著者
宮地 英敏
出版者
社会経済史学会
雑誌
社會經濟史學 (ISSN:00380113)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.76, no.2, pp.203-224, 2010-08-25

本稿は,戦後の三菱端島の労働者を対象に,彼らの個票データを主たる史料として利用して,その出自・前歴・年齢などを分析することにより,炭鉱労働者の性格について考察した論文である。戦前以来の中四国から北部九州の炭鉱(特に坑内労働)へという労働移動は,戦後も引き続き数年間はみられたが,1950年代にはそれが南九州から北部九州へという労働移動に転じた。しかし石炭産業が構造不況業種となっていく中で,1950年代後半から末年にかけて農村からの労働力の吸引力は弱まり,中小炭鉱を含む他の炭鉱会社や関連業種などで働いた労働者たちの採用が増加していった。また,三菱端島での職種と前歴とのクロス分析では,農村出身者が低熟練の職種に就いたのに対して,他炭鉱などの経験者が相対的な熟練職種に就いていた。一方で工作見習や電工見習には,三菱端島労働者の子弟が大量に採用されるという傾向も抽出された。最後に,炭鉱労働者の「下降構造」というテーゼに対して,三菱端島のような大手炭鉱であっても,1960年代以降を中心に状況に応じて中小炭鉱経験者をも採用している点などを論じている。
著者
永井 一郎
出版者
社会経済史学会
雑誌
社會經濟史學 (ISSN:00380113)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.37, no.6, pp.602-629, 651-650, 1972-03-30

West Saxons made a landing at the south coast of Hampshire in 495. Then, conquering Britons, they went northward and reached the Upper Thames Valley in the second half of the six century. There they established West Saxon kingdom which included Hampshire, Wiltshire, and Berkshire. This is the story the Anglo-Saxon Chronicle tells us about the earliest history of Wessex. But according to archaeology and place name studies, it is evident that by the end of the fifth century a considerable number of Saxons had settled in the Upper Thames Valley. Moreover the Saxons who lived in Wiltshire and Hampshire in the fifth and sixth centuries were few and most of them were warriors. This discrepancy between the evidences about the Saxon settlement in the Upper Thames Valley can be explained that the Saxons in the Chronicle (Gewissae) conquered the Thames Saxons. In the laws of Ine we find "sixhynde", the lower class of nobles. This class is peculiar to the West Saxon kingdom and can not be found in other early laws of England. I take the view that "sixhynde" was the Thames Saxon obles whose amount of wergeld was lowered as the result of Gewissae's conquest. It is conjectured that Thames Saxon peasants began to migrate into Wiltshire in the first half of the seventh century at the earliest. There the native Britons hnd been under the rule of Gewissae for a long time, preserving their old settlement form, "vicus". The Saxon peasants were, in a sense, colonized among Britons without fights nor conquest, and they lived at peace with Britons. There was no general enslaving Britons under the Saxon peasants in Wiltshire.
著者
牧野 文夫
出版者
社会経済史学会
雑誌
社會經濟史學 (ISSN:00380113)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.49, no.6, pp.585-607, 705-704, 1984-03-29

The diffusion of new technology seems to be one of the most important elements of technological progress, which has played a significant role in the process of Japanese economic development. To examine the rapid growth of the Japanese economy, therefore, it is indispensable to explore conditions for technological diffusion. It has not been necessarily clear, however, how the new technology replaces the old one. To examine this problem, we study the conditions for diffusion of power looms in the Japanese weaving industry, one of the leading industries during the prewar period. In the first section, it is hypothesized that the entrepreneurs choose the technology which has the highest profitability among the alternatives, with the result that a certain technology will come into widespread use. In order to test this hypothesis, the rate of net profit among five types of loom technology are estimated. We then analyse the relationship between changes in relative profitability of the alternative technologies over time and their diffusion, and between the choice of loom technology and the type of business organization. The results obtained are as follows: (1) Generally speaking, at each point in time the loom that had the highest rate of net profit among the alternatives was adopted. (2) The rate of net profit on modern looms was higher in the modern business organization, whereas that on traditional looms was higher in the traditional business organization. In the second section, we test three basic hypotheses that attempt to explain the regional difference in the rate and timing of diffusion of power looms, namely (1) the diffusion of factory system as a modern business organization, (2) the technological adaptation of power looms dictated by the product mix, (3) the availability of electricity as cheap motive energy. It is found that the diffusion of factory system is the most important among three factors. It accounts for a large portion of an increase in the diffusion of power looms over time and its regional differences. The increasing availability of electric power explains mechanization significantly, especially in the earlier periods, while it does not lead to regional differences in mechanization. As for the regional differences in mechanization, a difference in the product mix makes non-negligible influences. In the third section, we examine the development and production of power looms. It is emphasized that rapid increase in power looms was attributable to inexpensive power looms which adapted to the factor endowment at that time. Most of them were produced by a lot of small and medium scale loom-makers in weaving regions. This is indeeed on of the best examples of what is now called "appropriate technology".
著者
武内 達子
出版者
社会経済史学会
雑誌
社會經濟史學 (ISSN:00380113)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.46, no.3, pp.269-292, 375-374, 1980-09-15

An important problem of capital formation in the industrial revolution is to find the facts how the neccessary capital was financed in the various stages of the development of an industrial enterprise. Accepted theories of the financing of industrial enterprises in capital formation in Great Britain are : (1) Capital is mainly financed by the partners and the very high-rate of the growth of capital is realized by the reinvestment of the gross profit, and (2) Loans from individuals or banks were basically short-term credit for circulating capital. These assumptions, however, are seemed to be based in some fragmental evidences, and they must be tested in the actual state of financing of an industrial enterprise. The present paper makes an analysis of the original records of Newton Chambers, an ironworks in Sheffield founded in 1793. The facts obtained from the account books, such as great ledger, stock book, etc., between 1792 and 1806 are summarized as follows. Expenditure for "building and fixture" of the ironworks continued for the first eleven years, amounting to about £ 11,000. The sources of almost all capitals freshly supplied by the partners were an oversea-trade merchant in Sheffield and London merchants. The supply of the fresh capital continued also for the same early years, amounting to about £ 11,OOO. In the very early stage of the company, there were a lot of loans from individuals, industrialists and others, and from a bank in Sheffield and the neighbourhood. The former supplied about £ 2,500 as long-term credit and the latter £ 4,700 at the peak of overdraft as a kind of long-term credit. The overdraft after the first six years was only circulating capital fluctuating in one year cycle. The present study revealed the detailed complementary relationship between partners' capital and loans. The fact that, in the first five years, the total amount of long-term loans was greater than that of capital supplied by the partners is an evidence of the importance of loans in the industrial financing. Furthermore, it became clear that the very high-rate of the growth of capital in the early stage of the company's history was the result of both the reinvestment of the gross profit and the continuous supply of fresh capital from the partners.
著者
武内 達子
出版者
社会経済史学会
雑誌
社會經濟史學 (ISSN:00380113)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.47, no.3, pp.265-288, 348-347, 1981-10-20

Capital formation in an industrial enterprise can be analyzed by the construction of assets and its variation with the development of the company. Because various assets in account books during the industrial revolution in Britain were not well-classified, fixed capital in an industrial enterprise has not been adequately defined in the debates of capital formation so far developed by many authors. The author has analyzed in a previous paper the content of debtor in balance sheets of Newton Chambers, and revealed the importance of loans in the early period of its history (1792-1806). The present paper analyzed creditor, the opposite side of balance sheets, in 1799-1850(earlier period), and 1817-1820(later period). The material assets in the stock books were classified into three groups: (1)fixed assets(buildings, fixtures, machines, tools and other equipments), (2)circulating assets(raw materials, half-finished goods, and goods stock), and (3)other assets which were considered not indispensable for production of goods,(such as firms, lands, shop stocks, sunday school, etc.). The immaterial assets were divided into two groups: (4)ordinary account of credit sales (charge account) which amount to about 65 % of annual turnover, and (5) long-term credits which arose on sales and are considered to be due after more than one year. In the present analysis, fixed capital is detined by (1), circulating capital by(2)+(4), and surplus capital by(3)+(5). The surplus capital is treated as useful for the analysis of the growth of an industrial enterprise. The ratio of the fixed to circulating capital in the present definition was almost constant in the both periods, but the surplus capital greatly increased in the later period, by as large as one thirds of total assets. In the period after the completion of Thorncriffe Iron Works of Newton Chambers, the the surplus capital was very small and the percentage of the fixed capital to the total capital was about 45-50%. The same percentages of two cotton enterprises (M'Connel Kennedy and Oldknow Cowpe) in the similar stages of their growth were about 40-45 %. It has been said that some of surplus capital flowed out of industrial activity, but the amount was very small in Newton Chambers, and most of the surplus capital was used as credit for other newly established industrial enterprises. The variation of the construction of assets in Newton Chambers can be regarded as an elementaly unit of capital formation in the industrial revolution in Britain.
著者
新城 常三
出版者
社会経済史学会
雑誌
社會經濟史學 (ISSN:00380113)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.54, no.4, pp.463-491, 614, 1988-12-25

The customs which increased gradually in their numbers after the middle of Kamakura period, were all abolished by the emperor Godaigo. But after the collapse of Kenmu government, customs were restored quickly again by the Northern Court. Moreover, the Shogunate set up more customs than had been, and planned the extension of its power by contributing the money from customs to the shrines and temples. The Southern Court whose economic base was very weak, set up also customs again within their power. Taking advantage of wars, the warrior of Shugo (lord of land) and Jito (steward of manor) also set up customs as many as they wanted to have in their territories. Even the Shogunate leadership to control the bad influences of customs to the utmost could not restrict those which maneged by warriors or the Southern Court, and as a result, serious traffic obstructions at the custom areas were caused. After the unification of the Southern and Northern Courts, the customs in the former were naturally abolished and the Shogunate power at its height made active policy to restrict new customs and tried to abolish the established customs. Therefore, customs were decreased and the barriers to traffic obstuctions were lowered.
著者
松沢 裕作
出版者
社会経済史学会
雑誌
社會經濟史學 (ISSN:00380113)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.70, no.4, pp.459-480, 2004-11-25

In 1869, the newly established Meiji government was confronted by a bad harvest. In this article the author analyses how the prefectural governments it had set up responded to the resulting famine. At first, the prefectural governments followed the practice of the Edo period by inducing wealthy people to aid the poor. But such policies of forced redistribution had reached their limits by this time. The strategies of poor relief and emergency funding that were adopted by prefectural governments developed as alternative ways of dealing with the crisis. The first alternative was to enlarge the areas of redistribution from a village to a village union or to a prefecture; the second alternative was to introduce opportunities for commercial distribution. Neither alternative was successful, but the attempts indicated the possibility of overcoming the limits of forced redistribution. The Meiji government continued to pursue both directions of welfare policy throughout the 1870s.
著者
大塩 量平
出版者
社会経済史学会
雑誌
社會經濟史學 (ISSN:00380113)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.77, no.4, pp.589-608, 2012-02-25

欧州の多くの宮廷都市での,主に貴族を対象とする中世以来のパトロネージ指向の宮廷劇場は,初期近代以降,不特定多数の需要者を対象とする市場指向の公共劇場へと変容を遂げてきた。ウィーンの場合,18世紀後半以降にそうした変化が進展し,同時に民間の商業的劇場の開設も始まった。本稿は当地の劇場活動の経済的構造の変容を,社会経済・文化的背景とも関連させつつ明らかにするものであり,特にヨーゼフ2世期の宮廷劇場,主に国民劇場(Nationaltheater)を対象とした需給分析から考察する。分析の結果,制度面から見ると劇場活動はテレジア期には変化し始めたものの,実態面での変化はようやくヨーゼフ2世による劇場改革によって生じたことが明らかとなった。そしてその改革により,宮廷劇場では多くの需要層への対応を目指す効率的経営が行われ始め,またそれと類似する民間の劇場活動も急速に拡大し,こうした供給増が,当時のウィーンの経済成長などとも相まって,あらゆる社会階層からの劇場活動に対する需要を開拓した結果,18世紀末に「劇場市場」と呼びうる状況が現出したといえるであろう。
著者
平井 進
出版者
社会経済史学会
雑誌
社會經濟史學 (ISSN:00380113)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.69, no.2, pp.121-144, 2003-07-25

This article examines settlement regulations in one Hanoverian province (Provinz Osnabruck) during the 1840s and 1850s in order to investigate changes in rural social order and autonomy. Before 1848 there was Pauperismus (great poverty) among the rural lower classes of the region, particularly among the Heuerleute (landless cottagers) who rented cottages and land from Bauern (farm holders). Traditionally, the state and village communities, whose members were solely Bauern, exercised. little control over these renting relationships. However, when the Heuerleute began to riot and petition in March 1848, the state attempted to mediate between them and the Bauern. In October, the state and the provincial parliament established a law governing the renting of cottages and land. According to the law, village communities were expected to organize Heuerlings-commissionen (local commissions) composed of both Bauern and Heuerleute members. After 1848, under the supervision of the state, these commissions began to monitor and control the Bauern who rented cottages and land to Heuerleute families. Consequently, the March Revolution ended the early modern form of Bauern autonomy via state intervention and the partial integration of the landless cottagers.
著者
志田 不動麿
出版者
社会経済史学会
雑誌
社會經濟史學 (ISSN:00380113)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.2, no.11, pp.1121-1139, 1933-02-01
著者
沼尻 晃伸
出版者
社会経済史学会
雑誌
社會經濟史學 (ISSN:00380113)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.77, no.1, pp.3-23, 2011-05-25

本稿は,兵庫県尼崎市を事例とし,戦時期〜戦後改革期における組合施行土地区画整理事業の考察を通じて,農村の側から市街地形成の特質を明らかにすることを課題とする。本稿が明らかにした点は,以下の3点にまとめられる。第1に,戦時期の耕地についてである。地主は小作農民に対し土地区画整理実施前に離作料を支払ったが,戦争末期に事業は滞ったため小作農民による耕地利用が継続された。第2に,戦後改革期における地主・小作農民間の対立についてである。仮換地は小作地の移動や減少を伴うとする組合側の主張に小作農民は反対したため,地主と小作農民は激しく対立したが,政府の方針に沿っていた組合(地主)の主張が通ることとなった。第3に,形成された市街地の特質についてである。土地区画整理の実施により公共用地が創出される一方で,耕作面積の減少を賃耕等によって補った小作農民によって,農地が維持される場合もあった。このような小作農民による農地利用を農業委員会も承認し,農地が残存する市街地が土地区画整理地区内に形成された。