著者
新田 孝行
出版者
日本音楽学会
雑誌
音楽学 (ISSN:00302597)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.62, no.2, pp.86-100, 2017 (Released:2018-03-15)

現代オペラ演出は音楽学の新しい課題である。ドイツ語圏ではレジーテアター(演出演劇)がオペラ愛好家や理論家の間で議論を呼んできた。台本上の地理的・時代的設定や登場人物の役柄、プロットを変更する権限を演出家に認めるレジーテアターは、「作品への忠実さ」を尊重せず、こじつけ的解釈を好む演出家の横暴と批判されることも多い。しかし、これを擁護する側は、台本やスコアだけでなく上演もオペラに含まれるとする記号論的観点から、忠実さの要求が的外れにすぎないと主張する。 現代オペラ演出は、1990年代のアメリカで発展したニュー・ミュジコロジーと比較することができる。いずれも学問的‐芸術的実践に属する。前者が音楽学的に再検討されたオペラ上演ならば、後者は研究者による主観的・修辞的音楽言説である。両者はまた音楽作品の意味を動かそうとする。演出家は音楽家ではないが、演出によってオペラのイメージをつくりかえることができる。同じ目的のためニュー・ミュジコロジストは、ある楽曲をそれに新たなものを付け加えるような言語によって解釈する。 言い換えれば、現代オペラ演出とニュー・ミュジコロジーはともに解釈学的性格を有する。ドイツ文学者ゲアハルト・ノイマンは、それを通してオペラに秘められた矛盾した意味が明らかになる窓としてレジーテアターを定義した。似たような考えに基づいて、ニュー・ミュジコロジーを代表する一人のローレンス・クレイマーは、自らの音楽解釈学を「解釈学的窓」という観点から定義している(『文化的実践としての音楽』、1990年)。最終的に、現代オペラ演出はニュー・ミュジコロジーの演劇的で、より説得的なヴァージョンと言える。なぜなら、劇場では作品とその解釈を区別することができないからである。
著者
森本 頼子
出版者
日本音楽学会
雑誌
音楽学 (ISSN:00302597)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.60, no.1, pp.78-91, 2014-10-15 (Released:2017-04-03)

The Sheremetev Serf Theater (1775-1797), managed mainly by Count Nikolai Petrovich Sheremetev (1751-1809), was one of the few theaters that imported and performed the French genre tragedie lyrique, which was never staged in any other Russian theaters (not even the court theater). This paper aims to present the facts regarding the performances of tragedie lyrique at the Sheremetev Theater according to the handwritten correspondence, in French, between Count Nikolai and Monsieur Hivart (date of birth and death unknown), a musician of the Paris Opera, which is preserved at the Russian State Historical Archive. Furthermore, this work aims to promote appreciation of said theater's activities. Many performances of tragedie lyrique were held at the Sheremetev Theater between 1784 and 1791. Count Nikolai was increasingly interested in tragedie lyrique, including the fashionable operas by C. W. Gluck and his followers, which were imported into the theater every year. When these operas were performed, the troupe expended great effort on preparing the performances under the leadership of Count Nikolai. For example, Renaud, by A. Sacchini, was imported with much assistance from Monsieur Hivart, and the entire text was translated into Russian, with great difficulty. Ultimately, Count Nikolai ordered Monsieur Hivart to create an opera in three acts, Tomiris reine des Massagetes, which has choruses, dances, and recitatif (that is, the same qualities as tragedie lyrique). Given the challenges of performing tragedie lyrique, Count Nikolai demanded character in the music, spectacle, and festivity of the opera. He demonstrated his utmost concern for the performance of fashionable works. These challenges reveal the Sheremetev Serf Theater as an "opera theater" capable of staging full-scale operas. In addition, the circumstances suggest that the foundation for the flourishing of the operatic culture in the 19th century was laid by nobles in the late 18th century.
著者
塚田 花恵
出版者
日本音楽学会
雑誌
音楽学 (ISSN:00302597)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.61, no.2, pp.65-79, 2016-03-15

French music historiography after the Franco-Prussian War evolved in terms of redefining cultural identity. This study attempts to provide a better understanding of one of the modes of writing music historiography in 1910s France, through analysis of the narrative of progress adopted in Jules Combarieu's Histoire de la musique des origines a nos jours (1913-1919). Combarieu, a republican, presented in his Histoire de la musique the historical development of music in the 19^<th>-century France as a process of progress and a series of emancipations: from the Church during the Middle Ages and Renaissance, and from the court through the French Revolution. He described the progress of the genres of symphony and opera as a phenomenon that occurred mainly in France, assigning a significant role to Berlioz. Consequently, Combarieu's narrative places France on the central stage of the European music history while including German canonic composers. In his historical account, however, Combarieu devoted more space to Beethoven and Wagner than Berlioz. The reason behind this is the collision between the musical taste of the author, a former enthusiastic Wagnerian, and the German music reception in France during World War I. In fact, Berlioz's music was expected to contradict Wagnerism since the 1880s. With its academic justification for assigning Berlioz an important historical position, Combarieu's history of music contributed greatly to Berlioz's canonization that began after the Franco-Prussian War. The narrative of progress presented in Histoire de la musique that depicts Berlioz as a musical symbol of the French Republic and simultaneously gives an ambivalent evaluation of Wagner reflects an historical phase of music historiography after five decades of its existence, which evolved in relation with identity politics in France since 1870.
著者
新田 孝行
出版者
日本音楽学会
雑誌
音楽学 (ISSN:00302597)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.62, no.2, pp.86-100, 2017

現代オペラ演出は音楽学の新しい課題である。ドイツ語圏ではレジーテアター(演出演劇)がオペラ愛好家や理論家の間で議論を呼んできた。台本上の地理的・時代的設定や登場人物の役柄、プロットを変更する権限を演出家に認めるレジーテアターは、「作品への忠実さ」を尊重せず、こじつけ的解釈を好む演出家の横暴と批判されることも多い。しかし、これを擁護する側は、台本やスコアだけでなく上演もオペラに含まれるとする記号論的観点から、忠実さの要求が的外れにすぎないと主張する。<br> 現代オペラ演出は、1990年代のアメリカで発展したニュー・ミュジコロジーと比較することができる。いずれも学問的‐芸術的実践に属する。前者が音楽学的に再検討されたオペラ上演ならば、後者は研究者による主観的・修辞的音楽言説である。両者はまた音楽作品の意味を動かそうとする。演出家は音楽家ではないが、演出によってオペラのイメージをつくりかえることができる。同じ目的のためニュー・ミュジコロジストは、ある楽曲をそれに新たなものを付け加えるような言語によって解釈する。<br> 言い換えれば、現代オペラ演出とニュー・ミュジコロジーはともに解釈学的性格を有する。ドイツ文学者ゲアハルト・ノイマンは、それを通してオペラに秘められた矛盾した意味が明らかになる窓としてレジーテアターを定義した。似たような考えに基づいて、ニュー・ミュジコロジーを代表する一人のローレンス・クレイマーは、自らの音楽解釈学を「解釈学的窓」という観点から定義している(『文化的実践としての音楽』、1990年)。最終的に、現代オペラ演出はニュー・ミュジコロジーの演劇的で、より説得的なヴァージョンと言える。なぜなら、劇場では作品とその解釈を区別することができないからである。
著者
金子 亜美
出版者
日本音楽学会
雑誌
音楽学 (ISSN:00302597)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.60, no.1, pp.14-29, 2014-10-15

This paper aims to build up a theory of communication around sounds and their contexts. To this end, the author will indicate the significance of indexical (non-semantic; or non-referential) aspects of sounds which mediate human communications. The first section focuses on the way in which human voices mediate communications which have no semantic basis. In order to explain why these communications can be understood by each other, some linguistic anthropologists focus on the non-semantic aspects of the voices. The theoretical basis, Silverstein's perspective, will be introduced in the second section. He shows the importance not only of referential signs with semantic meanings but also of non-referential signs, or indexical signs, which include such as intonation and voice quality with (meta) pragmatic meanings. The third section critically discusses Brigg's analysis on healing ritual, which based heavily on Silverstein's theoretical perspective. The last section indicates some implications of the discussion on current ethnomusicological studies. In this discipline, especially since 2000s, researchers tend to emphasize the cultural factors surrounding sounds, rather than to depend upon their unique musicological studies about sounds themselves. In contrast, the author claims that it is significant to refer to Silverstein's theory of communication in order to explore the way how sounds and contexts which they indicate interact each other.

3 0 0 0 音樂學

著者
音楽学会 [編]
出版者
音楽之友社
巻号頁・発行日
1954
著者
明土 真也
出版者
日本音楽学会
雑誌
音楽学 (ISSN:00302597)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.59, no.1, pp.1-15, 2013-10-15

This article investigates in detail the pipe lengths and the temperaments of the shakuhachi preserved at the Horyu-ji Temple, as well as those of the eight specimens owned by the Shoso-in Repository, in order to examine their provenance, including the countries of origin. It has thus far widely been understood that the shakuhachi was invented by LU Cai (呂才: circa 600-665) of the Tang (唐) Dynasty. Therefore, the measurement of the instruments of both the Horyu-ji Temple and the Shoso-in was long considered to have been based on Tang-xiao-chi (唐小尺) measurement, even though some of them at the Shoso-in do not match it. Given such discrepancies, I propose, based on the Old Book of Tang (945) and the New Book of Tang (1060), as well as the residual sum of squares of the distinct temperaments, to classify shakuhachi instruments into categories: pre-LU and post-LU. Through this classification it becomes clear that the pre-LU pipes are one chi (尺) and eight cun (寸) long and are unstable in temperaments, while the post-LU ones can vary in length according to the ancient Chinese pitch pipes (twelve size in total) and are stable in temperaments in accordance with the method of sanfen-sunyi (三分損益, a kind of the circle-of-fifths system). This finding also indicates that the shakuhachi preserved at the Horyu-ji Temple was a pre-LU one, whereas the ones at the Shoso-in conformed to post-LU. In addition, I argue, based on my close study of the Book of Sui (656) and of the 95 % confidence interval of the residual error for the theoretical values of the pipe lengths, that it is reasonable to classify the pipe length of the specimens both at the Horyu-ji Temple and the Shoso-in into two measurements, that is, those based on the Tang-xiao-chi and those based on the Wei-chi (魏尺). Since the four shakuhachi instruments given by Uija-wang (義慈王, Uija of Baekje, 599-660) have pipe length in accordance with the Wei-chi, we can say with fair certainty that the Wei-chi was used in Baekje (百済).
著者
熊沢 彩子
出版者
日本音楽学会
雑誌
音楽学 (ISSN:00302597)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.58, no.1, pp.15-29, 2012-10-15 (Released:2017-04-03)

Etenraku, arranged for orchestra by the two brothers Naomaro and Hidemaro KONOYE, was one of the most frequently performed Japanese orchestral pieces in the world before World War II. The aim of this study is to investigate the musical arrangement of Etenraku and performances conducted by Hidemaro during the 1930s and 1940s. Two noteworthy differences are found from a comparison of Naomaro's manuscript (Manuscript version), possibly completed before 1930, and the Ryuginsha published version (Ryuginsha version) edited by Hidemaro in 1935. First, in the Manuscript version, the original gagaku instruments are replaced by similar types of orchestral instruments, while the Ryuginsha version does not always adhere to the original instruments and pursues a variety of tone colors. Second, the ending of the Manuscript version is based on the original piece with its typical ending gagaku phrase, whereas the Ryuginsha version shortens the original ending phrase and adds extra notes to finish the piece. According to Hidemaro this alteration was intended to appeal to the musical taste of European audiences. A survey of Hidemaro's performances in Europe reveals that Etenraku was often mentioned with relation to the nobleness of Hidemaro's pedigree and the long-established tradition of the original piece, rather than providing an evaluation of the music or performances themselves. In addition, by examining the handwritten notes in the orchestral parts used by Hidemaro, the author identifies exact performance locations during the 1930s and 1940s, demonstrating that Etenraku was performed mostly in Germany and surrounding countries. Through these analyses the author concludes that the KONOYE brothers transcribed Etenraku for orchestra with a strong concern about the reaction from Western audiences, and points out that its performances in Europe were possibly related to the political and diplomatic situation of Japan at that time.
著者
井口 淳子
出版者
日本音楽学会
雑誌
音楽学 (ISSN:00302597)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.62, no.2, pp.73-85, 2017

A. ストローク(Awsay Strok)とは、1910年代から日本敗戦後にいたるまで、およそ30年にわたり上海に居住し、ヨーロッパ、ロシア、米国から演奏家、歌手、オペラ団、バレエダンサーなどを招聘し、日本公演を含む「アジアツアー」をプロデュースしたユダヤ人興行主である(1876年2月27日、ラトヴィア、ドヴィンスク Dvinsk 生、1956年7月2日、東京没)。<br> 「A. ストローク」の名は、演奏家の評伝や東アジアの洋楽受容に関する文献のなかに「impresario、インプレサリオ、興行主、ディレクター、マネージャー」として数多く見出せるものの、彼自身の経歴や活動についての本格的な研究はいまだなされていない。<br> 日本国内では、彼が企画した興行があたかも「日本のみを目的地」としていたかのように記述されがちであった。つまり、日本においては、ストロークは「世界的に著名な演奏家を、日本にはじめて招来した興行主」、との認識がなされてきた。しかし、彼が手がけた興行は、日本を目的地とするものではなく、広くアジアの諸都市、日本、中国、東南アジアの植民地都市を巡業(ツアー)する興行であった。そして日本と上海は一組のセットになってツアーに組み込まれていた。<br> 筆者は、上海で発行された英字新聞や仏語新聞にストロークの名前が公演広告や記事に数多く掲載されていることに着眼し、英字新聞データベース及び、それを補完する仏語新聞 Le Journal de Shanghai により、彼がプロデュースした上海公演を抽出し、その全体像を明らかにすることを試みた。<br> その結果、ストロークは東京、大阪、上海で、ほぼ同時に同一のアーティストが公演を行う、国境をこえた演奏家、舞踊家のアジアツアーを1918年から1940年までの23年間にわたり、50回以上実施していたことが明らかになった。
著者
松本 直美
出版者
日本音楽学会
雑誌
音楽学 (ISSN:00302597)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.57, no.1, pp.56-68, 2011-10-05

The contribution of Marquis Pio Enea degli Obizzi (1592-1674) to the early history of opera was noted first by the 17th-century chronicler Cristoforo Ivanovich. He indicated in his (in) famous Le memorie teatrali di Venezia (first published in 1681) that L'Ermiona, an 'opera torneo' (opera tournament) performed in Padua in 1636, for which the Marquis contributed to the libretto, had been nothing less than the direct impetus for the inauguration of the first-ever commercial opera house in Venice in the following year. This paper will first introduce Obizzi, whose activities have been under-investigated in previous scholarship. Then, it will explore the opera tournaments with which the Marquis was involved during the 1630s and 40s. The paper will argue that this genre did indeed (as Ivanovich implies) directly influence the formation of commercial opera in Venice. Moreover, drawing on little-known sources, Obizzi's vital role - as a plot deviser - in those productions will be indicated and the significant implications concerning this function in our notion of 'authorship' in the early operatic production will be explored. Finally, it will be proposed that a detailed analysis of Obizzi's works not only enables us to trace the crucial transition which opera of that time took - from court to commercial enterprise - but also suggests new perspectives in relation to our understanding of early opera industry as a whole.
著者
野原 泰子
出版者
日本音楽学会
雑誌
音楽学 (ISSN:00302597)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.57, no.1, pp.15-27, 2011-10-05

This paper examines the relationship between Alexander Scriabin's musical language and his philosophy by focusing on his late piano sonatas (Nos.6-10). In his Memoirs of Scriabin, Leonid Sabaneev quotes Scriabin, showing that this composer wrote sonatas of contrasting character: sacred or satanic. In light of this source and the theosophical creed to which Scriabin was devoted, the sonatas were analyzed by taking into account similarities found in them and his orchestral work Prometheus. As a result of the analysis, these sonatas can be divided into two groups according to their philosophical content. Nos.7, 8 and 10 form one group, and Nos.6 and 9 form the other. Sonatas Nos.7 (the "White Mass"), 8 and 10 share common techniques also seen in the Prometheus. In them, Scriabin imbues themes, motifs and harmonies with symbolic meaning, and, using suitable musical materials for the content of each scene, he expresses his theosophical cosmic view that "everything comes from, and returns to, the one being." In Nos. 6 and 9, however, harmonic progressions contrast sharply with those heard in Nos.7 and 8, and they reflect different content from the other three sonatas. Particularly in No.9 (the "Black Mass"), the analysis shows the content to be blasphemous: the sacred (the second theme) is desecrated by an evil spell (the first theme). While composing these sonatas, Scriabin was also mulling over his unfinished Mysterium. The writings of his brother-in-law, Boris de Schloezer, indicate that this ultimate work was to concern itself with the theosophical evolution of the universe. This is also the theme of sonatas Nos.7, 8 and 10, and the other two sonatas also have much in common with one scene of the work. Thus the significance of all five sonatas in the preparation for the Mysterium comes to light.