著者

Bedford Yukiko N.

出版者

人文地理学会

雑誌

人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.32, no.6, pp.504-517, 1980

著者

西山 志保

出版者

人文地理学会

雑誌

人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.49, no.1, pp.64-75, 1997

被引用文献数

1

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This paper attempts to review the theoretical framework of the urban restructuring process proposed by M. Castells and D. Harvey, and to examine the effectiveness of their western theories through field survey of restructuring urban space and local communities in Tokyo.M. Castells and D. Harvey have explained the restructuring process of urban spaces focusing on the mechanism of capital accumulation, but their analytical concepts are different. Castells uses the concept of the Dual City. This concept means that residential segregation and segmentation of spaces do exist among classes according to whether they heve access to a high level of education and culture or not. Harvey uses the concept of Flexible Accumulation, which means almost all new societal systems have the aim of capital accumulation. Castells puts stress on a change of the social structure in the global cities, while on the other hand Harvey examines the urban space, focusing on the relationship between global cities and local communities.For research purposes, I picked two case study areas in downtown Tokyo. One is Misaki-cho where many residents own their own land and buildings, and the other is Kanda-Tsukasa-cho where almost all residents live on leased land. These two local communities are located near the heart of Tokyo, and they contain many small scale businesses. But the pattern of landownership and community history are completely different.The conclusions are as follows:1) The residential space in Tokyo has became more segregated and segmented by the occupation and income of the residents. So the concept of the Dual City is applicable to Tokyo to some extent. Also rapid increase of offices and big changes of land use in Tokyo have been a part of the urban process of Flexible Accumulation at the global level.During the 1980's, Tokyo was affected by the global changes in more or less the same way as New York and London.2) At the local community level, landowners in Misaki-cho rebuilt their own buildings before the bubble economy, so they could cope with the structural economic changes during the 1980's individually. On the contrary, in Kanda-Tsukasa-cho, rapid increase of land prices did force changes in the residential land use to offices. So, we may conclude that the global changes did not directly affect local changes, but the history, socio-economic characteristics and social relationship of the local communities was an influence upon the restructuring and transformation process of urban space.In the next stage of my research, I will try to make it clear how the local community responds to the huge global economic pressure and resists capital accumulation. This is none other than building a new theoretical framework to bridge the macro-global changes and micro-local changes of urban spaces.

著者

藤岡 謙二郎

出版者

一般社団法人 人文地理学会

雑誌

人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.1, no.1, pp.41-47, 1948-06-01 (Released:2009-04-28)

著者

田中 智彦

出版者

一般社団法人 人文地理学会

雑誌

人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.39, no.6, pp.552-565, 1987-12-28 (Released:2009-04-28)

参考文献数

49

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The Saikoku Thirty-three Kannons Pilgrimage is a folk-religious phenomenon and it attracted a number of pilgrims from most parts of the country during early modern times. Therefore it is very significant to study this pilgrimage from the view point of history of religions, cultural history, folklore, and especially historical-geography. Geographically, the Saikoku Pilgrimage, which consists of thirty-three sacred places called Fudasho, is united with a larger and organized sacred place as a whole called“The Saikoku Pilgrimage Place”.This study aims at reconstructing the two ordinary kinds of pilgrim routes from the 19th Fudasho, Ko Do Temple in Kyoto, to the 22nd Fudasho Soji Ji Temple in Ibaraki. One is the original and authorized rout between these Fudashos, and the other is the expanded and extraordinary route or Climbing Route over Atago Mountain. We compare them through the Tokoku pilgrims' records.As research materials we used the guide stones on the routes, the pilgrim's guidebooks, the illustrated pilgrim's maps, and the various records of pilgrims.As a results of this investigation we can conclude that the original pilgrim route from Yotsu Zuka in Kyoto to the 20th Fudasho, Yoshimine Dera Temple, is a relatively flat course. But the following section from Yoshimine Dera Temple to the 21st Fudasho, Ano Dera Temple in Kameyama takes a more steep course over the border mountains between Yamashiro and Tamba provinces and the next route from Ano Dera Temple to Soji Ji Temple is oals a steep course a cross the border mountains between Tamba and Settsu provinces.On the other hand, the Climbing Route over Atago Mountain begins from Seiryo Ji Temple, Kyoto, takes the same path through which people used monthly to visit the Atago Shrine on the top of Mount Atago, and then goes down towards Kameyama to arrive at Ano Dera Temple. The following section from Ano Dera Temple to Yoshimine Dera Temple is a reverse course of the original route. The route from Yoshimine Dera Temple to Soji Ji Temple follows the flat and comfortable Saikoku Highway, one of the main roads in that era in Japan.One pilgrim guidebook especially pointed out the lack of inns and resting houses on the original of the two routes, from Ano Dera Temple to Soji Ji Temple. But the Climbing Route over Atago Mountain has no such deficiency, but rather has many advantages along it through the path for the Atago Shrine and Saikoku Highway, which are different from the original route.By taking the Climbing Route over Atago Mountain, pilgrims could visit well-known and famous shrines or temples, for example, Komyo Ji Temple, Iwashimizu Hachimangu Shrine, Kannon Ji Temple, Hoshaku Ji Temple and so on.Moreover most of the guide stones confirmed by the author's observation point one way to Yoshimine Dera Temple, though some guide stones point two or more ways.These above mentioned facts seem to give a preference to the Climbing Route over Atago Mountain. According to their records, so many pilgrims from Tokoku in fact would go past the Climbing Route over Atago Mountain. Perhaps this route has been used since the Genroku Era.

著者

西田 博嘉

出版者

一般社団法人 人文地理学会

雑誌

人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.23, no.6, pp.658-669, 1971-12-28 (Released:2009-04-28)

参考文献数

15

著者

北島 修

出版者

人文地理学会

雑誌

人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.37, no.2, pp.167-182, 1985

被引用文献数

1 1

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The aim of this paper is to examine transport service as one of the transport conditions which are factors in the choice of means of transport and of traffic flows, from a geographical point of view.By dealing with a coefficent of the transport service of air lines and an accessibility of airports, the author clarifies regional differences in transport service and their changes from 1970 to 1982 in Japan's domestic air transport.Flight time, fare, and the number of flights are used as indices of transport service.The conclusions derived from this study are as follows:As for transport service of lines, the gap between main lines and local lines is as great as before with a few exceptions such as the Osaka-Kochi line and the Osaka-Tokushima line. Expressed regionally, it is clear that the level of transport service is high in western Japan, and low in eastern Japan.As for changes of transport service from 1970 to 1982, the lines with a high growth rate of transport service are also concentrated in western Japan.Tokyo and Osaka are the most important airports in domestic air transport. But a striking contrast can be found between the lines from Osaka and those from Tokyo. That is to say, the growth rate of"Beam lines"from Tokyo is mostly high, while that from Osaka is low or negative.Of these three indices of transport service, an increase and decrease in the number of flights is the most important factor affecting the growth rate of the transport-service coefficient. The shortening of flight time by jet planes is as secondary factor. Although great utility of the shortening of flight time can be seen in the lines where jet planes started flying between 1970 and 1982, flight time has not shortened on other lines. It can be said that shortening of flight time by jet planes has reached its limit.As for accessibility of airports, in spite of progress in expanding infrastructure at local airports, there is an evident gap between local airports and main airports such as Tokyo, Osaka, Sapporo, and Fukuoka. Expressed regionally, accessibility of airports in western Japan is mainly higher than accessibility of airports in eastern Japan.But a different regionality appears in the change of accessibility. Although the growth rate of the main airports remains low, the airports in eastern Japan and in the districts facing the Japan Sea, such as Asahikawa, Memanbetsu, Kushiro, Komatsu, Toyama, and Aomori, show a high growth rate.By opening new lines and by increasing the number of flights, many of these airports with a high growth rate of accessibility are strengthening linkages with the principal airports on both the main and local lines.Shortening of flight time by jet planes is not necessarily an important factor in terms of the growth rate of accessibility.

著者

荒井 良雄

出版者

人文地理学会

雑誌

人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.57, no.1, pp.47-67, 2005

被引用文献数

7 4

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Since the middle of the 1990s, the rapid diffusion of the Internet into society has driven various social transformations. A number of geographical studies with diverse approaches on the impacts of information technologies (IT), including the Internet, have been carried out in Western countries, although Japanese geographers have produced few studies. This paper provides an overview of research trends in this field among Western geographers in the latter part of the 1990s and early 2000s. A framework proposed by Dodge and Kitchin is employed. In this framework, geographical aspects of IT are broadly divided into two categories: the impacts of IT on real economies and societies (called 'geographies of information society') and the geographical characteristics of virtual space emerging in computers and information networks (called 'geographies of cyberspace'). Using this framework, studies analyzing the geographies of information society are reviewed first, and then studies discussing geographies of cyberspace are considered. Finally, a research strategy for Japanese geographers in this field is proposed.While almost all studies on the impacts of IT on real economies and societies discuss the technical possibilities or the economic benefits of IT usage up to the first half of the 1990s, geographers increasingly have paid attention to the social and political consequences of the penetration of IT. A clear trend from a techno-economic view to a socio-political view is observed. Within this trend, eight issues are discussed: 1) industrial location in the IT age, 2) new urban IT-industrial clusters, 3) growth strategies of peripheral areas using IT, 4) emergence of e-commerce, 5) IT and the city, 6) the digital divide, 7) electronic surveillance, 8) political impacts of the Internet.The first studies by geographers on the characteristics of virtual space emerged around 1997. Several new analytical concepts, e. g. Adams' 'virtual place' and Batty's 'virtual geography', were proposed. Many cultural geographers became interested in the socio-cultural aspects of the virtual world as argued by Kitchin, who first proposed the concept of 'geographies of cyberspace'. A research approach of 'spatial analysis of cyberspace', by which the virtual locations and spatial structure of cyberspace are analyzed applying traditional methods of spatial analysis, was also proposed. The spatial characteristics of various media of cyberspace, e. g. e-mail, chat rooms and multiple user domains (MUDs), were analyzed and methods for mapping cyberspace were developed under this approach.From the review of studies in this field, two major trends are identified. One is the growing attention to the social, political and cultural aspects of IT's impacts in either the real or virtual worlds. Another trend is the wide acceptance of the concepts of 'cyberspace' or 'virtual space' by geographers. This acceptance may reflect the rapid penetration of these concepts into both general and academic society.Two current research areas are identified to activate Japanese geographers' work in this field. First, close examination of new, advanced IT usage in Japan, e. g., e-commerce and mobile phones, is required. These studies will open the possibility for a new model of information society suitable to Japan as well as other Asian countries. Second, the introduction of the socio-cultural approach accepted among Western geographers is effective. The positive participation of social geographers and cultural geographers is expected.

著者

中林 保

出版者

一般社団法人 人文地理学会

雑誌

人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.23, no.1, pp.91-103, 1971-02-28 (Released:2009-04-28)

参考文献数

57

著者

中林 保

出版者

一般社団法人 人文地理学会

雑誌

人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.24, no.2, pp.221-236, 1972-04-28 (Released:2009-04-28)

参考文献数

59

著者

上杉 和央

出版者

The Human Geographical Society of Japan

雑誌

人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.55, no.6, pp.532-553, 2003-12-28 (Released:2009-04-28)

参考文献数

104

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The circulation of knowledge is made through the complex interrelationship between invention and reception in various contexts. In the study of geographical knowledge in the Edo era in Japan, however, while there has been a great deal of research into its creation, we are unable to sufficiently understand the process of receiving and developing geographical knowledge.The focus of this paper is on Norinaga Motoori (1730-1801), who was one of the most famous scholars of ancient Japanese thought and culture in the Edo era, and an analysis is given of how he received and developed his geographical knowledge in his youth.First, it is necessary to understand the context of his reception of geographical information in his youth. Two important factors are indicated in the second section: the economic and cultural context of Matsusaka where he lived, and the environment of his primary education.The geographical materials provided by Norinaga in his youth are surveyed in the third section. Norinaga left eight books about geography, and six of these are clearly dated. It has been already noticed that other published books of his time have been influenced by the style and content of these, except for "Dainihon-tenka-shikai-gazu", which will be explored later. We will also discover how books about Kyoto were important for Norinaga.He wrote a great many documents besides geographical ones. According to all of them, he broadened his interests from the writings of Ekiken Kaibara (who was one of the most popular scholars at that time), Buddhism, pedigree of the Imperial Court, to Japanese poetry and tales. It is not difficult to imply that these interests shaped and were shaped by Norinaga's georaphical interests. We can confirm these relationships based on the dating of these materials.In the fourth sedtion, I discuss the experiences from his trips. He traveled six times before he was 23 years old, and, among these, the trips to Kyoto and Edo were very important experiences for him when he was 16 years old. He began to write papers and draw maps about Kyoto just after the trip to Kyoto, which was the first full-scale trip for him. Although it was only one month between his return from Kyoto and the departure for Edo, he also sketched the topography of his hometown, "Matusaka-syoran", during that month. he was able to do this because of his experience of other places outside of Matsusaka. On the other hand, after he returned from Edo one year later, he wrote nothing about Edo. Instead, he started to create a map of japan, "Dainihon-tenka-shikai-gazu".Upon closer scrutiny in the fifth section, it becomes clear that "Dainihon-tenka-shikai-gazu" was also made under the influence of various published maps about Japan, especially the most popular map, "Ryusenzu". We can understand that he knew, the 'shape' of Japan with a high degree of accuracy and that he wanted to draw the right map of Japan by combining various maps. This is in contrast to places outsede of Japan, such as Gando and Rasetshukoku, which were rendered inaccurately. We can understand that Norinaga was interested in Japan itself.There are over 3000 place-names in the map, and much of this information was taken out of a road map published in 1744. We can also find that some place-names were cited from other maps or books, such as names around Kyoto, Ise, and Mt. Fuji. In addition, he had experiences of going to these places. Some information, suh as distances, is emphasized in it, while other information regarding places of scenic or cultural interest is absent. This shows clearly that his travel experiences also influenced his cartographic work. He seems to have made this map with the intention of providing practical and logistical information. These motives reveal the other name of the map, "Dainihon-ooezu-koteiki".

著者

寺床 幸雄

出版者

一般社団法人 人文地理学会

雑誌

人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.68, no.4, pp.443-461, 2016 (Released:2018-01-31)

参考文献数

103

被引用文献数

2 2

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本稿では,農業・農村研究との関わりにおいて社会関係資本の概念について再検討し,農村地理学の研究においてその概念に注目する意義と今後の研究の方向性を展望することを目的とする。さらに,英語圏での農村地理学,農村社会学で展開されるネオ内発的発展論の問題意識をふまえ,農村における農業の社会的側面を議論することが日本の農村,農業の持続可能性を考える際に重要であることを指摘する。社会関係資本の議論は1980年代以降に活発化し,パットナムの論考によって1990年代以降広く社会科学全体で行われるようになった。地理学分野でも,パットナムへの批判の後に議論が活発化し,その空間性や地域における影響をめぐって検討が進められた。さらに,地理学において関係論的視点が重視されるようになったことで,経済地理学を中心に社会関係への注目が高まり,社会的ネットワークとともに社会関係資本の重要性が指摘されるようになった。日本の農業・農村地理学においても社会関係資本に対する注目が高まっているが,それらは主に旧来の共同体的な結束型社会関係資本を中心に議論を進めている。橋渡し型社会関係資本との相互作用や,旧来の社会関係からの変化との関わりに注目する必要がある。さらに,社会関係資本に関する研究は量的研究が主流となっているが,構造的社会関係資本だけでなく,相互の信頼関係や共有される規範意識といった認知的社会関係資本についても注目して,質的研究を深化させることが重要である。

著者

中西 僚太郎

出版者

The Human Geographical Society of Japan

雑誌

人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.42, no.4, pp.317-341, 1990-08-28 (Released:2009-04-28)

参考文献数

49

被引用文献数

1 1

---

The typical small-scale farm management in Japan originated from the introduction of an intensive agricultural system in the 17th century by Kenchi. This system, however, was corrupted in the 19th century, and landlords with large arable estates and servants appeared. Although these landlords cultivated parts of their land at first, they gradually turned most cultivation over to the hands of sharecroppers in the 20th century.Many studies have been made about landlords in geography and other fields, because the landlords constituted an important class in Japanese agricultural society before World War II. These studies, however, mainly focused on large landlords who owned more than 10ha. Few studies have investigated smaller landlords who were also cultivators even in the 20th century. The class of these small landlords, which included many agricultural leaders called tokunou, played a very important part in Japanese agriculture and agricultral society from 1900 to 1960.This paper aims to identify the characteristics of farm management of the small landlord through farm size and labor organization from the late Meiji Era (1910) to the early Showa Era (the 1930s). The case farmer of this study is the Nakajima family in Awano in Yachiyo village, Ibaraki Prefecture.Nakajima was a large farmer who cultivated 2.8ha of land and rented a small land in the late Meiji Era (1910). After the middle Taisho Era (1920s), the land cultivated by the Nakajima family decreased to 1.5ha in 1929. Although it increased to 2ha in1935, it decreased again to 1.4ha during World War II.The change of land cultivated by Nakajima family was closely related to agricultural labor composition. In the late Meiji Era, the second daughter of Nakajima, who was older than the first son, married and her husband was received into the family. As a result, the Nakajima family formed a composite family with Nakajima, his first son, his second daughter and their spouses and children. They cultivated 2.8ha of land exclusively by family labor. However, the family became smaller in 1916, when the family of the second daughter moved out and started a branch family and their parent died. As the number of family workers decreased, the Nakajima family employed some servants in order to cultivate a large area. However, the rise of wages forced them to decrease the area of cultivated land during the 1920s. The land abandoned by the Nakajima family was rented to branch families, and Nakajima became the landlord of branch families. In the early Showa Era (the 1930s) family workers of the Nakajima family increased in number, because children had grown up. As a result, the Nakajima family could enlarge the cultivated land to some extent for such prosects as sericulture. However, the area of cultivated land of the Nakajima family did not reach the level of that in the Meiji Era because of the labor shortage. The family did not grow as before and laborers were difficult to hire from branch families.

著者

本岡 拓哉

出版者

The Human Geographical Society of Japan

雑誌

人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.56, no.6, pp.633-648, 2004-12-28 (Released:2009-04-28)

参考文献数

47

被引用文献数

1 1

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The Hanshin-Awaji Great Earthquake (17 January 1995) caused a lot of damage to Kobe's housing stock (mainly wooden rental houses, for example, wooden apartments and row houses), especially in the inner city area. Against the background of providing a safety net for many people who lost their homes, Kobe City and Hyogo Prefecture provided about 26, 000 recovery public housing units. In this paper, the author aims to clarify the locational process and the background of the Hanshin-Awaji Great Earthquake Recovery Public Housing (HAERPH) project provided in Kobe City. In particular, the author focuses on how Kobe City and Hyogo Prefecture were able to supply HAERPH in the built-up area according to the needs of the victims.There are three methods of supplying HAERPH. The first is direct supply by local government, in this case Kobe City and Hyogo Prefecture. The second is based on local government supplying public housing which is leased from the Urban Development Corporation (UDC). The last method is that local government supplies public housing which is leased from the private sector and which is made possible by the Public Housing Act revision of 1996. This paper shows that each method succeeded in supplying HAERPH in the built-up areas in different ways.Direct supply by the local government, particularly in Kobe City, was applied by using existing techniques of site acquisition of new construction areas, of rebuilding public housing, and of coordinating housing supply together with the urban redevelopment project.The UDC launched its own project team for site acquisition for housing, and coordinated it with Kobe City and the Kobe City housing supply corporations. They were able to provide some housing in the inner city. Kobe City and Hyogo Prefecture leased some of these houses from the UDC.All private houses leased by Kobe City are located in the built-up area. This is because Kobe City had set particular leasing standards towards private owners. These particular standards state that those private houses should be located near a train station in the built-up areas, especially in the west central area.

著者

伊藤 唯真

出版者

一般社団法人 人文地理学会

雑誌

人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.12, no.5, pp.435-439, 1960-10-30 (Released:2009-04-28)

著者

内田 秀雄

出版者

The Human Geographical Society of Japan

雑誌

人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.10, no.5-6, pp.330-344,444, 1959-01-31 (Released:2009-04-30)

参考文献数

27

被引用文献数

1 1

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As religion is so deeply rooted in the nature of man, people of a faith usually share a common consciousness. Thus religion may be viewed as a cultural pattern. Our attempt here is to map the distribution of the ‘Shinshu’ Sect, the Buddhist sect which has the largest number of adherents in this country and is, in its doctrine, somewhat like the Protestantism in Christianity. Churches of the sect will be used as an index to draw the map.The ‘Shinshu’ sect is, we shall find, a very widely distributed sect, but it finds its followers mainly in such districts as Kinki, Tokai, Hokuriku, Tohoku (especially those provinces of the district neighboring Hokuriku), and the western provinces of Chugoku. In these districts with fertile plains and an advanced civilization, the sect has found most of its adherents among rice-field cultivators. Because of their elements of magic and mysticism, older Buddhist sects such as the ‘Shingon’ sect are mostly distributed among remote mountainous regions. The ‘Shinshu’ sect, on the other hand, has prospered in the plains and other places where people live and work, for from the beginning it asserted ordinary people and their living as such.Many of the villages where its adherents are concentrated were once visited by Shinran, the founder of the sect. They are also notable snow regions of this country. This suggests that there is some connection among those facts. It is also interesting to note that the ‘Shinshu’ sect has prospered rather poorly at Inada region in the Kanto district, the birthplace of the sect, just as Christianity is not widely accepted in Palestine regions.

著者

小島 千佳

出版者

一般社団法人 人文地理学会

雑誌

人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.75, no.2, pp.119-141, 2023 (Released:2023-08-22)

参考文献数

60

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本稿は,文学作品の分析を通じて,ジェントリフィケーションにおける立ち退きをめぐる問題について,定性的な考察を試みるものである。英語圏のジェントリフィケーション研究では,聞き取り調査に依拠する定性的研究により,居住者の場所喪失という犠牲の経験が論じられつつある。本稿では,文学作品の表象分析を通じて,立ち退きに伴う登場人物の場所喪失を関係論的な場所論の視座から検討した。具体的にはジェントリフィケーションを描いた,ヤン・ブラントによる小説『街の中のとある住まい』を研究対象とし,主人公をはじめとした登場人物の場所喪失の描かれ方を分析した。その結果,主人公の場所喪失は一時的なものではなく,長期にわたる精神的苦痛を伴う過程として描かれていたことが明らかとなった。他方で,旧東ベルリン居住者やトルコ系住民の場所喪失との関係において,主人公は他者の場所喪失による痛みに無自覚であるばかりか,それをロマンチックな経験へと読み替える加害者としても描かれていた。本小説は,ジェントリフィケーションにより住まいが奪われる痛みを私小説形式で伝えるとともに,個人の経験に含まれる犠牲と加害との両義性を示している。しかし,本小説における主人公と他者の痛みの描写のように,場所喪失の経験を序列化する物語は,現実に起きているジェントリフィケーションに対する想像力を方向付け,立ち退かされる人々のあいだに分断をもたらし得るという問題を内包している。

著者

杉江 あい

出版者

一般社団法人 人文地理学会

雑誌

人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.69, no.2, pp.191-211, 2017 (Released:2017-07-07)

参考文献数

45

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バングラデシュの村落社会は宗教やカーストの違いに基づく多様な社会集団から構成されているにも関わらず,先行研究は被差別集団を含まないムスリムのみを主要な研究対象としてきた。また,従来の開発研究は,コミュニティを一枚岩に捉え,そこでの合意形成を無批判に民主的であるとする見方を批判してきたが,現在バングラデシュで展開されている農村開発事業では均質的なコミュニティが想定されている。本稿は,ムスリムの被差別集団が居住する地域におけるコミュニティの実態を,最も下位のインフォーマルな合意形成の単位であるショマージに着目して明らかにすることを通じて,バングラデシュ農村のコミュニティのありようを再考する。本稿が検討した事例において,ショマージは特定の村や集落を基盤として形成されていたが,ショマージのメンバーシップの条件設定とその承認はカースト的制度による不平等な権力関係に基づいてなされていた。経済,教育水準が一様に低く,政治的に従属的な被差別集団は,同じ村に居住するムスリムから成るショマージやその共同的な活動から排除されていた。そうした被差別集団から成るショマージは,紛争解決や宗教施設の建設・運営をする上で近隣住民に頼らざるを得ない状況にあった。カースト的制度に基づく不平等な権力関係はバングラデシュ農村のコミュニティを特徴づけており,そこでの合意形成は必ずしも民主的なものであるとは言えない。

著者

根田 克彦

出版者

一般社団法人 人文地理学会

雑誌

人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.60, no.3, pp.217-237, 2008 (Released:2018-01-06)

参考文献数

85

被引用文献数

2 2

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In England, the 1980s were a period in which the central government adopted a stance favorable to retail developments. Many out-of-center large scale retail developments opened and they have caused or accelerated the decline of existing centers. In Sheffield City, the Meadowhall regional shopping center opened in 1990. It is by far the largest individual scheme in the revitalization of the Lower Don Valley in Sheffield’s old industrial heartland. Some papers claim that Sheffield’s central shopping area declined drastically within a few years after the Meadowhall center opened. But those papers ignored the effect of the Meadowhall center on district shopping centers in Sheffield. This study presents the trend in development of regional shopping centers in England and examines the changes of the central area and district shopping centers in Sheffield after the Meadowhall regional shopping center opened.In Japan, through the deregulation of the Large Retail Store Law since 1990, many large-scale stores were developed in greenfields or the countryside. By contrast, in England, regional shopping centers focused on urban areas for regeneration of the deprived inner city in the 1980s. Therefore, many proposals for large-scale retail development in greenfields were rejected in the UK.Sheffield’s Unitary Development Plan, which was approved in 1998, establishes a three-fold classification of centers and presents retail parks and the regional shopping center (Meadowhall shopping center) in its proposals map. Retail parks and the Meadowhall shopping center are not maintained and enhanced by the local planning authority in accordance with the Planning Policy Guidance of the central government. Therefore, the retail development in retail parks is limited to retail warehouses and the large-scale expansion of the Meadowhall shopping center was not allowed. That is why they are likely to result in serious harm to the vitality and viability of the central shopping area and district shopping centers.Meadowhall shopping center attracts shoppers from a much wider catchment area than did the central shopping area. Though the central shopping area and the Meadowhall shopping center are situated as regional shopping centers in UDP, the central shopping area may be the focus of the inner city. Retail warehouses located at the fringe of the central shopping area and the number of stores selling fashion goods have decreased rapidly in the central shopping area since the Meadowhall center opened. Many multiple retailers moved from the central shopping area to Meadowhall center. Now the Sheffield City Council has a plan for redevelopment to enhance the status of the central shopping area as a regional shopping center.The district shopping centers provide high levels of accessibility to a broad range of services and facilities for all the community as well as shopping facilities for local residents. Food retail development is promoted within district shopping centers. There are some district shopping centers in which superstores or retail parks have been developed. District shopping centers without large-scale stores are very small scale and have higher vacancy rates.In Japan, the City Planning Act establishes two types of commercial zones, Commercial Zones and Neighborhood Commercial Zones. But there are some cities that have established some Commercial Zones outside of the central area, and any type of large-scale store can be located in Neighborhood Commercial Zones. And there are many zones in which large-scale stores under 10,000 square meters of floor space can be built outside of Commercial Zones. Therefore, the City Planning Act does not assume the hierarchy of retail areas with the Commercial Zone in the central area at the top. The Large-scale Retail Store Location Act aims to harmonize large-scale retail stores with the local community.(View PDF for the rest of the abstract.)

著者

原口 剛

出版者

一般社団法人 人文地理学会

雑誌

人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.63, no.4, pp.324-343, 2011 (Released:2018-01-23)

参考文献数

87

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In recent years, the field of study called labor geography is growing within European and American geography. However, in Japan there have been very few studies examining urban labor markets from this viewpoint. This paper aims to show how day laborers’ movements in Kamagasaki differentiated their spaces between the 1960s and the 1970s. To achieve this aim, this paper examines the processes of scaling place from two viewpoints: institutional differentiation, and appropriation of space.Concerning the process of institutional differentiation, riots played the definitive role. The riots of the earlier period, the 1960s, were completely spontaneous collective occurrences, but had the clear objective of protesting against the police. On the other hand, the riots of the later period, the 1970s, were closely related to the labor movements. First of all, the Nishinari branch of the All Japan Harbor Workers’ Union, organized since 1969, actively utilized the riots in their rhetoric for advancing negotiations with the Osaka prefectural administration. Second, the outbreak of the second term riots brought about a situation which gave the union an advantage in the negotiations. The labor movement pressured Kamagasaki into obtaining a social security system specific to the area through such negotiations.In the appropriation of space, the Kamagasaki Joint Struggle Meeting formed in the early 1970s was main impetus. The meeting appropriated the three following important spaces in the Kamagasaki area by developing direct actions: First, by defeating the S Construction Company, it created a situation which gave laborers predominance over brokers in the labor market. Second, the meeting succeeded in appropriating Triangle Park by holding a summer festival. Third, after labor struggles broke down in 1973, the meeting developed a movement centered on the occupation of public spaces in the winter season. Such processes made safety nets for day laborers customary in Kamagasaki.This paper demonstrates the differentiation of the space by a labor movement as described above. This paper also suggests the possibility of describing urban geography as a dynamic process accompanied by conflicts.

著者

片上 広子

出版者

The Human Geographical Society of Japan

雑誌

人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.45, no.6, pp.603-617, 1993-12-28 (Released:2009-04-28)

参考文献数

70

被引用文献数

2 2