著者

上田 早苗

出版者

東洋史研究會

雑誌

東洋史研究 (ISSN:03869059)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.28, no.4, pp.283-305, 1970-03-31

著者

川本 正知

出版者

東洋史研究會

雑誌

東洋史研究 (ISSN:03869059)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.42, no.2, pp.285-317, 1983-09-30

著者

新免 康 菅原 純

出版者

東洋史研究會

雑誌

東洋史研究 (ISSN:03869059)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.61, no.3, pp.522-552, 2002-12-31

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In the history of Eastern Turkestan of the seventeenth through nineteenth centuries, the family known as the Kashghar Khwaja consistently played an important role in the political activities of Turkic Muslims. It would be difficult to claim that a sufficient number of historical materials exist to recount their circumstances in detail. In this study, we have focused on a scroll that has been registered with the designation Prov. 219 in what is known as the Jarring Collection of the Lund University Library in Sweden. This manuscript consists of three parts: (A) a fatwa, a religious order; (B) a nesb name, a lineage, of Khan Khwajam; and (C) the tadhkira, legend, of Khan Khwajam. The first part, the fatwa, persistently advocates unconditional obedience to the descendants of the saint by citing a bogus Hadith. The second part of the scroll, section B, is basically a lineage of the Afaqiya branch of Kashghar Khwaja family that includes the names of both a large number of legendary saints and historical members of the Afaqiya Khwajas up to the 19th century. The third part of the scroll, section C, mainly describes activities of Burhan al-Din Khwaja, who resisted the Qing dynasty's conquest of Eastern Turkistan in the middle of the 18th century. It is uniquely valuable as a rare material of Turkic Muslim on important incident at that time. It is possible to say that a group who supported a Khwaja leader, who was alive at the time of its compilation, compiled this entire manuscript in the 19th century for political purposes. In short, this manuscript directly reflects characteristic aspects of political activities of the Afaqiya branch of the Kashghar Khwaja family in the 18th and 19th centuries.

著者

佐藤 達郎

出版者

東洋史研究會

雑誌

東洋史研究 (ISSN:03869059)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.52, no.1, pp.p56-83, 1993-06

著者

細谷 良夫

出版者

東洋史研究會

雑誌

東洋史研究 (ISSN:03869059)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.49, no.4, pp.p644-670, 1991-03

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Man Wen Lao Tang 滿文老檔, which is materials on the history of the early Ching period, is the compilation of Man Wen Yuan Tang 滿文原檔 (owned by the National Palace Museum at Taipei), which was published as Chiu Man Chou Tang 舊滿洲檔. Many things in this period are clarified through Yuan Tang. To examine Lao Tang, I investigated Huang Tzu Tang 黄字檔, a collection of ejehe (rescripts) in Yuan Tang. As a result I pointed out the need to clarify later amendments, such as unknown deletions, rewritings, corrections, and so on. To reexamine Lao Tang which records the amendments made to Huang Tzu Tang, we must restore the original copy of Huang Tzu Tang without these amendments and clarify the age when it was amended. While I restored the ejehe about Asan brothers in Huang Tzu Tang supposed to be the one of the 11th year of T'ienming 天命 by Lao Tang and clarified the process of amending to it, I compared their careers. Then the following becomes clear. Huang Tzu Tang is likely to have been copied in the 8th month of the 10th year of T'ienming. It is clear that the amendments made to it reached the 8th month of the 3rd year of T'ients'ung 天聰. The ejehe of Huang Tzu Tang tells the situation of the 3rd year of T'ients'ung against the accounts of Lao Tang.

著者

清水 誠

出版者

東洋史研究会

雑誌

東洋史研究 (ISSN:03869059)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.18, no.4, 1960-01

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Analysing the finances of the Abbasid State from the socio-economic standpoint, the author probes the relationship between the State and the newly-rising middle class. The Abbasid State, moving from the period of establishment to one of stability, gained control of the grain of the Sawad, (the replacement of the misaha by the muqasama system at the end of the reign of al-Mansur) in order to sustain the mechanism of the State, and to restrain the merchants from seizing intermediate profits which they had previously taken from the peasants, who were the taxpayers, by the system of the cadastral tax in money (misaha). But the middle class, consisting of merchants, proprietors (tunna)), and others who wielded economic power, gradually came to occupy an important position in the society and to have a severe antagonism against the bureaucratic State which was working to complete its internal expansion. The antagonism, nevertheless, found a compromise in the one-step retreat on the part of the State. This retreat meant in fact the farming out of tax managements (daman) and the fosterage of the rank of purveyors through the business of public grain of the Sawad. It was indeed the presence of the complicated mechanism of the fiscal administration and the supervision by a centralized authority that permitted this excessive concession to those who, though favoured by financial capacity, were lacking in professional knowledge relative to the public fiscal economy. On the other hand, since this compromise between the State and the middle class imposed a consequent economic oppression upon the lower classes, the Abbasid State was doomed to be alienated from them, and this must be regarded as one of the fundamental causes of the internal disintegration of the State.

著者

澁谷 浩一

出版者

東洋史研究会

雑誌

東洋史研究 (ISSN:03869059)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.70, no.3, pp.608-572, 2011-12

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The peace agreement between Qing and Zunghar of 1740 was a historical turning point in which the two parties established for the first time peaceful and amicable relations, but the understanding of the circumstances and contents of the agreement has been insufficient. This study of the process of the negotiations for a peace agreement and the content of the peace agreement through a detailed examination of newly discovered Manchu language sources addresses the peace agreement from the viewpoint of international relations in central Eurasia and focuses in particular on the influence of the conclusion of the Treaty of Kyakhta of 1728. From the opening of negotiations both sides were strongly conscious of their relations with Russia. From the start the Yongzheng emperor attempted to determine the national boundary in manner of the Treaty of Kyakhta in which the details of the national border in the region was decided after the agreement. The Qing side thus advocated establishing a buffer zone and the permanent guard posts, karun, in the negotiations on the basis of the experience of negotiations with Russia on determining the border. On the other hand, the Zunghar side, while exploring the strengthening of ties with Russia in the early stage, stressed to the Qing that amicable relations with Russia existed even though the border had not been settled, and thereafter it consistently upheld the position that the settling the border was not desirable. The Qianlong emperor, who succeeded Yongzheng, yielded to Galdan Tseren who rejected the Qing proposal for a national border set at the Altai Mountains, and agreed to a peace that left the national border undemarcated. The ultimate peace agreement involved mutual recognition of maintenance of the current pasture lands that did not go beyond the Altai mountains or Zavkhan River, and additionally recognition of status quo in regard to the Zunghar Ulyanhai tribe, located on the northern side of the Altai range, which is an important clause that has not previously been recognized. This clause reflected the intention of the Qing side to confirm a resolution with the Zunghar the issue of sovereignty over the Ulyanhai that had been resolved with the Russians in the Treaty of Kyakhta. It is fair to say that the peace agreement made at this time was predicated in its entirety on the conclusion of the Treaty of Kyakhta between Russia and the Qing and established under its influence as can also be seen in the stipulations on emissaries and trade that were made at the same time during which relations with Russia and the Treaty of Kyakhta were in mind throughout.

著者

蔀 勇造

出版者

東洋史研究會

雑誌

東洋史研究 (ISSN:03869059)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.56, no.4, pp.839-883, 1998-03-31

著者

中見 立夫

出版者

東洋史研究会

雑誌

東洋史研究 (ISSN:03869059)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.71, no.2, pp.282-315, 2012-09

著者

清水 和裕

出版者

東洋史研究会

雑誌

東洋史研究 (ISSN:03869059)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.67, no.2, pp.362-333, 2008-09

著者

勝藤 猛

出版者

東洋史研究会

雑誌

東洋史研究 (ISSN:03869059)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.17, no.2, pp.125-142, 1958-09-01

著者

羽田 明

出版者

東洋史研究会

雑誌

東洋史研究 (ISSN:03869059)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.12, no.6, pp.513-532, 1954-01-30

著者

宇野 伸浩

出版者

東洋史研究會

雑誌

東洋史研究 (ISSN:03869059)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.61, no.1, pp.110-137, 2002-06-30

著者

曾布川 寛

出版者

東洋史研究会

雑誌

東洋史研究 (ISSN:03869059)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.69, no.3, pp.349-380, 2010-12

著者

向井 佑介

出版者

東洋史研究会

雑誌

東洋史研究 (ISSN:03869059)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.68, no.3, pp.516-528, 2009-12

著者

杉本 直治郎

出版者

東洋史研究會

雑誌

東洋史研究 (ISSN:03869059)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.23, no.3, pp.324-343, 1964-12-31

著者

長崎 暢子

出版者

東洋史研究會

雑誌

東洋史研究 (ISSN:03869059)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.50, no.2, pp.p231-255, 1991-09

著者

志茂 碩敏

出版者

東洋史研究會

雑誌

東洋史研究 (ISSN:03869059)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.60, no.2, pp.456-405, 2001-09

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Faced with imminent dissolution of the Ilkhanate, Ghazan Khan determined that he would reflect on the strong unity of the tribal confederation and embarked on the compilation of a dynastic history simultaneously with the expedition against Syria. Ghazan himself recounted in detail the long-term ties between the hereditary retainers, nokor, amir-ibuzurg, of the various Mongol tribes and the Chinggisid house in the Persian language History of the Mongols, Tarikh-i Mughul. The work is an utterly unique and extremely valuable source providing first-hand knowledge of the inner workings of the nomadic tribal confederation of the Mongol empire in the voice of a Mongol emperor himself, but the various scholars who have gone through the Persian text have failed to comprehend the fundamental structure of the tribal confederation. This has been due to the fact that they proceeded to consider the entire work without comprehending the meaning of the terms buzurg, the Chinggisid house, and amir-i buzurg. hereditary retainers. A close analysis of the long-term ties of the hereditary retainers and the Chinggisid house across the breadth of the Mongol empire reveals the following points. ・The strength of the bonds between the Chinggisid house and individual Mongol tribes was common to each urus of the Mongol empire, and the structure of the Mongol ruling class in each urus was nearly identical. ・Those who served the qa'an and khan, the Chinggisid house, and who held high-ranking and vital posts inherited from their ancestors, and were charged with the management of the urus were retainers from particular lineage groups within special tribes with especially strong bonds to the Chinggisid house, such as fictive kin, fathers-in-law, sons-in-law, tutors (atabek), adopted children, the children of wet-nurses (kukaltash), and subjects who came from families of hereditary vassals who had served Chinggis Khan's ancestors for generations. If Persian language historical sources and those written in Chinese are read with care and insightfully, it will surely become clear that in other nomadic states as well as the Mongol empire and in its successor states, tribal confederations were formed, and the royal family and their fictive kin occupied the core of the political regime.

著者

林 佳世子

出版者

東洋史研究會

雑誌

東洋史研究 (ISSN:03869059)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.56, no.3, pp.673-674, 1997-12-31

著者

舩田 善之

出版者

東洋史研究会

雑誌

東洋史研究 (ISSN:03869059)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.63, no.4, pp.650-681, 2005-03