著者

柳田 國男

出版者

The Association of Japanese Geographers

雑誌

地理学評論 (ISSN:00167444)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.8, no.5, pp.422-440, 1932-05-01 (Released:2008-12-24)

著者

木内 信藏 佐藤 久

出版者

The Association of Japanese Geographers

雑誌

地理学評論 (ISSN:00167444)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.19, no.9, pp.545-548, 1943-09-01 (Released:2008-12-24)

著者

竹村 利夫

出版者

The Association of Japanese Geographers

雑誌

地理学評論 (ISSN:00167444)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.51, no.9, pp.721-729, 1978-09-01 (Released:2008-12-24)

参考文献数

20

被引用文献数

1 1

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The Takashozu fault system, running NE-SW direction, is located at the northwestern foot of the Takashozu Mountains, Toyama Prefecture, and separates the Tonami Plain from the high mountains. Along the fault line, several kinds of fault topographies have developed, such as terminal facets, kern cols, kern buts and valleys flowing parallel to the strike of the fault. At Inami and Akasobu, the Miocene andesitic rock has thrusted up from south to north onto the terrace gravels of the middle and upper Pleistocene ages. The Takashozu fault has dislocated vertically the several levels of terrace surfaces here and there along the fault line. The higher the terraces are, the larger the amount of displacement is. In the drainage basin of the Sho River, it is inferred that not only Pleistocene terraces but also Holocene terrace gravel beds have been cut by the fault activities. In the southwestern part of the Tonami Plain, the gradient of the terrace surface is steeper in the older terraces. The valley dissecting the higher terrace surfaces shows an asymmetric form, i.e., the valley walls of the northern side are generally steeper than those of the southern side. It would be considered that the principal factor forming this asymmetric valley topography is the continuous upheaval of the mountains located to the south of the plain.

著者

岩塚 守公

出版者

The Association of Japanese Geographers

雑誌

地理学評論 (ISSN:00167444)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.33, no.3, pp.97-104, 1960-03-01 (Released:2008-12-24)

参考文献数

1

被引用文献数

1 2

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Flood damages are brought frequently on the land of Japan by heavy rainfall in typhnon season (from middle August to late September) and the rainy season (from early June to middle July), and her communities suffer a large amount of loss by those damages. In 1958, from Sept. 26 to 27, a large scale typhoon (So called the Kanogawa Typhoon) attacked the eastern Japan (Fig, 1), and the followed heavy rainfall caused violent flood damages on several parts in these regions. The distribution of rainfall at that time was very complicateb (Fig. 2), and an extremely heavy rainfall were concentrated on the middle part of Izu Peninsula, Tokyo metropolitan area and another several regions. The characteristics of disasters, however, much differed in each regions, in accordance with their physio-and socio-characters. In Tokyo metropolitan area, the extensive alluvial plain develops to the east, and flood damages happened often there by overflowing from large rivers (the Arakawa, the Edogawa and Tamagawa etc.). But rainfall distribution brought by that typhoon was somewhat un usual and the rain did not concentrate on the upper part of these large river area but on the place near Tokyo Bay. So, by overflowing rlom small rivers, flood damages were more severe in and around the low upland and the hill to the west of city than on the extensive alluvial lowland along to these large rivers. The total amount of flooded houses reached to about 460 thousands at that time. Kanogawa is a small stream which runs in the nouthern part of Izu Paninsula. The disaster occured in the Kanogawa river basin was characterized by the violent inundation, covered almost whole lowland in this river basin, and the severe damage, caused by this inundation: for example, 1, 273 of people were killed and injured, the amount of flowed and destroyed houses exceeded the number of flooded houses and the amount of flowed and buried arable lands are much more than the quantity of flooded (Table 1). Chiefly from the physical points of view, we tried to make clear the causes which brought the disasters in this river basin. These causes may be briefly summarized as follows; 1) The extremely heavy rainfall concentrated on the upper part of this river basin, and theextremely volumenous runoff took place very rapidly, because of the full saturation of the land surface by foregoing much rainfall and the steep gradient of the river and its branches. 2) Moreover, bridges obstructed the flowing of runoff and temporarily reserved more volumenous water behind them. So, when these bridges were destroyed, the extremely volumenous runoff flowed suddenly downwards. 3) Consequently, the volume of maximum discharge far exceeded the estimated hiqh waten dis charge flood and the bank was broken at everywhere. The bank on undercut slopes of meander course were especially destroyed than others. 4) At the mountain region, many landslides and debris flows occurred, and the debris flows caused some damages on roads and horseradish (Wasabi) fields which are the important fields for the cash products in this region.

著者

松本 正美

出版者

The Association of Japanese Geographers

雑誌

地理学評論 (ISSN:00167444)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.49, no.10, pp.655-668, 1976-10-01 (Released:2008-12-24)

参考文献数

45

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筆者は1975年の6月に Harvey の処女作“Explanation in Geography”(第15章まで)の邦訳を完了した.それを機会に,現代地理学め歴史と構造とを整理してみようとしたのが本稿である.我が国のこれまでの地理学史や地理学方法論は,地理学の「対象」や,それを取り扱う「方法」に関する議論に終始している.しかし,そのような「対象」や「方法」の論理は,「主体」の論理に先行されねばならない.本稿はその論理を「人間の人間化」と規定し,その論理を詳述するとともに,それをHartshorneからHarveyへの流れに沿って具体化している.人間が「生理的人間」から「知的存在」を経由して「志向的意識の主体」へと純化されるにつれ,その各段階にそれぞれの地理学が存在し,しかも人間の規定様式が地理学の内容を制約するのである.現代地理学の構造と歴史は,英文要旨の中に図表化しておいた.これらの認識が,地理学そのものを洞察する唯一の手段であると信じる.

著者

吉川 虎雄 貝塚 爽平 太田 陽子

出版者

The Association of Japanese Geographers

雑誌

地理学評論 (ISSN:00167444)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.37, no.12, pp.627-648, 1964-12-01 (Released:2008-12-24)

参考文献数

18

被引用文献数

23 27

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土佐湾北東岸に発達する海鍛丘は,上位より羽根岬面,室戸岬面および沖鷲地に分け皇れ,いずれも南東より北西に低くなる.室戸岬面の高さは南海地震の際の隆起量と正の相関を不し,地震削の沈降量とは負の相関を示す.約120年を周期としておこった大地震の際の室戸岬付近の隆起は,その間の沈降よりも大きく,段丘面の高度分布はこのような隆起沈降を差引した結果である南東より北西への傾動陸起にキって決定されたと考えられる.このような隆起地域であるにもかかわらず,各段丘面の形成過程に沈水期が挾まれているのは,氷期後の海面上昇速度が地盤の隆起速度を上回ったからに他ならない. 室戸岬面は,その地形発達の過程より判断して,約9万年前にはじまる. Riss- Würm問氷期に形成されたと考えられる.室戸岬付近の大地震1周期の問における地盤隆起の平均速度は約2mm/年と算定され,もしRiss-Würm問氷期以後かかる性質の地殼変動が一様に継続したとすれば,室戸岬面は室戸岬付近において約180mの高さにあるはずであるが,これは事実と一致する.また水準測量の結果によると,安田の水準点を基準とした吉良川の水準点の高度は,大地震1周期の問に平均1.2mm/年の割含で増大しているが,もしRiss.Würm間氷期以後このような地殼変動がつづV・てきたのであれば,室戸岬面は吉良川において安田よりも細10m高いはずであるが,これも事実とほぼ一致する.したがって, Riss-Würm間糊以後,室戸岬付近は現在と同じく平均2mm/年の速さで北西へ傾動しつつ隆起してきたと考えられる. このような地殼変動と第四紀における海面変化とを複合した結果は,この海岸の地形発達の過程とよく一致するので,この地域の海岸段丘の分化を生じたのは,地殻変動の緩急ではなく・海面変化の結果であり,その間地殼変動はほぼ一様に推移したと考えられる.

著者

原沢 文弥

出版者

The Association of Japanese Geographers

雑誌

地理学評論 (ISSN:00167444)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.31, no.5, pp.277-291, 1958-05-01 (Released:2008-12-24)

参考文献数

57

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The consolidation of the post towns on the five main highways, and on the other roads designated. by the Tokugawa government, was originally for the supply of men and horses for official needs, chiefly for the going up to and coming down from Edo for the alternate-year residence of daimyos. In using the regularly stationed men and horses at these post towns, official needs were first met on priority basis and the transportation of common travellers and merchants' goods and luggage was always deferred. The chief duty of post towns was to offer men and horses for official traffic, which was indeed a heavy burden to these towns. Although taxation on the lands they lived on was exempted in compensation for the expense and service, it was not sufficient to make up for the loss. Therefore, these towns were permitted to cover it by gaining profit offering service for common travellers and carrying merchandise in their leisure hours, or by obtaining the license of keeping inns and shops in the towns. The profit thus gained by transporting goods and luggage of common travellers was very importan_??_ to maintain the functions of post towns. But private travellers and goods were not only deferred in transport but were transshipped at every post town. And this transsipment had such shortcomings as damage in the goods, delay in the time of transport, and more cost in carriage and commission. It was only too natural, therefore, that merchandise in general tried to avoid being forwarded in this relay system; they would have avoided if they had been able to. But the system was protected and carried out by the authority of the government; the five main highways and the other roads designated by the government were privileged traffic routes located with the strong governmental protection at their back. The inconveniences of these routes were not keenly felt in the earlier stages of the Edo government, when traffic was not so dense and transport of merchandise was small. Besides, the authority of the government made it impossible for people to resist. But as more merchandise came to be transferred and more people began to travel, the inconveniences and conflict of interests became more and more apparent. By and by there appeared gradually an indication that people would try to avoid the privileged routes. In addition, the gradual loosening of the government in the enforcement of laws and regulations accelerated the tendency. Consequently, there arose a new means of transport contrived by private transport agencies to forward merchandise through by carriers using horses or oxen. These carriers and horses (or oxen) sometimes avoided certain post towns on the way; mostly they tried to utilize only the byways if available. Thus the new means of transport was born by the need of cheap and puick way of forwarding goods, while the old privileged routes had the protection of the government or feudal lords in their background. As the traffic on the byways prosperd, more goods came to be sent by them and the main highways wera more neglected, which was a vital problem to post towns since their functions must be paralyzed in the end. The two were destined to conflict and the power of the government was another factor to complicate the matter. This made a characteristic feature of the traffic system in the Edo period, especially in its middle and later stages. Whether one liked it or not, the situation turned favorable on the byways and the traffic on them became more and more heavy while it became impossible in the end to maintain the post-town system. The Present study has chosen a certain area with the Usui Pass in its center where byways developed most remarkably and using litigious document and maps of villages preserved in places which used to be post towns, has considered the relation between the post towns and the byway traffic.

著者

松本 正美

出版者

The Association of Japanese Geographers

雑誌

地理学評論 (ISSN:00167444)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.50, no.11, pp.617-634, 1977

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地図は地理学の生命であり,地図作成は地理学者が最も精魂を傾ける側面の1つである.地図は「地理学の言語」である.地理学者は1枚の白紙を地図という言語(記号系)に転化し,それを媒体として自己の主張を表現し伝達する.この転化過程は,次の2つの要件を満足しているはずである.第1に,その過程は無矛盾な記号系への転化過程でなければならない.さもなくば,地図は最も基本的な機能ですら果たすことができない.第2に,その過程は同時に地図が研究手段としての有効性を獲得していく過程でなければならない.さもなくば,地図は単なる表現・伝達の道具に終始する.しかし,この転化過程の真相,すなわち「地図を描く」ことの本質は,具体的作業の裏に隠蔽されている.もしその本質が解明できるならば,研究手段としての地図の能力は高まるであろう.本稿はその転化過程の掘り起こしを試みたものである.このような議論は,「カルトグラフィ」を超えた「メタカルトグラフィ」とみなされよう.

著者

横田 忠夫

出版者

The Association of Japanese Geographers

雑誌

地理学評論 (ISSN:00167444)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.25, no.12, pp.470-477, 1952-12-01 (Released:2008-12-24)

参考文献数

2

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The author investigated some village at the upper streams of the River Oi and Abe, Shizuoka Prefecture. Consequently I understood that tie internal social relation of the village at the upper stream of the river was extremely different from that of the village at its lower stream. I also noticed that the difference in the possession of forests was greatly related to the difference in the social relation as a result of an investigation in regard to the possession of forests in each village. Having researched how the difference in their possession occured in those villages, I observed that ultimately it had been caused by the geographical conditions of facility or difficulty of trafic (communication), the difference in agricultural productivity etc. I could understand that at the lower stream of the river, the forests were mnonopolized by a few men who lived in the village, while in the upper stream: of the river, they had been trausfered to timber merchants or other ones who were outside those villages. It was also known that the difference in the powers of the forest-owners had caused the difference in the social relation in each village.

著者

長井 政太郎

出版者

The Association of Japanese Geographers

雑誌

地理学評論 (ISSN:00167444)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.15, no.11, pp.822-852, 1939-11-01 (Released:2008-12-24)

参考文献数

8

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The Yamagata Kyôdo Kenkyû-kai (Society for Geographical Reserach of Yamagata Prefecture) has collected about 40, 000 place names in its prefecture, each of which beside the Chinese letters, are printed in the Japanese syllabary to give their correct pronoun-ciations. It is explained that the number of places having names relating to rice field forms 10 percent of the total, followed by names relating to plants, fields, beasts, and geographical features after which come those of castle, buddhist temple and various graves. The use in names of the old distributions of pasture, deccangrass (Hi-e in Japanese, ) formerly the chief crop in this region, Sanka (a kind of vagapond in the past) and many other points that are very interesting from the historical point of view, are also explained by this study.

著者

貝塚 爽平

出版者

The Association of Japanese Geographers

雑誌

地理学評論 (ISSN:00167444)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.31, no.2, pp.59-85, 1958-02-01 (Released:2008-12-24)

参考文献数

72

被引用文献数

7 68

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関東平野の第四紀後半の地形面は,関東ロームを鍵とすることによつて編年することができる.そのためには,まず関東ローム自体の層序区分と対比を行う必要があつた.関東ロームの区分や対比には層位学的,地形学的考察とともに,重鉱物組成の調査が有力な手段として用いられた.関東ロームの編年と,主としてそれにもとつく地形面の編年は第8図に模式化して示されている.この編年によつて,関東平野の地形面は, DlI, DuIa, DuIb, DuI, Aの各面に区分され,その地理的分布は第11図に示された.地形面の編年と地形面の性質あるいはその成因についての考察から,区分された各地形面形成時代の古地理図を描くことができ(第9図),そして,関東平野の発達史の概略を知ることができた.それは第2表に要約されている.

著者

大島 正滿

出版者

The Association of Japanese Geographers

雑誌

地理学評論 (ISSN:00167444)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.6, no.7, pp.1186-1208_2, 1930-07-01 (Released:2008-12-24)

著者

片平 博文

出版者

The Association of Japanese Geographers

雑誌

地理学評論 (ISSN:00167444)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.53, no.1, pp.1-17, 1980-01-01 (Released:2008-12-24)

参考文献数

30

被引用文献数

1 1

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いわゆる集村化は,わが国の平安~室町期にかけて,広く展開した集落形成の特異な現象である.本報告のフィールドとした奈良盆地においても,そのことが確認された荘園村落は少なくない.そういったなかで鎌倉中期にあたる文永年間(1264~1275)に,すでに明確な集村形態を呈していた乙木荘は,かなりユニークな存在といえる.乙木荘における荘園の組織化は,少なくとも3次にわたってなされ,その時期は平安末~鎌倉初期を大きくはずれるものでないことを,筆者はすでに報告した.その結果に基づいて,屋敷地の分析を行なったところ,乙木荘は,最初から集村形態を呈していたのではなく,初期には小村ないし疎集村と呼ぼれるべき形態をとっており,それが数次の段階を経て集村を形成するに至ったことが判明した.またその時期については,当荘の組織化が結果的にいわゆる均等名形態をともなっているとみなされることから,平安末~鎌倉初期の可能性が強い.さらに荘園村落の発達過程の背後には,耕地の影響が作用しているものと考えられる.

著者

水津 一朗

出版者

The Association of Japanese Geographers

雑誌

地理学評論 (ISSN:00167444)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.44, no.8, pp.565-580, 1971-08-01 (Released:2008-12-24)

参考文献数

23

被引用文献数

4 2

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近代歴史地理学の創始者小川琢治は,ヴァローの「集団事実としての景観」概念をその地理学の直接の立脚点としたが,めざすところはフンボルト地理学にあった兜かれの歴史地理学は歴史的考察を重視する人文地理学そのものであり,ヘットナーの「時の断面の地理学」とはちがう.まず「垣内集落」や「孤立荘宅」などをはじめとする集落研究にすぐれた業績をあげ,日本集落地理学の源流の一つを形成した.いっぽう,中国に関する歴史地理学研究に精魂をうちこみ,まずリヒトホーフェンの中国研究を検討し,『山海経』から中国最古の地理的知識を復原したほか,孜々として中国地理書の実証研究の途を開拓して,中国学にも大なる寄与をなした.かれの地理学には,現代の地理学本質論からみても再評価すべき内容が多い.中でも自然環境決定論的立場をさけたこと,生態学と政治地理学的立場を綜合して,集落から国家に至るまで,地表全体の体系的把握につとめたことなどが,とくに注目をひく.歴史時代から現代にわたる地理的事象の計量的理解にも先駆的な成果をおさめた.以上の点からみて,明治後期から昭和初期における小川地理学の学術的価値は,かれのすぐれた自然研究を除外しても,なお無双のものというべきであろう.

著者

新井 祥穂 永田 淳嗣

出版者

The Association of Japanese Geographers

雑誌

地理学評論 (ISSN:13479555)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.79, no.4, pp.129-153, 2006-04-01 (Released:2008-12-25)

参考文献数

14

被引用文献数

1

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1972年の復帰後の沖縄では農業への政策介入が強化され,農業基盤整備事業はサトウキビの価格支持と並び政策の大きな柱とされた.しかし,県内でいち早く大規模な灌漑整備を伴う土地改良事業が行われた石垣島では,1980年代末以降農家の反対が顕在化し事業が停滞している.本稿では,農家が事業との関わりを通じて得た経験や学習や評価に注目しつつ,事業が石垣島の農業経営に対して持つ意味を分析し,停滞の理由付けを試みた.その結果,面整備は確かに労働節約効果を有するものの,灌概整備がサトウキビの増収に直結しないことや,面整備が果樹生産にはマイナス効果を持つことなどを学んだ農家は,土地改良事業の効果が限定的であることを理解し,それが事業に対する消極的・否定的な態度につながっていることが明らかになった.土地改良事業の大前提ともいえる短期の生産性向上効果が限定的である点は,沖縄の土地改良事業が抱える本質的な問題であるといえる.

著者

長井 政太郎

出版者

The Association of Japanese Geographers

雑誌

地理学評論 (ISSN:00167444)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.29, no.11, pp.689-699, 1956-11-01 (Released:2008-12-24)

参考文献数

15

著者

原 昭宏

出版者

The Association of Japanese Geographers

雑誌

地理学評論 (ISSN:00167444)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.40, no.5, pp.251-260, 1967-05-01 (Released:2008-12-24)

参考文献数

3

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東京湾に流入する18の河川について海水の遡上限界を求め,それに影響する因子について若干の考察を行なった.海水の遡上限界を求める方法としては, FarmarとMorganの式によって塩水くさびが最も長くなる場合のくさびの長さを算出した.その結果,算出された塩水くさびの長さは河床勾配の増大につれて指数曲線的に減少すること,および河床勾配の大きさが塩水くさびの長さにおよぼす影響の度合には地域的な差異があることがわかった.

著者

岩鼻 通明

出版者

The Association of Japanese Geographers

雑誌

地理学評論 (ISSN:00167444)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.56, no.8, pp.535-552, 1983-08-01 (Released:2008-12-24)

参考文献数

55

被引用文献数

2 3

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近年,山岳宗教に関する研究の進展は顕著であるが,筆者は山岳宗教が聖域圈,準聖域圏,信仰圏からなる圏構造を有するという地理学的視点から,出羽三山を対象地域として考察を進めた. 本稿においては,分析の中心を準聖域圏に置き,特にその核をなす山岳宗教集落について考察した.出羽三山には「八方七口」と称される7ヵ所の山岳宗教集落が存在する.まず,従来あまり問題にされなかった集落の起源について分析し,集落の成立時期から「近世再編型」と「近世成立型」に分類し,さらに両者に讃灘勲誌響藩翻町膿塾醗懲糠蒲諜欝講課在することが明らかになった.この集落の成立時期を指標とする類型は,日本各地の山岳宗教集落にも適用しうると考えられる.

著者

千葉 徳爾

出版者

The Association of Japanese Geographers

雑誌

地理学評論 (ISSN:00167444)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.27, no.4, pp.158-166, 1954-04-25 (Released:2008-12-24)

参考文献数

39

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1. It is held that bare hills result from two primary causes: one is a natural cause rooted in geological and climatological conditions while the other is cultural in origin and related. to forest denudation. for purposes of salt and china manufacturing. Natural conditions should be considered as a constant for a period of a few hundred years, hence only cultural factors are considered here. 2. China manufacturing prospered in the 18th century but after that time it declined and denudation of forests was largely halted. As a result, forests which had been cutover became relatively thick. 3. Based on manuscripts dating back to the 18th century, it may be presumed that salt manufacturing started at that time. Since 1840 or 1850, coal has been used for fuel in salt manufacturing, however before that time, twigs provided the bulk of the fuel used. These were obtained from shoots growing in the neighboring private forests rather than from public ones. As the twigs cut in the district were not sufficient to meet the demand of salt manufacturers. along the Okayama coast, prior to 1790, they were brought down from the northern mountains and from the west by river craft and used in the manufacture of salt and in other local industries. Since that time, hilltops along the coast began to become bare. 4. Most of these hills were originally covered by commonly-owned forests from which the people in the community gathered their fuel needs. Ho-wever, they were prohibited from gathering fuel for the production of salt, china, charcoal, fish fertilizer etc. without pern-fission. In the prohibition had been violated, disputes would have occurred and recorded bemuse the Okayama clan recorded a great many cases of such disputes over forest right. But, since no such case can be found concerning commonly-owned forests, it is believed that the regulations were followed. 5. The above-mentioned points way be summarized as follow: Forests where fuel for manufacturing was gathered are not now denuded, but the commonlyowned forests from which domestic fuel needs were gathered are bare. It is concluded that bare hills may not have originated froin the supply of fuel needs to salt and other industries, but rather should be attributed to faulty control of the commonly-owned forest.

著者

村上 英雄

出版者

The Association of Japanese Geographers

雑誌

地理学評論 (ISSN:00167444)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.11, no.5, pp.418-436, 1935-05-01 (Released:2008-12-24)