著者
シュミット・クラウディア・カロリネ
出版者
桃山学院大学
雑誌
国際文化論集 (ISSN:09170219)
巻号頁・発行日
no.47, pp.259-295, 2013-03-28

Samurai is an important genre in Japanese entertainment media, such as books, television, and even manga. It has been a genre especially for male target groups for a long time, but during the last decade, there has been a tendency for samurai manga to focus on female target groups. In my research, I focus on the difference between the image of samurai in manga for male and female target groups, and afterwards I describe the possible social reasons for those differences. For the analysis I chose Okita Soji from Watanabe Taeko's Manga "Kaze hikaru" as an example for a samurai described for a female target group, and for a male target group, I chose Miyamoto Musashi from Inoue Takehiko's "Vagabond" as a representative samurai. I mainly follow Yomota Inuhiko's method as presented in his work "Manga genron", adding a focus on the keywords social life, love and life as swordfighter, especially analysing problems and solutions concerning these themes. Through the analysis I found some interesting answers. While the image of Okita in "Kaze hikaru" obviously is adapted to classical genres for female readers (the keywords love and social life are the main points and the story itself is similar to high-school campus stories), Miyamoto's description focuses on his work of building a strong self, especially by countless action scenes. The two represent a different ideal of masculinity, on the one side showing an Okita who is influenced by the typical effeminate male aesthetics of Japanese male pop idols-an image mainly created by aiming towards female fans. And on the other side there is a Miyamoto representing aclassical warrior image, which can be interpreted as a counter flow to the new male aesthetics. Yet, Miyamoto's warrior journeys and his life far from civilization can also be seen as criticism of young men's reaction to the growing demands of their working lives, but also in their daily lives as some kind of escapism from their daily lives. In contrast to Miyamoto, Okita shows an exaggerated image of loyalty, especially to his troops' leaders and his protegee, a girl dressed up as boy who joines his samurai troop. Especially his relationship to his protegee shows the uncertainty of young women concerning gender constructs and shows the desire of women to take part in social life or even to create history. In summary, it is obvious that the image of the samurai is fit to the gender of the target groups and it seems as if it gives the reader an entertaining possibility to compensate for the limits of everyday live.
著者
野尻 亘
出版者
桃山学院大学
雑誌
国際文化論集 (ISSN:09170219)
巻号頁・発行日
no.47, pp.75-92, 2013-03-28

American geography of the 19th century suffered a major backlash due to the influence of environmental determinism. However, with the dawn of the 20th century, area studies became a major field. Yet even when much regional elements were broken down into detail and presented in terms of distribution, the difficulty remained of categorizing areas into objective, uniform regions. To address this difficulty, a variety of methodologies were developed regarding the concept of region. Sauer's "Morphology of Landscape" (1925) marked the beginning of this movement, followed by the concept of sequent occupance, defined by Whittlesey (1929). This concept addressed the succession and transition of the cultural landscape over the course of developments such as the hunter-gatherer society of indigenous peoples ; the immigration of farmers ; the formation of villages ; industrialization; and urbanization. In contrast, Hartshorne (1939) was influenced by Hettner (1927) in Germany, proposing the concept of areal differentiation, which in turn had a dramatic impact on the field of geography in the United States in the 1940s and 50s. This topographical methodology cited differences in distribution of various aspects of the earth's surface including weather patterns, geomorphology, soil, resources, etc., and also explained the spatial relationship between them. The issue here was that interpretations were made based on differences in specified phenomena between places. In other words, regions were conveniently interpreted in a way that suited the specific index that was chosen. This meant rejection of the kind of geography that emphasizes the morphological aspect of the cultural landscape. Further, it was concluded that it was not necessary to limit research topics to visible landscapes ; the new way of thinking emphasized the importance of choosing an event that would facilitate significant change arising from differences in location, or an event that had the potential to facilitate a change in other phenomena. However, while this type of methodology tends to emphasize the diversity of different regions, it also tends to close the door to generalization. James (1952, 1954) asserted the need to pay attention to areal likeness, an approach that enables comparison between regions. In addition, Whittlesey (1954) categorized regions into uniform regions and nodal regions for purposes of study. The uniform region is characterized by specified indices, standards and definitions such as the Corn Belt and the Cotton Belt. In contrast, nodal regions are those that have a specific focal point; that is, a certain structure is expected of this central area, including the flow and circulation of people and information emanating from a specific focal point. Depending on different standards, such as commutable zone and consumer catchment area, one can identify a diverse array of nodal regions. As noted above, studies in the field of geography in the United States, particularly in the post-World War II period, showed a deepening interest in clarifying the hierarchy and behavior of nodal and functional regions and regional interaction, paving the way toward system theory research on regional function systems. As part of this series of movements, Berry (1964) attempted to develop a fusion of the topographical or factorial ecology methodology and quantitative geography, applying multivariable analysis to regional data.
著者
坂 昌樹
出版者
桃山学院大学
雑誌
国際文化論集 (ISSN:09170219)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.21, pp.189-267, 2000-03-31

Die deutschen Geschichtsschreiber des 18. Jhs. bezeichneten ihre Geschichtsschreibung als "pragmatisch". Spater, in der ersten Halfte des 19. Jh.s bezeichnete sie beispielsweise W. T. Krug (1770-1842), der Nachfolger Kants in Konigsberg auch im Substantiv, namlich als den deutschen "Pragmatismus." Ein Zeitgenosse Krugs wie Hegel sah aber vom Standpunkt des Historismus die "pragmatische" Geschichtsschreibung als negativ an, weil sie die Vergangenheit nicht "an sich", sondern nur "fur sich" darstelle, d. h. den gegenwartigen Interessen des Geschichtsschreibers dienstbar macht. Daruber hinaus betrachtete auch Kant die "pragmatische" Art der Gelehrsamkeit kritisch, soweit sie die "Nutzlichkeit" der Kenntnisse wichtiger als die Wahrheit nehme. Die vom deutschen Idealismus an dem Pragmatismus geubte Kritik laβt uns deshalb vermuten, daβ die "pragmatische" Art der Gelehrtheit im 18. Jh. verbreitet und anerkannt war, sich aber an der Wende zum 19. Jh. nicht mehr rechtfertigen konnte. Dies zu bestatigen ist die Aufgabe meiner Arbeit, und dabei mochte ich das "pragmatische" Denken nicht nur in der Geschichtsschreibung, sondern auch in der damaligen Politik behandeln. Kurz gesagt, in diesem aus sechs Kapiteln bestehenden Aufsatz wird der "pragmatische" Charakter der deutschen Aufklarung in drei verschiedenen Auspragungen beleuchtet: politische Reform, Geschichtsschreibung und Staatswissenschaft. In Kapitel II beginne ich meine Untersuchung mit Kant, weil Kant selber seine "Anthropologie in pragmatischer Hinsicht" geschrieben hat, und z. B. noch C. S. Peirce (1839-1914) seinen Begriff "Pragmatism" von Kant entlehnt hat. Hier mochte ich zuerst die konkreten Verwendungen, die das Wort "pragmatisch" in den Schriften Kants gefunden hat, untersuchen, um dann als das "Pragmatische" die am "Gemeinnutz" orientierte "Anlage" der menschlichen Tugend und die alltagliche "nutzliche" Erkenntnis naher zu betrachten. Indem Kant das "Pragmatische" in Bezug auf die "angewandte Philosophie der Sitten" wurdigte, waren sie unentbehrlich fur sein Verstandnis der Menschen. Der "angewandten" stellte er aber die "metaphysiche Philosophic der Sitten" als die endgultige gegenuber und trat so den Vertretern der popularen Moralphilosophie, wie sie beispielsweise J. G. H. Feder (1740-1821) in Gottingen lehrte, gegenuber. Aus der deutschen Geschichte fuhrte Kant noch weitere Beispiele des "Pragmatischen" an, namlich "Sanktionen" und "Geschichte" im Sinne einer bestimmten Form von Geschichtsschreibung. In beiden Fallen kann die Welt "ihren Vorteil besser, oder wenigstens eben so gut als die Vorwelt besorgen" (Anm. III-1). Aufgrund dieser Beispiele behandle ich die "Sanktionen" in Kapitel III und die "Geschichtsschreibung" in Kapitel IV. In Kapitel III lenke ich die Aufmerksamkeit zunachst auf die "Pragmatische Sanktion" von 1713, durch die Kaiser Karl VI. die habsburgischen Lander fur unteilbar und untrennbar erklart hat. Wie J. J. Moser (1701-85), ein damals bekannter Reichspublizist meinte, gehore diese Art von Gesetzgebung in den Aufgabenbereich der furstlichen Hoheit. Auf diesem Wege konnten die Fursten ihre "Vorsorge" um die gesellschaftliche Wohlfahrt beweisen. Wenn der Ubergang des Absolutismus von der "hofischen" zu seiner "aufgeklarten" Form, wie es W. Roscher typologisch dargestellt hat (1874), auf die sogenannte "Sattelzeit" (Koselleck) der deutschen Geschichte zu datieren ist, dann figurieren in ihr die Sanktionen oder Polizeiordnungen als Hebel zur aufgeklarten Reformpolitik. Diese Reformpolitik wird hauptsachlich von den praktisch ausgebildeten Beamten vertreten. Erst durch ihre Tatigkeit konnte die Landespolitik von dem willkurlichen Despotismus der "hofischen Gesellschaft" befreit werden. Hier besteht der deutsche Pragmatismus also vor allem in der Polizei des "Bevormundungsstaates". Im nachsten Kapitel behandele ich als ein pragnantes Beispiel der damaligen Geschichtsschreibung J. C. Gatterer (1727-99), den Begrunder des ersten "Historischen Instituts" in Deutschland an der Universitat Gottingen. Seine "pragmatische" Charakteristik findet sich besonders in der Methodologie seiner Geschichtsforschung, die er hauptsachlich in Aufsatzen fur eine von ihm selber herausgegebene Zeitschrift formuliert hat. In der Geschichte fand er das "System der Ereignisse" und er erkennt in diesem "System" den kausalen Zusammenhang als das historische "Triebwerk". Kraft seiner "Einbildungskraft" soll der Geschichtsschreiber sich das geheime "Triebwerk" der Geschichte als "ideelle Gegenwart" vorstellen. Dann kann er durch die "Dichtungskraft" diese "ideelle Gegenwart" wie ein Theaterstuck darstellen, um dadurch das Publikum historisch aufzuklaren. Indem der Leser auf diese Weise "Exempel" der guten oder schlechten Begebenheiten prasentiert bekommt-ahnlich wie z. B. auf der Schaubuhne Schillers-kann er lernen und daraus "Belehrung" fur sein Leben gewinnen. So wird er "klug" und "pragmatisch" in Kantischem Sinne. In Kapitel V erweitere ich den Begriff "pragmatisch" von der Musteranfuhrung Kants zu der "Staatsgelahrtheit" A. L. v. Schlozers (1735-1809). Schlozer, zu seiner Zeit einer der bekanntesten deutschen Publizisten, war Professor in Gottingen und stellte diese "Gelahrtheit" in demjenigen "System" dar, wo man sowohl die "politische Geschichte" als auch die "politische Philosophic" nebeneinander findet. Jener Teil enthalt noch die statistische "Staatskunde" als "stillstehende Staatsgeschichte" und eigentliche "Staatsgeschichte", dieser dagegen "Metapolitik", "Staatsrecht" und "Lehre von der Staatsverfassung". Im Vergleich zu Gatterer fallt bei Schlozer der normative Ansatz auf, wie er ihn z. B. in der Naturrechtslehre seiner "Metapolitik" entwickelt hat. Denn er deduziert seine Beurteilungskriterien aus den politischen Normen seiner Gegenwart. Die Vergangenheit wird so durch die Beurteilung des Historikers fur die gegenwartige oder zukunftige Politik "nutzlich" gemacht. In diesem historischen "Engagement" des Historikers sah Hegel gerade die von ihm kritisierte negative Art der "pragmatischen" Geschichtsschreibung. Schlozer aber bezweckt mit seiner normativen Auffassung von der Politik und seiner exemplarischen Interpretation der Geschichte die Beamten staatswissenschaftlich auszubilden. Einerseits fordert er dazu auf, durch die Reform des burokratischen Polizeistaats die unumschrankte Herrschaft des hofischen Absolutismus zu beseitigen. Andererseits mochte er dem ungebildeten Volk eine Teilnahme an der Politik verweigern. In dieser "pragamatischen" Art sind Geschichte und Politik miteinander verbunden. Im 18. Jh. konnte der Pragmatismus die polizeiliche Bevormundung des aufgeklarten Absoltismus rechtfertigen, insofern die Polizei zum "Gemeinnutz" der Untertanen beitrug. Mit dem Ausbruch der Franzosischen Revolution und der Napoleonischen Kriege avancierten aber Liberalismus und Nationalismus zu den beherrschenden Ideen der Zeit. Damit verloren der bevormundende Polizeistaat und die nicht volkstumliche Geschichtsanschauung des deutschen Pragmatismus drastisch an Legitimation. Wahrend die pragmatische Sozialphilosophie durch die Kritik des Historismus als vorwissenschaftlich abgelehnt wurde, erhielt aber die Reformpolitik des Pragmatismus noch im 19. Jh. eine Fortsetzung. Dieser "Reformabsolutismus", der auch als "defensive Modernisierung" (Wehler) bezeichnet wird, wurde besonders von denjenigen Beamten vertreten, die etwa zwischen 1750-70 geboren und an Universitaten wie Gottingen ausgebildet worden waren. In der Vorstellungswelt dieser burokratischen Tragerschicht lebte der Pragmatismus wie ihn etwa Gottinger Gelehrte vertreten hatten, auch im 19. Jahrhundert weiter.
著者
シュミット・クラウディア・カロリネ
出版者
桃山学院大学
雑誌
国際文化論集 (ISSN:09170219)
巻号頁・発行日
no.46, pp.33-53, 2012-08-31

Samurai is an important genre in Japanese entertainment media, such as books, television, and even manga. It has been a genre especially for male target groups for a long time, but during the last decade, there has been a tendency for samurai manga to focus on female target groups. In my research, I focus on the difference between the image of samurai in manga for male and female target groups, and afterwards I describe the possible social reasons for those differences. For the analysis I chose Okita Soji from Watanabe Taeko's Manga "Kaze hikaru" as an example for a samurai described for a female target group, and for a male target group, I chose Miyamoto Musashi from Inoue Takehiko's "Vagabond" as a representative samurai. I mainly follow Yomota Inuhiko's method as presented in his work "Manga genron", adding a focus on the keywords social life, love and life as swordfighter, especially analysing problems and solutions concerning these themes. Through the analysis I found some interesting answers. While the image of Okita in "Kaze hikaru" obviously is adapted to classical genres for female readers (the keywords love and social life are the main points and the story itself is similar to high-school campus stories), Miyamoto's description focuses on his work of building a strong self, especially by countless action scenes. The two represent a different ideal of masculinity, on the one side showing an Okita who is influenced by the typical effeminate male aesthetics of Japanese male pop idols-an image mainly created by aiming towards female fans. And on the other side there is a Miyamoto representing a classical warrior image, which can be interpreted as a counter flow to the new male aesthetics. Yet, Miyamoto's warrior journeys and his life far from civilization can also be seen as criticism of young men's reaction to the growing demands of their working lives, but also in their daily lives as some kind of escapism from their daily lives. In contrast to Miyamoto, Okita shows an exaggerated image of loyalty, especially to his troops' leaders and his protegee a girl dressed up as boy who joines his samurai troop. Especially his relationship to his protegee shows the uncertainty of young women concerning gender constructs and shows the desire of women to take part in social life or even to create history. In summary, it is obvious that the image of the samurai is fit to the gender of the target groups and it seems as if it gives the reader an entertaining possibility to compensate for the limits of everyday live.
著者
米山 喜晟
出版者
桃山学院大学
雑誌
国際文化論集 (ISSN:09170219)
巻号頁・発行日
no.37, pp.141-192, 2007-12-10

As I showed in my previous three papers, though the Novellino had been an excellent forerunner of the Italian novellas, only with the appearance of the Decameron was the basis for the Italian novella truly founded. Almost all the elements of the novella can be considered as heritages of the Decameron but, referring to the definitions of the novella form, I selected firstly the adoption of the `cornice' or framework device, secondly the setting within the realm of the believable, and thirdly the audacious expression of Eros and of sexual relations. In this paper I focus on the Pecorone of Ser Giovanni Fiorentino, the Trecentonovelle of Franco Sacchetti, and the Novelliere of Giovanni Sercambi, all of which were included by Di Francia in his Novellistica as epigones of Boccaccio. I find that these three works imitated Boccaccio's cornice device to various extents. I also find a remarkable increase of settings within the realm of the believable by the three authors compared to works published before the Decameron, and a similar increase in the percentage of novellas in which sexual relations take place. From the high number of incidences in the Novelliere, in particular (49.68%), we can imagine how the people of Tuscany, where the tradition of Dante and Petrarch had forbidden them to see women in sexual terms, must have welcomed the appearance of the Decameron as the liberator of Eros.
著者
小池 誠 Makoto Koike
出版者
桃山学院大学総合研究所
雑誌
国際文化論集 (ISSN:09170219)
巻号頁・発行日
no.29, pp.237-264, 2003-12

The aim of this paper is to examine the concept of 'house' and 'house societies' whose definition and description was introduced by Claude Levi-Strauss. The concept of the house as a social group was elaborated by him while anthropologists were concerned with the material and symbolic aspects of houses. Levi-Strauss defined the house as 'a moral person' which perpetuates itself through the transmission of its name, its goods, and its titles down a real or imaginary line. I try to review the writings inspired by his ideas on the house, which are problematic and left nagging questions unresolved. He concluded that the house is not a social group delimited by rules of descent or residence. The less rulebound aspect of the house requires the concept of 'strategy' proposed by Bourdieu. The members of a house employ strategies aimed at its perpetuation against the backdrop of collective constraints.
著者
山川 偉也
出版者
桃山学院大学
雑誌
国際文化論集 (ISSN:09170219)
巻号頁・発行日
no.36, pp.77-144, 2007-06-20

According to DL6, 20_21, Diogenes of Sinope, son of Hicesias the banker, counterfeited the state coinage; and when he was detected, according to some he was banished, while according to others he voluntarily quitted the city for fear of consequences. The anecdote has its immediate connection with Diogenes the Cynic's mission "παραχαραξον το νομισμα (Deface the currency"). But the scholars have suspected the truth of DL6, 20_21. However, in this paper I deface the current interpretations of DL6, 20_21 and submit another version consistent with Diogenes' cosmopolitan way of life.
著者
橋内 武
出版者
桃山学院大学
雑誌
国際文化論集 (ISSN:09170219)
巻号頁・発行日
no.37, pp.193-215, 2007-12-10

What are the languages used in Malta ? What is the state of language education in the Republic of Malta ? This paper is an attempt to answer these questions. A Mediterranean archipelago, Malta, is located 93 km off the southern coast of Sicily. This Republic gained independence from Britain in September, 1964, and joined the European Union in May, 2004. With about 400,000 inhabitants, it forms a bilingual, if not trilingual, society. More than 90% of citizens follow the Roman Catholic religion. Most people speak Maltese as their mother tongue, but some elite families bring up their children in English. There are two official languages: Maltese and English. These two languages make up the society diglossia with English as the high variety and Maltese as the low variety. Clearly the third language is Italian due to its historical and geographical affinity. Italian TV channels can be received throughout the archipelago. Thus the most popular modern language taught at school is Italian, followed by French, German and Spanish. Although the Maltese language, written in Roman alphabet, is derived from Arabic, standard Arabic is unpopular among the Maltese, partly because of very different scripts, and partly because of its association with Islam. Since tourism and manufacturing are the two major industries, the demand for English and other European languages is strong. The current school education is based on the National Minimum Curriculum, which follows a bilingual education policy. Students are expected to use both Maltese and English depending on the subject, and learn at least one foreign language as well. At primary school, Maltese is the main medium of instruction with some use of English, while at secondary school, Maltese is used for teaching Maltese, History, and Religion, and English is used for Maths, Science and ICT. The emphasis placed on language education in secondary schools varies. Independent schools tend to put greater weight on modern language education, whereas national and church schools give less time to languages other than Maltese and English. At the tertiary level, English becomes the dominant language for academic purposes except in the case of Maltese Language and Literature, and foreign languages.
著者
深見 純生 Sumio Fukami
出版者
桃山学院大学総合研究所
雑誌
国際文化論集 (ISSN:09170219)
巻号頁・発行日
no.27, pp.83-104, 2003-03
著者
青野 正明
出版者
桃山学院大学
雑誌
国際文化論集 (ISSN:09170219)
巻号頁・発行日
no.47, pp.5-34, 2013-03-28

In 1936, the Japanese Government-General of Korea reorganized the colony's shrine system. This reorganization was carried out for two purposes : first, to promote some of the main shrines to the status of Kokuhei-shohsha (国幣小社), which ranked sixth among nationally-supported shrines ; and second, to increase the overall number of shrines (神社・神祠) as a way of mobilizing Korean people to carry out the Government-General's policies. In this paper I examine principally the second of the two above-mentioned purposes, seeking to clarify the nature of this shrine policy, which sought to make use of the traditional agricultural rites carried out in villages in Korea. Concretely, I analyze how the policy for reproduction and reformation of village rites attempted to create shrines (神祠) by making use of village rites in the region of Gangwon-Do.
著者
井口 正俊 Masatoshi IGUCHI
出版者
西南学院大学学術研究所
雑誌
国際文化論集 (ISSN:09130756)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.21, no.1, pp.1-37, 2006-05

「隠喩」(metaphora)は,非本来的な意味へと適応される語の転用である。たとえば,類から種への,種から類への,ある種から他の種への,あるいはまた,類比に即して〈kata to analogon〉の転用である」(アリストテレス『詩学』1457b 21)「わたしは口を開いて譬を語り,いにしえからの謎を語ろう」(旧約聖書『詩篇』78)「隠喩的なものは,形而上学の内部にのみ存する」(ハイデガー『根拠律』)「隠喩はしたがって,いつもその死を自分自身のうちに宿している。そしてその死はまた,疑いなく哲学の死でもある」(J・デリダ『哲学の余白』-白けた神話-)「エスのあったところで,自我は生成しなければならない」(フロイト『続・精神分析入門講義』第31講義-精神的人格の解体-)
著者
本間 栄男
出版者
桃山学院大学
雑誌
国際文化論集 (ISSN:09170219)
巻号頁・発行日
no.47, pp.93-137, 2013-03

In this paper I examine the special features of the construction of Alexander Bain's theory of emotion by comparing it with other theories prevalent before the mid-nineteenth century. In Section 1, I outline Bain's life and the history of the publication of his well-known textbook The Emotion and the Will. In Sections 2 and 3, I consider the varying estimations of Bain's work (especially his theory of emotion) in the history of psychology. In Section 4, I discuss the Japanese translations of words related to emotion, and in Section 5, I clarify the origin of Bain's three divisions of the mind and the influence of his theory in Japan. From Section 6 to 9, finally, I examine the construction of the part of emotion in psychology books written during Bain's day and before.