著者

相澤 亮太郎

出版者

The Human Geographical Society of Japan

雑誌

人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.57, no.4, pp.414-427, 2005-08-28 (Released:2009-04-28)

参考文献数

49

被引用文献数

1

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The argument for the rehabilitation from the Hanshin-Awaji Great Earthquake is mainly based on city planning, regional economy, and community revival. It is indispensable to place an emphasis on local culture and folk customs such as local festivals and community activities for investigating the revival of daily life in these areas. Therefore, this paper focuses on the Jizo festival in the Hanshin-Awaji Earthquake stricken area. Investigating the Jizo festival is one of the most suitable means to understand the relationship between place and memory in stricken areas.The Jizo festival is a familiar folk custom in Japan. Jizo is a guardian of children and the stone statue of Jizo made is embodied in a small shrine. People pray to the Jizo statue for children's health and safety, and one's health, safety, and so on. Jizo was enshrined in the stricken area after the earthquake disaster. In 2002 and 2003, the author researched Jizo and the Jizo festival in Nagata-ku, Kobe City, which was greatly damaged by the earthquake.The results of the analysis are summarized as follows. The Jizo festival has been greatly influenced by urbanization and the disaster. Jizo has been sometimes moved, and the Jizo festival has been suspended. However, it is easy to enshrine Jizo in the niche of a city space because the statue is small. In addition, Jizo is enshrined by a very flexible group of inhabitants. The meaning of Jizo is very flexible for the inhabitants, and they are able to freely participate in the Jizo festival. The greater the inhabitants who participate in the Jizo festival, the more the memory of Jizo is shared among them. Enshrining Jizo is important for the sharing of the memory of Jizo by the inhabitants.

著者

長尾 悠里

出版者

一般社団法人 人文地理学会

雑誌

人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.70, no.2, pp.233-251, 2018 (Released:2018-07-02)

参考文献数

19

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少子化傾向にあるなか,学校統合が課題となっている。学校は教育を施す機能だけでなく,校区住民に活動場所や交流の機会を与える機能や,校区の象徴としての機能を持つ。そのため,学校統合によって校区社会に大きな影響が及ぶと指摘されている。しかし,その中でも学校の持つ象徴性に関する分析はこれまで十分になされていない。そこで本稿では,公立学校が立地しない地域である埼玉県秩父市大滝地区において,学校の持つ機能に着目して小学校の消失過程を分析し,学校統合に関する従来の研究枠組みを再考した。その結果,大滝地区では人口減少や産業不振,ダム建設に伴う校区への諦めから,将来性の欠如した校区で小学校統合に反対しても仕方がないという考えが生じ,小学校統合が消極的に支持されたことが判明した。加えて,小学校統合に伴い校区内の子どもや若年層の存在を感じられる場所が消失し,将来性の欠如が可視化され,諦めが強まる可能性があることも明らかとなった。ここから,小学校の存否と校区の将来性の認識との間には密接な関連があることが示唆され,小学校は校区の「将来性の」象徴としての機能を持つと考えられる。そして,校区の将来性の認識の有無によって,学校統合に関する住民間の対立構造が変化し得ることが指摘できる。

著者

鏡味 完二 松原 義継

出版者

人文地理学会

雑誌

人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.7, no.5, pp.375-386,418, 1955

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The settlement of "Nomugi" lies on a compound talus at the hight of 1320m above sea level. (Fig. II) This talus was constructed on the northern side of "River Mashita", at the western foot of "Nomugi Pass" 1672 meters high). "Nomugi" was the most important pass in the "Northern Japanese Alps" in the days about 50 years ago, through which a highway was constructed in the feudal times from Takayama to Matsumoto (Fig. I). Every day about 70-80 "da" (one "da" is the cargo of one cattle) was conveyed through this pass.In the settlement of "Nomugi" there are 29 houses now, but about 50 years ago were neary 50 houses. Among these houses, there were three inns, four doss houses and other shops such as bar, grocers, etc. But all these shops transformed their occupations to agricultural, pastral, or forestry. As the result of this change of trade, the prosperity of this village was declined. The reason of this decline was the construction of Chuo Line Railway from Nagoya to Tokyo, and then the opening of Hokuriku L.R.W. along the coast of Japan Sea and finally Takayama L.R.W. from Gifu to Toyama. All the communication through "Nomugi pass" was pillaged by these rail road traffic, and the number of "Nomugi" decreased gradually from about 50 to 30 since 50 years ago. Thus this settlement has turnd into a lonely mountain village and "Nomugi Pass" was almost closed to passengers. This village is a rare example in Japan which has no medical man and no electric lamp.But this place would revive if a plan of construction of tourist bus road on the ridge line from "Nomugi Pass" to the top of Norikura Volcano only be realized in these years.The meaning of the place name of "Nomugi" may be explained an old Japanese words, namely "no"=field, "mugi"=apparent place from every direction. This means the topographical feature of the talus on which this settlement stands.The annual mean temperature of this place is 6.7°C.. This value coincides with that of the inner land type climate in the central part of Hokkaido. With the summer maximum temperature 28°C, and comparatively stronger sunshine with longer shining hour, these owe to the nature landform of talus on which this village stands, farmers can plant summer crops suitable to the low temperature such as buckwheat, barnyardgrass, soyabean, millet, corn etc.. Thus the production of crops. amounts to 90% of the whole agricultural products. But rice culture finds no place on account of the low temperature. As the result of the shorter period free from the frost (199 days), these crops frequently experienced the frost damage and diminished the yield.Thus the length of self sustaining of food in this village is only 4…5 months in a year. (Average number of cultivated field per one house is one ha..) We can find a definite relationship between the distance from farm house and the species of crop; namely vegetable field near the house, fields of buckwheat, millet etc. apart from it. Because the former requires much more labour than the latter. Mulberry trees are planted on foot-path or on the escarpments of river terraces and their tall trees need a ladder to pick the leaves.This village has 47 head of plough cattle by 27 farm houses. They breed them in the way of transhumance; grazing in summer, pen feeding in winter. Summer grazing is taken in the sloping pasture on the mountain side of Norikura Volcano (Its area is abont 800ha..). Mowing fields are found near the farm houses and so they lie on the place lower than the pasture. Its area is about 300ha.. From this mowing field farmers collect their hay, and by the labour efficiency of this colection the number of cattle can be bred in one farm house is defined. In this village the highest number is only 3.

著者

安藤 哲郎

出版者

一般社団法人 人文地理学会

雑誌

人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.60, no.1, pp.41-54, 2008 (Released:2018-01-06)

参考文献数

37

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This paper gives a synoptic view of the distribution of places mentioned in the setsuwa stories compiled in the late Heian and early Kamakura periods (the 12th and first half of the 13th centuries). The author deals with places that were described as the staging areas for various events occurring during the Heian period, in and around Heian-kyo (present-day Kyoto).The author presents a geographical analysis of classical Japanese literature. Existing studies of the field have tended to focus on individual works or authors. In this paper, various stories including similar contents from different compilations are classified and analyzed in temporal and spatial dimensions.The category of setsuwa literature consists of many stories that include miracles and reasoning based on Buddhist teachings. Those stories were collected and resulted in several compilations (setsuwa-shu) in the late Heian and early Kamakura periods. The events told in the stories were distinguished ‘desirable’ from ‘undesirable’ for the people described. Then the locations of the events were plotted on maps of different times during the Heian period.By examining such maps, we can see that the locations of those events were familiar to the inhabitants of Heian-kyo. We can also see that residences and Buddhist temples related to the ruling people of the time were mentioned frequently. This suggests that the events in the stories were told as occurring in reality, reflecting the nature of setsuwa literature.In analyzing the contents of the stories, we can see that undesirable events often occur within the city boundary, whereas desirable events tend to happen in the peripheral zone. This peripheral zone can be associated with Buddhist temples and Shinto shrines which were religious foci for people of that time. Several events were described as having occurred just outside the city boundary, suggesting that the city area was not clearly circumscribed.The author concludes that the locational nature of events mentioned in the setsuwa literature can be considered to reflect the spatial structure of the metropolis of the Heian period. Further research should analyze factual records in diaries written by noblemen for comparative studies with literary materials.

著者

田子 由紀

出版者

The Human Geographical Society of Japan

雑誌

人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.46, no.4, pp.372-395, 1994-08-28 (Released:2009-04-28)

参考文献数

66

被引用文献数

5 1

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The structure of the female local labor market has been studied from the viewpoint of firms or plants as employers, but housewives' role inside their household has not been analyzed. Housewives' working status has not been discussed in detail, on the other hand, at the level of the content of their working activities, using a time-geog-raphical approach. The purpose of this paper is to establish a system composed both of a plant as an employer and of a housewives as employees, and then to understand the female local labor market by coupling dialectically the plant's working and housewives' activities within a time-geographical perspective. The study area-Aonohara district, Tsukui-machi, Kanagawa Prefecture-is situated in the Greater Tokyo fringe area, where a plastic manufacturing plant was newly located and employed female parttimers.It turns out that the plant's action on the inside- and outside-crisis which occured in the above-mentioned system is grouped into two categories: (1) emergency action and (2) radical reform. As a factor of reduction of product efficiency, immediately, the plant and the housewives cope with that crisis through a daily-rhythm. A crisis which cannot be solved through daily-rhythm, in turn, is solved by the monthly-rhythm schedule adjustment. In the case of a crisis which was not solved even by that adjustment, a radical reform has been required through yearly-rhythm. Further a relocation of the plant might be sometimes needed through life-rhythm.

著者

長谷川 孝治

出版者

The Human Geographical Society of Japan

雑誌

人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.45, no.2, pp.156-177, 1993-04-28 (Released:2009-04-28)

参考文献数

163

被引用文献数

2 2

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In Europe the study of the history of cartography has a long tradition that dates back to the Renaissance, but its establishment as an independent science had to await the works of L. Bagrow and others since the 1930s. During the ensuing fifty years, a great effort has been devoted to organizing an academic and social framework, including publishing general histories of cartography and facsimiles, and founding the academic society Imago Mundi. During the 1980s, paradigmatic changes occurred in the view and methodology of study in this field. These changes were initiated by P. D. A. Harvey's The History of Topographical Maps and particularly by Concepts in the History of Cartography by M. J. Blakemore and J. B. Harley, both works published in 1980.In this paper the contemporary Anglo-American trends in the study of the history of cartography after 1980 are summarized according to the categories of iconology, context, and social history.1. History of Cartography as IconologyVarious methods of interpreting messages conveyed by means of icons and pictures embedded in maps have been employed in the study of the history of cartography and historical geography. In recent studies of the history of cartography, the analysis of animals (W. George 1978), heraldry (R. V. Tooley 1983), portraits (G. Schilder 1985, P. Barber 1990) and other icons found in maps, as well as of the typology of cartographic symbols and legends (C. Delano Smith 1988), has continued.A synthetic method to consider the map as a whole, not to analyze each element on the map or its border separately, was proposed by Harley (1980 & 1983). He used E. Panofsky's iconology as a framework and suggested that a cartographic parallel existed.Attempts to interpret the whole work as a single icon, semantically or symbolically, have often been limited to the title-page of an atlas, rather than considering the maps themselves. Although Tooley (1975) had published a collection of title-pages of atlases, it was R. W. Shirley (1987 & 1988) who systematically organized all of them. Nevertheless these title-pages are categorized only by their format and content, and there is no in-depth interpretation of any individual map. For instance, the title-page of the Theatrum Orbis Terrarum by A. Ortelius, the first modern atlas, should be seen as a stronger spatial expression of the Darwinian paradigm than of the relation between those dominating and dominated.2. History of Cartography as ContextBeyond the iconographic interpretation, a contextual approach to consider the individual map in the context of the historical circumstances in which it was produced has been developed. The cultural context, or the relationship between the invention of maps in early modern Europe and the corresponding historical and cultural circumstances, especially those of art, has been discussed by R. Rees (1980), S. Y. Egerton (1987) and S. Alpers (1987). All of these credit the impact of the revival of the Ptolemaic grid system to art.In the political and social context, Harley (1983) applied his method to the meaning and function of the various scale maps under the Tudors and developed cartographic semantics. The county maps of Saxton, for example, were prepared with such things in mind as the bureaucracy, defence, local administration and decoration, and they have been interpreted as symbolizing the county community and serving a social function as the identity of the county and as an intellectual discovery of England. Harley (1988) later employed M. Foucault's concept of power-knowledge and episteme to interpret the relationship between the maps and the ideology in them. This work attempted to divide the empty space in maps, interpreted as silence, into intentional and unintentional silence, and to investigate in particular the role of political, religious and social ideology in the unintentional silence.

著者

石川 雄一

出版者

The Human Geographical Society of Japan

雑誌

人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.42, no.4, pp.355-369, 1990-08-28 (Released:2009-04-28)

参考文献数

39

被引用文献数

4

著者

小畠 邦江

出版者

The Human Geographical Society of Japan

雑誌

人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.53, no.3, pp.230-247, 2001-06-28 (Released:2009-04-28)

参考文献数

122

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By paying attention to the hitherto neglected "Map of Japanese Folk Crafts (Folding Screens)" ("Nihon Mingei Chizu Byobu"), the purpose of this paper is to consider the process of YANAGI Muneyoshi's discovery of the local handicrafts that resulted in making the Map on folding screens and writing the book "Handicrafts in Japan."The huge Folding Screen Map, which contains detailed information about 541 places of folk craft products, was completed and first exhibited in 1941. After being shown at the World Exhibition in Osaka in 1970, the Map has been on permanent exhibition at the Japan Folk Crafts Museum in Osaka. It was specially exhibited at the Japan Folk Crafts Museum in Tokyo in the jubilee years of 1989 (the first year of Heisei) and 2000. The Map is seen as the symbol of the Japanese Folk Craft Movement.For forty years, from his early twenties until five years before his death, YANAGI (1889-1961) traveled constantly throughout Japan, conducting research and collecting artistic items. "A Note on Folk Crafts in Prefectures in Japan" ("Nihon Shokoku Mingei Kenbetsu Oboegaki") has recently been found among the Yanagi materials at the Japan Folk Crafts Museum. It is argued that this comprises the basic data that were used in making the large Map. This Note is a valuable source that bridges YANAGI's original research and the resulting map and book. The Map also includes additional information supplied by YANAGI's friend JUGAKU Bunsho (1900-92), and SERIZAWA Keisuke (1895-1984), who painted the screens. A notable feature of SERIZAWA's map is that it is designed diagrammatically (like a railway map) so as to show the relative distance and position of the various places.With the development of mass production and extensive transportation networks, folk crafts were fast losing their idiosyncratic qualities. In response, the Folk Craft Movement searched for utility articles peculiar to individual localities that still survived. These local products were collected and exhibited in urban areas. The Folk Craft Movement made it a principle to avoid wordy explanations about the objects on display. Instead, maps were used as an effective way of supplying information. In folk craft exhibitions, the artisan's name is rarely supplied, and only the product place names are given. We can see here an emphasis on the importance of place with regard to Japanese folk crafts.Throughout the world during the first half of the last century, there was a tendency to extrapolate national characteristics from local arts, and YANAGI in Japan was no exception. In his "Map of Japanese Folk Crafts (Folding Screens)" and in "Handicrafts of Japan, " we can regard his gaze on various regions all over Japan as based on the geographical imagination.

著者

室賀 信夫

出版者

The Human Geographical Society of Japan

雑誌

人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.17, no.4, pp.426-432, 1965-08-28 (Released:2009-04-28)

著者

島津 俊之

出版者

The Human Geographical Society of Japan

雑誌

人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.45, no.4, pp.333-350, 1993-10-28 (Released:2009-04-28)

参考文献数

98

被引用文献数

3 2

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It is challenging for social geographers to scrutinize the role of space in social theory. The author examines the significance of space in the development of Durkheim's conception of social morphology.The origin of social morphology is found in Durkheim's earlier presentation of the system of sociology. Durkheim, influenced by organicist theory prevailing in the 19th century, elaborated the system of sociology by analogy with that of biology and recognized the presence of‘morphology’inquiring into the way in which society is composed, i.e. into‘structure.’In The Rules of Sociological Method (1895), social morphology was regarded as a branch concerned with the classification of‘social types’in terms of differences in structure. However, at that time, it was to‘function’of society, such as morality or the law, that Durkheim attached much importance as subject matter. In fact social morphology, in the Rules, was assigned to provide for sociological explanations the‘laboratories’(social types) furnished with the value of alleged independent variables, i.e.‘dynamic density’and‘social volume.’On the other hand, Durkheim made his own distinction between the‘base’and‘superstructure’ of society. In his view, the‘base’means social groups from which the‘superstructure’ i.e.‘function’originates, which are called the‘substratum.’In the Rules Durkheim regarded as the subject matter of sociology‘social facts, ’which were classified into two major categories: substratum (morphological facts) and social life (physiological facts). In this classification system the elements of space (dwellings and the network of communications) were incorporated into the concept of substratum for the first time. Durkheim thought that the substratum was social life consolidated while it was a visible vehicle through which invisible social life might be approached.The above significance of the substratum became a precondition for the renewal of social morphology as an explanatory analysis of the substratum. This renewal was completed probably in response to Friedrich Ratzel's conception of geography. In this stage Durkheim incorporated into the substratum various kinds of space connected with society, especially Ratzelian concepts of‘Raum’and‘Grenzen.’Thus it is considered that space is a visible‘social form, ’a visible manifestation of society. The task of social morphology was to explain from the category of‘collective representations’the shaping of the substratum as an amalgam of social groups and space.Durkheim, however, went in the direction of distinguishing analytically between social groups and space. He utilized Georg Simmel's‘form-content’-dichotomy for this distinction. Further, the category of social group was given the term‘population’while that of space was called‘social space.’In the end social morphology was conceived to include a double task of explaining the formation of population distribution and of social space.

著者

織田 武雄

出版者

The Human Geographical Society of Japan

雑誌

人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.5, no.5, pp.379-391, 1953-12-30 (Released:2009-04-28)

参考文献数

11

著者

矢部 直人

出版者

The Human Geographical Society of Japan

雑誌

人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.55, no.3, pp.277-292, 2003-06-28 (Released:2009-04-28)

参考文献数

67

被引用文献数

3 13

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It was not until the late 1990s That inner Tokyo started to regain population. This paper explores the extent of that shift and it is argued that population recovery in Minato Ward in inner Tokyo differs from the nature of 'gentrification' observed in Western countries.The 'bubble era' of the late 1980s resulted in rapid land price inflation, land speculation on inner city plots and involved a considerable area of land while displacing former residents. The idea that Tokyo was becoming a 'global city' supported land speculation for office and commercial demands. Inner Tokyo continued to lose population in the late 1980s as a consequence of competition with business and commercial land use. Tokyo Wards implemented various policies to prevent the further outflow of residents, which included rent subsidies to renters and the substitution of mortgage interests exceeding 2%. The Wards also leased rented housing to household renters, and issued guidelines to locate rental family-sized housing in newly-built office buildings.After the collapse of the 'bubble', however, office and commercial demands suddenly disappeared and land prices fell rapidly. The financial crisis induced firms to sell or utilize their land for housing. By the late 1990s, high rise apartments were built on such speculated land. GIS-based mapping analysis revealed that the construction of public and private housing mainly contributed to population recovery, followed by the opening of new subway stations.A questionnaire survey was conducted to examine who had moved into the newly-provided housing in the inner city. Data were collected on household type, occupation, former residential location and reasons for the move.The survey revealed that single female households and double income couples with no children predominated in the private housing sector. The main reason for the move was proximity to workplace. This reflects the fact that movers into the inner city mainly consist of households placing a higher priority on employment than on nurturing children. Couples with children would move into the inner city if they secured low cost (public) housing. Many constraints still prevent the inflow of households with children, such as high housing cost in both private rented housing and owner occupied housing, and limited nursery school capacity.The provision of public housing, which is a counter policy to the population decline, results in relatively low income households returning to the inner city. Subsequent private housing construction which was caused by the collapse of the 'bubble' attracts different types of households from a wider area. Population recovery in inner Tokyo differs from gentrification in the West in that it is not limited only to more affluent people relocating to the inner city.

著者

丸井 博

出版者

一般社団法人 人文地理学会

雑誌

人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.25, no.2, pp.240-253, 1973

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The writer has studied the development and the present conditions of the small hydroelectric plants along the Shiba River flowing south at the foot of Mt. Fuji. The results of this study are as follows.<br>1) There are 21 small hydroelectric plants along the Shiba River (Fig. 4), but their facilities are old and supply only a part of demand of electricity for the electric light and industrial power in this region. However, their cost of electricity production is low because the repayment of facilities has already ended. In addition, they are maintained as the urgent electricity in case of troubles of the long-distance transmission lines to this region from the hydroelectric or thermalelectric plants in other regions.<br>2) The first hydroelectric plant along the Shiba River was the Inogashira Hydroelectric Plant built in 1910. The completion of this plant was the one step to the modern hydroelectricity production in the Shizuoka Prefecture. The reason why the hydroelectric plant was built first along the Shiba River in the Shizuoka Prefecture was that there were a lot of sites for hydroelectricity production and the developing paper and pulp industry at the southern foot of Mt. Fuji demanded much electricity.<br>3) Four electric companies competed sharply for the production and supply of hydroelectricity along the Shiba River and the Fujisuiden Company held a dominant position. But, after all most hydroectric plants belonged to the Tokyo Electric Power Company which supplied electricity to Tokyo and amalagmated the Fujisuiden Company.<br>4) All the hydroelectric plants along the Shiba River whose capacities are from 250 KW to 4, 000 KW are conduit type. About 70 per cent of the 590-meter water head from the highest plant to the lowest one is used for genera-tion (Fig. 5).<br>5) The area of the Shiba River was early reclaimed as the agricultural land and at present the water rights for both irrigation and electric generation are much complicated (Fig. 8). The hydroelectric plants obtained the water rights for electric generation by paying various compensations, but the electricity production by a lot of plants decreased to a degree during the period of irrigation to the paddy fields from May to July, because irrigation rights take precedence. This kind of reduction of electricity production is far larger than the seasonal reduction (Fig. 6).

著者

岡部 泰廣

出版者

The Human Geographical Society of Japan

雑誌

人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.31, no.4, pp.378-387, 1979-08-28 (Released:2009-04-28)

参考文献数

30

被引用文献数

3 1

著者

中澤 高志

出版者

一般社団法人 人文地理学会

雑誌

人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.73, no.3, pp.328-334, 2021 (Released:2021-10-31)

参考文献数

53

被引用文献数

1

著者

中辻 享

出版者

人文地理学会

雑誌

人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.56, no.5, pp.449-469, 2004

被引用文献数

3 4

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Though subsistence-oriented slash-and-burn rice production is still the major land use in the hilly areas of Northern Laos, it is now increasingly problematic, especially in areas adjacent to main roads. Due principally to increased population pressure, the period of fallow has declined and labor requirements for weeding have dramatically increased. In addition, the Lao government considers shifting cultivation to be a major cause of deforestation and has recently initiated a series of policies to restrict it. The main policy now being implemented is the 'land allocation program' which aims to stabilize shifting cultivation and to promote permanent agriculture by allocating a limited area of agricultural land to each household.On the other hand, market-oriented agricultural activities of shifting cultivators, such as cash crop cultivation, collection of forest products, animal husbandry and teak plantation forestry, are now becoming increasingly important since the Lao government adopted a policy to revitalize the market from 1986. As a result, a cash income has become very important in rural and urban areas. Among these activities, cash crop cultivation is now widely adopted in some areas of Northern Laos, influencing local land use and livelihood. This is due in part to the policy of the Lao government; the government is now promoting intensive agriculture with cash crops as an alternative to slash-and-burn rice production.The present study aims to reveal the influence of the introduction of cash crop cultivation on land use in the hilly areas of Laos, with a focus on Number 10 Village, which is located 25km to the south of Luang Prabang, the largest town in Northern Laos. The main ethnic group is the Khmu. In this village, the upland fields planted with both upland rice and cash crops (Job's tears and paper mulberry) were mapped by means of GPS to describe today's land use. Interviews were also conducted with every household to investigate the household economy and land use history of each field.The conclusions are as follows.In Number 10 Village, the land allocation program was conducted in 1996 and afterwards intensive cultivation of cash crops was promoted by the local government and international organizations as an alternative to slash-and-burn rice production. Due in part to this policy, many households have started cultivating Job's tears and paper mulberry, but it has never been an alternative to slash-and-burn rice production. Job's tears is a cereal crop which is exported to Thailand and Taiwan, and is then processed into beer, sweets and health foods. Although cultivation is usually highly profitable, households cannot rely permanently on it due to large price fluctuations. Paper mulberry is a tree crop, the inner bark of which is exported mainly to Thailand and is processed into paper. It has a rather stable price and is easy to cultivate, but is rarely cultivated intensively because of its low profitability.On the other hand, upland rice cultivation is still the most important land use practice in the village, engaging 88% of households at the scale of 1.13 ha per household. Most households continue production without observing the rules established by the land allocation program. Today, they practice it under the rotation of shorter fallow and an increased cultivation period, which has caused a very significant increase in the labor requirements for weed control. If the rotation is intensified by limiting agricultural land, it cannot be continued. Therefore, many households still continue on land where cultivation is prohibited according to the rules established by the program.Most households combine subsistence-oriented rice production and market-oriented cash crop cultivation. This combination has important merit for them in that they can mitigate the risks associated with cash crop failure or a fall in the market price due to this subsistence production.

著者

山崎 謹哉

出版者

一般社団法人 人文地理学会

雑誌

人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.31, no.2, pp.137-149, 1979-04-28 (Released:2009-04-28)

参考文献数

80

著者

若松 司

出版者

The Human Geographical Society of Japan

雑誌

人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.56, no.2, pp.186-204, 2004-04-28 (Released:2009-04-28)

参考文献数

55

被引用文献数

1 1

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This paper is a case study of the Dowa districts in Shingu City, Wakayama Prefecture. It attempts to describe the processes by which residents and their organizations transformed their living space under the Dowa Assimilation Projects and focuses on the social relations among agencies related to these projects. An important theme in human geography is the understanding and analysis of the roles of agencies in spatial transformation. A case study of the Dowa districts will contribute to the exploration of this theme.The Buraku Liberation League (BLL) is a private agency whose purpose is to liberate the "burakumin", an outcaste group formed in the feudal Tokugawa Era. As part of its policy, the BLL constructed a theory that ascribed such discrimination to governmental administration and thus developed a methodology for governmental assistance for the improvement of their living spaces. With this methodology, the physical aspects of the Dowa districts have bgen dramatically improved.In 1955, the Shingu Branch of the BLL was organized. The Branch participated in the Dowa Projects, building connections with local communities and local governments. This paper describes the development of two Dowa Projects-the Local Improvement Project and the Model Districts Project in order to illustrate the relations of the BLL with local communities and local governments. In Shingu City, the Local Improvement Project was implemented before the BLL was organized. In 1953, public housing for the burakumin was constructed for the first time in Shingu City. This implies that Local Improvement Projects by the city government controlled the buraku liberation movement in the city.The Model Districts Project was carried out from 1961-62 and was severely criticised by the BLL headquarters at that time. However, the Shingu Branch accepted the implementation of the project but the stance of the branch was inconsistent. While the Shingu Branch had relations with the BLL headquarters concerning the movement, it maintained relations with members of the city assembly and the city government, and these latter relations were more effective in promoting the projects. However, the projects promoted the suburbanization of the Dowa districts and negatively influenced the buraku liberation movement. It was after 1975 that the Shingu Branch mobilized residents for the liberation movement and thereafter reduced this negative outcome.

著者

浮田 典良

出版者

一般社団法人 人文地理学会

雑誌

人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.22, no.4, pp.405-419, 1970-08-28 (Released:2009-04-28)

参考文献数

26

著者

鈴木 允

出版者

一般社団法人 人文地理学会

雑誌

人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.56, no.5, pp.470-490, 2004-10-28 (Released:2009-04-28)

参考文献数

93

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The main purpose of this article is to analyze the process of demographic urbanization during the Meiji and Taisho periods in the Tokai area, central Japan, using "Kokoh-Chosa", the population statistics which were available before modern censuses began. The study period covers the years 1885-1920. In those times, Japan experienced a rapid population increase and an important urbanization process never seen before. The reason for these changes is attributed to modernization, and many researchers have been interested in such vicissitudes.Although population changes in modern times have been considered to be as a result of a demographic transition, some historical demographers in Japan argue that this started around 1920. They insist that the beginnings of population increase trends were derived not from decreasing mortality but from upward fertility trends, so that the demographic transition occurred much later than the start of population growth trends. Moreover, in such processes there seemed to be some differences between cities and peripheral areas, and such regional differences are associated with urbanization processes.Geographers have attempted to portray the processes of urbanization in those times in terms of social and economic indices. However, only a few studies have focused on the processes of Japanese demographic urbanization since "Kokoh-Chosa" possesses some significant problems as discussed below. In this paper, the problems of "Kokoh-Chosa" will first be made clear, and then there will be an attempt to adjust the data. "Kokoh-Chosa" gives us demographic information over 50 years before modern censuses, and it includes much valuable data, such as the numbers of births and deaths in all cities and counties. Thus, by adjusting the data and then using it, discussions on the processes of demographic urbanization become very fruitful.The most serious problem of "Kokoh-Chosa" was that the population was overestimated, especially in city areas, and that this accumulated from year to year. This problem resulted from the population registration system of those days which was defective due to its complexity. While the population of "Kokoh-Chosa" was overestimated, this problem was recognized in those days and thus the excess population was sometimes removed. That kind of process was referred to as "Kiryu-Seiri". As a result, there were sometimes some sudden gaps in the population data series. The author solves the problem of Kiryu-seiri by calculating the excess population.Using the adjusted data, the author firstly analyzes the changes in crude birth rates and death rates in cities and counties. This has much to do with the discussion about demographic transition processes. Secondly, urbanization processes are analyzed by means of several maps showing the population change every five years. In particular, the author separates total population growth into its natural and social components, and discusses the geographical differences in population dynamics.The results of the discussions are summarized as follows.Population increases, which may cause demographic urbanization, were due to high fertility, mainly in county areas. On the other hand, there are few changes in mortality trends in the study period with a few exceptions such as the mortality crisis in 1918. Birth rates were higher than death rates at almost all times in all regions, but natural increase rates in cities were lower than those in county areas. Thus, we can say that demographic urbanization was due to many migrants from counties to cities.In the late 19th century, demographic urbanization had already appeared, but the net-migrants were mainly seen in the cities and their neighbors, while there were very few net-migrants in peripheral counties. Since the 20th century