著者
清水 麻子
出版者
日本メディア学会
雑誌
マス・コミュニケーション研究 (ISSN:13411306)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.94, pp.169-186, 2019-01-31 (Released:2019-06-06)
参考文献数
9

This paper clarifies the relationship between solidarity activities by journalistnetworks in Japan and the possibility of supporting socially vulnerable people.The Japanese mainstream media, which is vast and bureaucratized, onlyexamines superficial aspects of the lives of socially vulnerable people, such aspoverty and violence. In recent years, however, the existence of a journalistnetwork which goes beyond the framework of companies and individuals hasbeen confirmed by the complexity of social structure and the increasing sophisticationof information. The organizational form of network is diverse andincludes NPOs, NGOs, and voluntary organizations, which work to solve thesame social problems. This article focuses on the relationship between the activity of the Baratogestudy group, an association of female journalists consisting of more than600 female journalists from Japanese TV stations and newspaper companies,and the relationship between this association and legislation. So far, the dominant discourse has been about “terrible mothers who abandontheir babies after giving birth” based on “motherhood” thinking. However,the network declared a new agenda of helping “suffering pregnant women andchildren who should be helped together.” Furthermore, they delivered a messageto policy makers through repeated coverage. In this study, I used discourseand agenda setting analysis to track the process. This showed the possibility that women’s solidarity together with empathy could mobilize politics andsociety, thereby supporting vulnerable people.
著者
谷川 舜
出版者
日本マス・コミュニケーション学会
雑誌
マス・コミュニケーション研究 (ISSN:13411306)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.95, pp.163-181, 2019-07-31 (Released:2019-10-25)
参考文献数
56

This paper describes the newspaper activities and press policies in wartimecolonial Taiwan by analyzing local newspapers and the archives of theTaiwanese Government-General and Army, materials that were rarely examinedin previous studies. Three major newspapers, Taiwan Nichi Nichi Shimpo, Taiwan Shimbunand Tainan Shimpo played a leading role in the Taiwan press system, andrestrictive media control was temporarily eased in the 1930s. However, withthe rise of Japanism, the use of Chinese was abolished in 1937 due to thechange of the Government-General’s policies. Henceforth, in wartime, the integrationof newspapers was promoted, creating a complex relationship betweenthe Japanese journalists from the mainland, local Japanese and Taiwanese journalistsand the Taiwanese Army. First, weekly newspapers were reorganized,but unlike on the mainland of Japan, Taiwan’s press community, which did nothave a restricted paper supply, was aiming to expand their newspapers intoSouth China and the South Seas. However, in 1944 the Government-General decided to cease all publishingof the six daily newspapers, and the Taiwan Shimpo was launched. However, in1945 the Taiwanese Army supplanted the Government-General and directedthe media policies. The Taiwanese Army denied the Government-General’s conventionalcolonial rule and tolerated democratic speeches, because it was necessaryto improve morale and obtain the cooperation of the Taiwanese peopleregarding the war. Thus, critiques of the Government-General and private citizenleaders were made, the identity of the Taiwanese people was somewhatrecognized and articles written from the perspective of commoners began to bepublished. After Japan’s defeat, Taiwan Shimpo was transferred to the Taiwanese,and the Taiwanese launched new media outlets one after another. Here, Taiwanesejournalists, who were critical throughout the war, proactively criticizedthe Republic of China and advocated for Taiwanese society in both Chinese andJapanese during the early postwar period.

5 0 0 0 OA 自粛の社会史

著者
伊藤 昌亮
出版者
日本メディア学会
雑誌
マス・コミュニケーション研究 (ISSN:13411306)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.98, pp.51-65, 2021-01-31 (Released:2021-05-18)
参考文献数
16
被引用文献数
2

In Japan, no legal measures have been taken to restrict activities of citizensin coping with the ongoing COVID-19 pandemic. People are simply exercisingself-restraint as requested by the government. Self-restraint has been acontradictory yet widely practiced behavior among Japanese at turning pointsthroughout the country’s history from wartime to the present day. This paperdiscusses the roles of such a behavior after picking key turning points based onthe analysis of a number of relevant newspaper articles of the Asahi Shimbunand Yomiuri Shimbun. Examples include the establishment of the wartimeregime, the inception of the LDP’s dominance under the 1955 system, the oilcrises, U.S.-Japan trade friction, the demise of Emperor Hirohito, neoliberalreforms, and disasters triggered by the 1995 Great Hanshin and 2011 Tohokuearthquakes. An observation of self-restraint among the Japanese under thesecircumstances is followed by an examination of the workings of power andnorms in Japanese society.
著者
佐藤 寧
出版者
日本メディア学会
雑誌
マス・コミュニケーション研究 (ISSN:13411306)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.94, pp.43-50, 2019-01-31 (Released:2019-06-06)
参考文献数
4

This paper describes the environment surrounding opinion polls in the followingthree sections, each of which also presents the author’s opinions. Theyare mainly based on the author’s presentation on June 23, 2018 at the symposiumtitled What is Public Opinion Survey: Discussion on the Reliability of PublicOpinion at a Crossroads as a part of the symposium organized by the JapanSociety for Studies in Journalism and Mass Communication. Section 1 Polling methods employed by the media This Section outlines polling methods that are yet to be fully understood bymedia representatives and academics. Section 2 Discussion of web-based polling going forward This Section comments on the calls for more effective use of the internetin our ubiquitous society.Section 3 Public sentiment on the reliability of polls Through social networking services or other means, many voice doubtsabout opinion polls conducted by the media. This Section presents the author’sidea on the way the issue should be addressed.
著者
太田 奈名子
出版者
日本マス・コミュニケーション学会
雑誌
マス・コミュニケーション研究 (ISSN:13411306)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.94, pp.93-111, 2019-01-31 (Released:2019-06-06)
参考文献数
5

This paper examines the Truth Box, a radio program broadcast under theGeneral Headquarters of the Allied Forces( GHQ) in Occupied Japan. The CivilInformation and Education Section (CIE), a special staff section of GHQ,directed and produced the program, answering letters from listeners abouttheir questions on the Asia-Pacific War. The author’s main aim is to reveal howthe program conveyed the Emperor’s war responsibility, while establishing anew relationship between the Emperor and the Japanese public. Drawing on ananalytic framework called Critical Discourse Studies, which allows us to explorea media discourse within its sociohistorical contexts, the present study providessome previously-unpublished scripts of the program and analyzes them withreference to related historical primary sources. The author concludes that theTruth Box, which premiered after the Humanity Declaration and continued toair in parallel with the opening of the International Military Tribunal for theFar East, clearly reflects the political intention of GHQ and the CIE to exemptthe Emperor from any culpability by orienting the Japanese public to reflect ontheir own war guilt.
著者
逢坂 巌
出版者
日本マス・コミュニケーション学会
雑誌
マス・コミュニケーション研究 (ISSN:13411306)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.85, pp.43-61, 2014-07-31 (Released:2017-10-06)
参考文献数
12

This article discusses the changes in Japanese politics in the age of the Internet, especially in this age of social media. From my point of view I can say that three major changes have been occurring with the spread of the use of social media in these days. The first is that Japanese people are starting to talk, or type, about politics in the new "public sphere" in the Internet and so are building up another type of public opinion. We call it in Japanese netto-yoron ("Internet public opinion"), which both politicians and the mass media cannot avoid taking into account. The second change is that politicians, parties, and candidates have been empowered by social media. Japanese politicians have succeeded in creating or developing new ways of using social media, attacking articles or coverage by the mass media in order that the politicians can influence the mass media. This may change the Japanese politics as well. The third change concerns the Japanese mass media, which is attacked both by politicians using social media and by netto-yoron. This will be a major change in terms of political communication in Japan.
著者
東 園子
出版者
日本マス・コミュニケーション学会
雑誌
マス・コミュニケーション研究 (ISSN:13411306)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.83, pp.31-45, 2013-07-31 (Released:2017-10-06)
参考文献数
5

Today, it is easy for ordinary people to widely disseminate their message and works over the Internet. Nevertheless, many people still disseminate information by paper media. For example, people known as otaku - fans of Japanese anime, manga, video games, etc. - often create fanzines binding manga and novels they produced themselves. They then sell these fanzines at events in Japan in which fanzines are sold. With the growth of the Internet, otaku also exhibit their works on the web. But many otaku, especially female otaku, still use paper media to publish their works. This paper considers the influences of electric media on paper media and the merits of using paper media as a tool for personal publications, by analyzing ways to use media in creative activities, and it also examines the female otaku's media awareness based on my research and interviews. Originally, fanzines created by otaku have four functions: publishing fan works, informing others about their creative activity, talking about one's favorite works and characters, and interacting with others who share the same interests. Events where trading fanzines takes place also have these four functions. As otaku use online tools for their creative activities, electric media have replaced paper media for informing others about their creative activity and discussing their favorite things. But paper media have advantages in publishing works and interacting with others. Paper media is more suitable for placing manga and treated better than electric media. By selling fanzines at events, otaku can enjoy face-to-face communication with others. They can also directly gauge the reader's response to their works. Works created by fans are provided free of charge on the Internet. On the other hand, fanzines are traded with money. The people I interviewed who create fanzines regard receiving payment for their works as a sign of appreciation for them. But readers enjoy their works without any cost on the web. So, creators of fanzines feel strongly that their readers should accept their works when they publish them by paper media rather than electric media. For these reasons, the creative female otaku I interviewed prefer paper media in this age of the rising Internet.
著者
新藤 雄介
出版者
日本マス・コミュニケーション学会
雑誌
マス・コミュニケーション研究 (ISSN:13411306)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.88, pp.97-115, 2016-01-31 (Released:2017-10-06)
参考文献数
58

This study aims to examine speech before and after the enforcement of the assembly ordinance. The current study hopes to reveal the political and academic aspects of speech, within both the printed word and oral forms, in relation to the Movement for Civil Rights and Freedom of the 1880s. Speeches were delivered in meetings across the country under the influence of the Diet-establishing movement. The Government of Japan enacted the assembly ordinance in an attempt to prevent the movement. This law targeted political speech, not academic speech, and as such, a problem occurred with what was deemed a "political" subject. In addition, there was a vague range in terms of application of the law and arbitrary enforcement standard. Those who wanted to make a speech found a way to circumvent political speech in terms of form. Therefore, people made academic speeches, held social gatherings, and meetings to comment on newspapers, instead of giving political speeches. However, political speeches were, in fact, delivered in these "non-political" meetings. Police often cracked down on these meetings. Differences between the political and the academic forms led to discussions on the rights and wrongs of speech based on the publications at the time. In particular, in meetings for commentary on newspaper articles, the police did not prohibit the publication of newspapers, but prohibited speech related to newspaper content. The court in the first trial brought in a verdict of not guilty, but the Supreme Court later gave a guilty verdict. This demonstrated the ambiguity of political speech in the law. At the same time, it indicated that people were being arrested for speaking about newspaper content although the same content had already been circulated in print. The administration banned the use of schools as platforms for speeches, and teachers from making them.
著者
金 暻和
出版者
日本マス・コミュニケーション学会
雑誌
マス・コミュニケーション研究 (ISSN:13411306)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.78, pp.169-188, 2011-01-31 (Released:2017-10-06)
参考文献数
18

A postcard nowadays is perceived self-evident as a private communication tool; however, it was once "a new medium" in the past. This paper explores a postcard from a historical viewpoint to reconsider it as a medium. Paying attention to socio-cultural factors surrounding the establishment of postal service system in Japanese modernization process, it will closely look into "Hagaki Bungaku" (in Japanese, the title literally means "postcard literature"), a popular magazine specializing in a picture postcard hobby. The main discussion is about its readers' active contribution as well as its editorial policy during the Russo-Japanese War period which is said to be the heyday of picture postcards. In this paper, the concept of hagaki bungaku, which in fact suggested writing "short literature on a postcard", will be investigated in relation to material characteristics of picture postcards. Meanwhile, the "postcard literature" written by the magazine's readers will be examined in terms of cultural practices, linking with the socio-cultural aspects of Meiji era. Finally, this paper summarizes "a postcard as literature" as "a possible pattern" of postcards as a medium, indicating that the framework achieved from historical approach of media will be also efficient in understanding contemporary media phenomena.
著者
景山 佳代子
出版者
日本マス・コミュニケーション学会
雑誌
マス・コミュニケーション研究 (ISSN:13411306)
巻号頁・発行日
no.61, pp.107-120, 2002-07-31

In this paper, I investigate how the Japanese weekly Asahi Geino generated sei-fuzoku (popular attitudes toward sexual behavior). I conducted interviews with Asahi Geino editors, then analyzed the data I obtained with the KT2 software system. From the results, I conclude that sei-fuzoku exist in a fantastic binomial context (G. Rodari) made up of two heterogeneous elements: one a sexual element that loses its inherent meaning in people's memories, the other a non-sexual element that is stable in meaning. New combinations of these elements are produced by, and themselves produce, new sei-fuzoku.
著者
梅田 拓也
出版者
日本マス・コミュニケーション学会
雑誌
マス・コミュニケーション研究 (ISSN:13411306)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.92, pp.87-104, 2018-01-31 (Released:2018-05-10)
参考文献数
29

The purpose of this paper is to reconsider the perspective of Niklas Luhmann’smass media theory through interpreting his works. Luhmann constructeda mass media theory which described mass communication as a socialsystem. Some previous studies have paid attention to the significance of histheory and attempted to apply it in different empirical studies while othershave criticized his theory because he abstracted and confirmed the practicalproblems of journalism. However, it has yet to be shown what problem inmedia studies Luhmann himself attempted to solve. This paper analyses theperspective of Luhmann’s theory by focusing on the relationship between histheory and radical constructivism. Radical constructivism is an epistemologicalmedia theory that has been popular in German media studies since the 1990s,and Luhmann also frequently referred to it in his works about mass media. Asa result,( 1) this paper clarifies that the radical constructivism theory criticizedjournalism practices in terms of epistemological problems, and thereby hinderedjournalism and its social function. Thus, media theorists who sympathized withradical constructivism attempted to fill this divergence of the radical constructivismtheories and practices of journalism. In addition, (2) this paper arguesthat Luhmann also attempted to solve the problem. He avoided the epistemologicaland normative discussion of journalism and redefined the function ofmass media in the theory of a functionally differentiated society. In conclusion,this paper demonstrates the significance of the social theory in media studiesby interpreting the perspective of Luhmann’s media theory.
著者
松永 智子
出版者
日本マス・コミュニケーション学会
雑誌
マス・コミュニケーション研究 (ISSN:13411306)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.81, pp.143-161, 2012-07-31 (Released:2017-10-06)
参考文献数
33

This study aims to clarify the characteristics of the readers' column in the Japan Times during World War II. Founded in 1897 with the support of the government, businessmen, and researchers, the newspaper was expected to produce Japanese propaganda after the Manchurian Incident in 1931. Previous studies have tried to examine Japanese propaganda through the analysis of the editorials in the newspaper. However, very little has been written about the readers' column, which was laid out beside the editorial and was supposed to be a forum for free speech. This article focuses on the Asama Maru Incident (January 21^<st>, 1940) - a scandal that provoked an anti-British campaign in the Japanese-language press and eventually propelled Japan into World War II - to reveal how the readers' column in the Japan Times was a forum for open international discussion. From when the incident occurred (January 21) to when some of the captured Germans were released in Yokohama (March 2) , 13 out of a total of 66 letters published in the readers' corner were about the Asama Maru Incident. An analysis of the writers, who were from England, Japan, and Germany (in addition to a few anonymous writers) , reveals that eight were pro-Britain and five were anti-Britain. In comparison, the Japanese-language press was completely anti-Britain and the two other English papers were completely on the side of Britain and the U.S. during the same period. I conclude that this column functioned as an 'asylum for foreign people's free speech' in order to make the Japanese propaganda in the rest of the paper more effective and palatable. I also point out that the messages in the column, the editorial and the translations from the Japanese press functioned in a mutually complementary manner to each other with regard to the propaganda in the Japan Times. The results are discussed in terms of their implications for understanding public diplomacy in English-language media.
著者
新倉 貴仁
出版者
日本マス・コミュニケーション学会
雑誌
マス・コミュニケーション研究 (ISSN:13411306)
巻号頁・発行日
no.86, pp.143-160, 2015-01-31

In 1952, the Treaty of San Francisco ended the Allied occupation of Japan, and it was during the same year that the Japan Society for Journalistic Studies-predecessor of The Japan Society for Studies in Journalism and Mass Communication-first published the Japanese Journalism Review. As the subtitle of this journal, "Devoted to Research Studies in the Field of Mass Communication" showed, postwar Japanese society began with the formation of mass communication studies and a mass society. The purpose of this article is to shed light on the introduction of automation technology into postwar Japanese society through a historical analysis of discourses collected from publications from that period. As new technological innovations were made during World War II, automation was an industrial and technological condition for forming a mass society in postwar Japan. Furthermore, automation technology accompanied the concept of business administration, and it promoted the dissemination of the notion of management among not only business leaders but also academic intellectuals. First, the formation of a consumer society is reconsidered regarding management through business computing, one of the essential aspects of automation technology. Second, the historical process of the spread of automation technologies among postwar Japanese society is described. This includes the establishment of the Japan Productivity Center, the installation of IBM's circulators, and the outset of the research and development of nuclear energy. Finally, the ideological significance of automation technology among academic intellectuals such as Maruyama Masao is revealed by tracing how the issues of organization and productivity are accepted and focused upon. Automation technology in postwar Japanese society has been discussed less than its real effects on society. In other words, this article may contribute by adding a new facet to the previous discourse on postwar Japanese society.
著者
山森 宙史
出版者
日本マス・コミュニケーション学会
雑誌
マス・コミュニケーション研究 (ISSN:13411306)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.87, pp.197-216, 2015-07-31 (Released:2017-10-06)
参考文献数
55

This study aims to consider the historical process of establishing of Manga by focusing on Comic Book Sections in Japanese bookstores from the early 1970s to 1980s. Prior studies on Manga tend to focus on trades outside of regular distribution channels to emphasize peculiar characteristics of the emerging media. Consequently, the social process during the 1970s and 1980s to pervade Manga almost all of the retail bookstores through wholesalers has not been clarified. The article shows how Manga to be recognized as one of the established genre in bookstores by concentrating on the particular standard of shinshoban (pocket paperback edition) comics which became one of the best sellers in retail bookstores after the 1970s. The early spread of permanent section of shinshoban comics during the 1970s can be understood as a conflict between Manga and other genre of books, mostly literal arts, and through industrial change surrounding book business as a background. In the late 1970s, sale structure of the small and medium-sized retail bookstores became more dependent on the shinshoban comics. The situation forced booksellers to redefine the identity of their bookstore represented in the composition of sections. Accordingly, most booksellers decided to redefine the identity of their bookstores as a space for consumption from a space of cultural excellence. Booksellers defined Manga merely as a commodity and accepted shinshoban comics to make up a permanent section in their bookstores to compromise their ideals. However, constructing Manga sections in bookstores was nothing less than legitimizing Manga as one of the established genres of printed books. Therefore, the establishment of Manga in the 1970s and 1980s can be seen as a process of reconsidering the publication culture for the Japanese publication industry in a transitional period.
著者
谷本 奈穂
出版者
日本マス・コミュニケーション学会
雑誌
マス・コミュニケーション研究 (ISSN:13411306)
巻号頁・発行日
no.51, pp.168-181, 261, 1997-07-31

This paper focuses on the attractiveness of popular Comics. At first, in previous studies and the questionnaires sent to the readers of comics, I suppose readers (high school students) felt uncomfortable. Secondly, I tried to examine the contents of the most popular comics, paid more attention to the readers' interests. And the popular comics show the development of youth, their social relations and provide bracing laughter. Lastly , I concluded that the readers, situation and comic contents have a relationship. Instead of "true satisfaction", the readers seem to be satisfied with the world of comics. The popular comic is instrument of healing for readers.