld War II and following the Indonesian Independence Revolutionperiod, tourism in Bali reappeared again in the late 1960s as part of thedevelopment policy of the government of the independent Republic of Indonesia.It goes without saying that the Island has now gained worldwidefame as an international tourist site. The number of tourists in1991 is reported as amounting to over 600,000.This paper describes the historical transformation of Bali from thenineteenth-century "theatre state" to the twentieth-century "touristparadise," and examines the dynamism of Balinese culture with reference

著者

山下 晋司

出版者

日本文化人類学会

雑誌

民族學研究 (ISSN:24240508)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.44, no.1, pp.1-33, 1979-06-30 (Released:2018-03-27)

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The people of the Sa'dan Toraja, the southern branch of the mountain people ("Toraja") in Central Sulawesi of Indoncsia, often say, "We live to die." An anthropologist who studies their society would understand that these words carry crucial implications. The ritual of the dead is their central concern and every effort during life is directed toward death. They accumulate wealth to spend it almost all on the occasion of death. The people who live as members of Toraja society cannot abandon this custom, because the obligation to hold a ritual for the deceased and to participate in the rituals for the relatives or neighbours forms an essential part of their own identity. Even the villagers who have been converted to Christianity or received modern education cannot despise these conventions. If they neglect this "old-fashioned and "irrational" practice they will lose their position in the village community. Thus it may not be an exaggeration to say that their society revolves around "death". This paper aims first to describe the death ritual of the Sa'dan Toraja in detail and, second, to discuss several important problems it contains, based on the data collected during my field research from September 1976 unti January 1978. Although the economy is now founded upon wet rice cultivation in the beautifully terraced fields on the mountain slopes at 800 to 1, 600 meters above sea level, the culture of the Sa'dan Toraja shows striking features of the swidden cultivators in Southeast Asia, that is to say, feasts with the sacrifice of cocks, pigs and water buffaloes, the erection of megaliths, head hunting practices, the use of ship motifs and so on. In particular their death ritual has much in common with the "feast of merit" as it is found among the upland peoples of mainland Southeast Asia. This fact leads me to the assumption that the death ritual of the Sa'dan Toraja is a kind of transformation or developed form of "feast of merit" with pompous stage-setting and elaborate arrangement which is attained by the increase of wealth through the introduction of wet rice cultivation. Therefore, it seems to me more relevant to call their ritual of the dead "death feast", the "feast of merit' on the occasion of death. The death feast is strictly ranked, according to their custom. The rank and scale of the feast, measured by the amount of sacrificed water buffaloes and the main feast, which is counted by the day, depends upon the social rank and wealth of the deceased and his family. In the death feast named dirapa'i, the highest rank, scores of water buffaloes and more than one hundred pigs are consumed for the period of the feast that covers in total one or more years. In the "autocratic" southern villages of the regency of Toraja Land it is the threefold division of social classes the nobles or chief class (puang) , commoners (to makaka) and "slaves" (kaunan) that plays an important role in determining which rank of the feast to hold. Thus, the wealthy noble or the man of the chief class hopes, or is required, to hold a great feast of high rank, because the funeral ceremony gives him the opportunity to reaffirm his socio-political status or rather promote his prestige in his village community. In order to give the full picture of the death feast in the Sa'dan Toraja, the argument of this paper is presented through three main stages of discussion. The theme in each stage is as follows: (1) examination of the ritual categories of the Sa'dan Toraja, (2) a case study on a death feast, and (3) the presentation of some important problems which the death feast contains.

著者

山下 晋司

出版者

京都大学東南アジア研究センター

雑誌

東南アジア研究 (ISSN:05638682)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.23, no.4, pp.419-438, 1986-03

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この論文は国立情報学研究所の学術雑誌公開支援事業により電子化されました。

著者

宮崎 恒二 内堀 基光 床呂 郁哉 山下 晋司 清水 展 伊藤 眞 山下 晋司 石川 登 伊藤 眞 清水 展

出版者

東京外国語大学

雑誌

基盤研究(A)

巻号頁・発行日

2005

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本研究は、高齢者および退職者の海外への移動の実態を探ると共に、人口移動を、日本を含む地域間および世代間の相互循環および交換という視点から考察する可能性を追求するものである。文献資料調査ならびにマレーシア、タイ、フィリピン、インドネシア、オーストラリアなどにおける、政府ならびに関連機関、長期滞在者ないし移住者である日本人、関連業者に対する面接・聴取調査の結果、5に示す学術成果を公開した。その大要は次の通りである。老後の医療・介護に対する不安から、国際移住は定住よりも長期滞在へとシフトしつつある。他方、メディカル・ツーリズムの拡大を含め、滞在先での医療・介護の可能性も開け、日本で最期を迎えることに拘泥しない考え方も見られるようになっている。海外での長期滞在の選択は、経済的には費用対効果という観点から、より豊かな、あるいはより困難の少ない生活を求めた結果である。他方、壮年時の海外生活ならびに海外旅行経験者の増加は、海外在住をライフスタイルの選択肢の一つと考える傾向が生じていることを示している。海外での長期滞在については、滞在先の政府・業者、日本国内の旅行業者などにより広報されており、「ゆったりとした第二の人生」というイメージを多用している。長期滞在者は、不動産投資を目的とする場合もあるが、多くは日本での多忙な生活との対照を強調し、家族、とりわけ夫婦の間の関係の再構築に言及することが多い。長期滞在の対象国は、家族構成・生活形態等の相違により大きく異なり、フィリピン、タイは単身男性が、バリは単身の女性が、そしてその他の地域では夫婦単位であることが多い。一般に、一部の日本語教育のボランティア活動等を除き、受け入れ社会との接触は最小限にとどまる。本研究により、人と空間の関係が固定的でなくなっており、移動がライフサイクルの一部として組み込まれつつあり、かつ家族の再編を促す兆候が示された。

著者

大林 太良 山下 晋司 秋道 智彌 杉田 繁治 竹村 卓二 佐々木 高明 船曳 建夫 石川 栄吉

出版者

東京大学

雑誌

総合研究(A)

巻号頁・発行日

1986

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1987年6月までに整理された資料に基づき, 100項目の文化項目, 150民族についてクラスター分析を行なった結果, 次のような東南アジア, オセアニア諸文化の分類の樹状図が得られた. この地域の文化は大きく東南アジアマクログループとオセアニアマクログループに2分される. 東南アジアマクログループは, インドシナ=核島嶼群と, アッサム=辺境島嶼部群に分かれる. 更に, インドシナ=核島嶼部群は, インドシナ=華南亜群と東南アジア高文化亜群に分かれる. アッサム=辺境島嶼部群は, 東南アジア穀物栽培民亜群と, 周辺根菜民亜群に分かれる. 他方, オセアニアマクログループは, オセアニア栽培民群と採集狩猟民群に2分される. 後者は主としてオーストラリア原住民より成り, 顕著な下位区分は示していない. ところが, オセアニア栽培民群は, メラネシア栽培民亜群とミクロネシア=ポリネシア栽培民亜群に分かれる. 次に, 同じ資料を用いて因子分析を行なった結果, 4個の因子を認めることができた. 概して因子分析の結果は, クラスター分析の結果を支持しており,ことに東南アジア対オセアニアという二分の傾向, 穀物栽培民対根菜民の対照等を浮き彫りにしている. その後, 1988年1月までに回収された資料に基づき, 238民族のクラスター分析を行なったが, その結果は上述の150民族についての分析とほぼ同様な分類を示している. また, 238民族についても因子分析を実施中である. この他, 文化項目を単位としていかなる項目のクラスターが見られるかについても分析中であり, これらの結果はまとめて正式報告書に発表される予定である. 東南アジア, オセアニア全域にかけての文化分類については, 従来は主観的な分類がもっぱら行なわれていたが, 本研究によってはじめて統計的処理によるほぼ妥当な分類が呈示されたのである.