著者

鈴木 順

出版者

東京大学文学部宗教学研究室

雑誌

東京大学宗教学年報 (ISSN:02896400)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.21, pp.167-177, 2004-03-31

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本稿は,4世紀後半のエジプトを中心に活躍し,没後の異端宣告にもかかわらず東西キリスト教修道制の伝統に多大な影響を残した修道士・神学者エヴァグリオス・ポンティコス(345-399/400)の小品『スケンマタ』の試訳と紹介である。わが国では馴染みのない人物なので,作品の解説・試訳の前に,人名事典風に彼の生涯・主要著作・思想(神学と修行論)を略述する。

著者

細田 あや子

出版者

東京大学文学部宗教学研究室

雑誌

東京大学宗教学年報 (ISSN:02896400)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.10, pp.71-88, 1993-03-30

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Der Bericht "Martha und Maria" im Lukasevangelium ist sowohl in textkritischer als auch ferninistisch - theologischer Hinsicht recht umstritten. Bisher wurde die Haltung Marias, die das Wort Jesu hbrt, positiv beurteilt. Marthas Haltung hingegen, die nur die hauslichen Arbeiten verrichtet, hat man eher negativ eingeschatzt. Wenn man diesen Bericht jedoch unter literar - kritischen, redaktionsgeschichtlichen und rezeptionstheoretischen Aspekten untersucht, wird Lukas eigentliche Absicht deutlich. Das durch das Dienen gekennzeichnete Verhalten von Martha steht nicht einfach Verhalten Marias negativ gegenliber, sondern Lukas miBt auch Martha eine positive Bedeutung bei. Das Ergebnis der literar-kritischen Exegese ist, daB Lk10, 42b im Gegensatz zu 10,42a ein redaktioneller Zusatz ist. Lukas fugt die Passage hinzu, um die Leserschaft seine Idealvorstellung von christlichem Verhalten zu vermitteln. Beide Frauen, Martha und Maria, werden als Modell fur christliches Handeln betrachtet. Aber nicht nur diese beiden Schwestern, sondern auch andere Figuren des Lukasevangeliums fungieren als Modell fur richtiges oder falsches Verhalten. Wenn man das ganze Evangelium als Erzahlung liest, wird deutlich, daB der "Martha und Maria"- Bericht im Zusammenhang mit lukanischen Absicht zusehen ist. Er steht bezeichnenderweise am Anfang des Reiseberichts, der von Jesus als Wanderprediger erzahlt. Dadurch ist die Szene, die im Haus von Martha und Maria spielt, von besonderer Wirksamkeit. Es wird nahmlich schon gleich zu Beginn auf die besondere Beziehung zwischen demjenigen, der predigt, und den Empfangern dieser Predigt hingewiesen. Auf diese Weise lenkt Lukas die Aufmerksamkeit der Leserschaft auf Aspekte, die von der bisherigen bibelwissenschaftlichen Forschung noch nicht ausreichend berlicksichtigt worden sind.

著者

西村 明

出版者

東京大学文学部宗教学研究室

雑誌

東京大学宗教学年報 (ISSN:02896400)

巻号頁・発行日

no.17, pp.145-158, 1999

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In 1895, there was a cholera epidemic in Japan. Masuda Keitaro, a policeman, died of the epidemic as he instructed people about hygiene and nursing patients in Takakushi, Saga. He is said to have said, "I will take away the cholera of this area when I die." After he died, people in Takakushi considered Masuda a deity and made a monument in stone to him. Later, people regarded him as a god of disease, and worshippers praying for their recovery from illness increased in number. The monument became Masuda Shrine. Early in the Showa era, people in police and education circles began admiring Masuda for his self-sacrificing behavior. A nationalistic thought movement, "Nihonseishin ron" (the Japanese Spirit argument), was behind these admiring movements. After the war, a doctor, Uchida Mamoru, interpreted Masuda's behavior as philanthropy. The policy "Shinto Shirei" of GHQ lay behind this thought. In this process of Masuda worship the acceptance of the death by the living changed from the second personal death "thy death" to the third personal death "his death". It is possible to interpret Masuda worship by examining this shift.

著者

勝又 悦子

出版者

東京大学文学部宗教学研究室

雑誌

東京大学宗教学年報 (ISSN:02896400)

巻号頁・発行日

no.28, pp.37-53, 2010

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論文/ArticlesJerusalem Talmud Sanhrdrin. 9.2 and Genesis Rabba 80.1 convey a type of romp through the trenchant criticism of the Patriarch (Rabbi Jehuda II) by Jose Maon at the synagogue in Maon (Tiberias) in JT. Focusing on only certain portions of this story, scholars have regarded it as a testimony of the Patriarch's heavy tax or the conflict between the sages and the Patriarchal office, the sages and the clergy, or Jewish and non-Jewish cultures. However, the meaning of the entire romp has not yet been examined. In this paper, we investigate the entire process of this romp and elucidate the character and intentions of Jose Maon. Then, we clarify the relationship among the above characters, namely, between the Rabbis and Jose Maon, the Patriarch and Jose Maon, and the Rabbis and the Patriarch. Furthermore, we reveal the acceptance of Hellenistic popular leisure culture, circuses, theaters, and stadia by referring to other texts. Through our discussion, we reveal that Jose Maon's attack was not aimed exclusively at the Patriarch or the clergy; instead, it was aimed at the contemporary society en masse. Jose Maon and the rabbis were indifferent to each other. The sages and the Patriarch were in ambivalent relationship. Then, the flexible power of balance in the era of rabbinic Judaism will be clarified. Although rabbis opposed the Roman notion of leisure in the theater, the synagogue played as the role of a theater for the Jews, even with a crown, Jose Maon. Furthermore, interestingly, Midrashic described the story of Jose Maon with much dramatization, although Midrash itself opposed the Roman theater. This power of balance in rabbinic Judaism clarifies our understanding of various aspects of Judaism. Moreover, the influence of Roman or Greek drama on Midrash should be further considered.

著者

古澤 有峰

出版者

東京大学文学部宗教学研究室

雑誌

東京大学宗教学年報 (ISSN:02896400)

巻号頁・発行日

no.22, pp.33-51, 2004

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So many suffering and injured people are living with strong needs of physical, emotional and spiritual care in the world today. We have to reach out for such people if we would like to take care of them. However, it should be done without violating their religious and spiritual dignity. How would this be possible in cross-cultural situations? Henri Dunant founded the International Red Cross for this purpose in 1863. The activities by the Red Cross in medical contexts today aim to take care of needs of people regardless of their cultural backgrounds. Theoretically this is what is claimed, but how is it so in reality? This paper focuses on various religions (both traditional and new, including spirituality of individuals) and care in medical contexts beyond cultures, considering the reality of the history of the Red Cross. We have to wedge our way into both historical and practical aspects to solve this difficult and important puzzle. In this paper, I will deal with these issues while giving specific examples of historical claims in articles.

著者

小堀 馨子

出版者

東京大学文学部宗教学研究室

雑誌

東京大学宗教学年報 (ISSN:2896400)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.13, pp.73-86, 1996-03-30

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The Augustan Revival refers to the religious policy of the Emperor Augustus who was responsible for restoring traditional religion to his empire. "I restored many traditions of our ancestors" summarizes the intent of his policy, one which promoted the reconstruction of ruined temples, the restoration of moribund rituals, and generated several cults. One such newly established cults of the time was that of Apollo and Mars. Augustus maintained special devotion to Apollo and Mars, and dedicated magnificent temples and splendid ceremonies to each deity throughout his life. There is a deeper meaning of these cults. First, Apollo, who had been a mere god of healing in the republic, was given a new role as protector of peace, justice, law, literature and the arts. Augustus thus used Apollo as a symbol to protect the new world-order over which he ruled. Since Augustus considered Apollo his personal protector, he presented himself as one assisted by Apollo in the restoration of the Golden Age. Second, Mars, too, who had once been, but a god of war and agriculture, was given a new role as avenger to right the unbearable wrongs of the Former order. Augustus used Mars as a symbol to purify a Rome profaned by civil war, and to "restore many traditions of our ancestors" as a means of reestablishing rapport with the gods. Augustus therefore believed that he was standing at a historical turning point, and recognized himself as the creator of a new age. N.B.I, cf. RES GESTAE DIVI AUGUSTI chapter 8.(Loeb No.152 p.359)

著者

馬場 真理子

出版者

東京大学宗教学研究室

雑誌

東京大学宗教学年報 (ISSN:02896400)

巻号頁・発行日

no.32, pp.239-241, 2014

著者

林 淳

出版者

東京大学文学部宗教学研究室

雑誌

東京大学宗教学年報 (ISSN:02896400)

巻号頁・発行日

no.25, pp.145-183, 2007

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【書評】

著者

金 律里

出版者

東京大学文学部宗教学研究室

雑誌

東京大学宗教学年報 (ISSN:02896400)

巻号頁・発行日

no.28, pp.247-253, 2010

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書評/Book Reviews

著者

今野 啓介

出版者

東京大学文学部宗教学研究室

雑誌

東京大学宗教学年報 (ISSN:02896400)

巻号頁・発行日

no.31, pp.143-159, 2013

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論文/ArticlesThis article focuses on the treatment of religion by humanistic psychologists, especially Abraham Maslow (1908-1970), the founding father of that branch of psychology. Humanistic psychology is known as "the third force" in psychology in the mid-twentieth century, after psycho-analysis and behaviorism. This branch of psychology is distinguished from the other two by its focus on healthy-minded humans and their latent talents. Humanistic psychology also discusses religion more vigorously than before, which shall be a major focus of this article. Though I mainly discuss Maslow's theories, I also try to clarify the differences between his theories and those of two other humanistic psychologists, Gordon Allport and Erich Fromm. As a result, I conclude that Maslow began to recognize the role of religion after he developed his famous theory on "peak experience" for the sake of increasing this theory's versatility. While Allport and Fromm see religion as the most important psychological factor, Maslow regards it as only a secondary factor. Moreover, as Wakimoto (1967) and Nishihira (2002) point out, Maslow considers only the internal manifestation of religiosity and almost ignores the role of organized religion. Since his references to religion are too weak to claim his work to be a theory of religion, this article suggests that Maslow's arguments about religion are subordinate to his main theory on peak experience.

著者

宮家 準

出版者

東京大学文学部宗教学研究室

雑誌

東京大学宗教学年報 (ISSN:02896400)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.32, pp.21-38, 2015-03-31

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論文/Articles

著者

樫尾 直樹

出版者

東京大学文学部宗教学研究室

雑誌

東京大学宗教学年報 (ISSN:2896400)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.7, pp.35-60, 1990-03-20

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Cet article a pour objet d'etudier les caracteristiques du lien social a travers les analyses de la theorie du sacrifice auxquelles Emile Durkheim a attache beaucoup d'lmportance. Il a mis en evidence que deux types de sacrifices (la communion et le sacrifce piaculaire) constituaient "la communication entre le sacre et le profane", c'est a dire, les pratiques qui communiquent la force (le pouvoir) religieux (social et moral), impersonnel, entre le divin et l'homme ; la nature et l'homme ; I'lhomme et lui-meme, et que cette force (ce pouvoir) equivalait presque la notion ambigue du mana. Puis E. Durkheim a decouvert dans le sacre et cette force (ce pouvoir) : La "Societe", l'etre moral qui transcende les individus. La "Societe" signifie pour lui la societe ideale comme "idees superposees sur le monde reel et empirique" ainsi que le sacre. Les sacrifices offrent l'essence de La "Societe" comme idees aux individus et la leur font penetrer profondement. Ainsi ilssont les precedes qui sont a l'origine du lien social et moral. Par ses pratiques, les sacrifices symbolisent quatre idees collectives (les caracteristiques du lien social) : 1. la publicite (caractere public), 2.1a reciprocite, 3.1'egalite, 4.1'unite.

著者

村上 興匡

出版者

東京大学文学部宗教学研究室

雑誌

東京大学宗教学年報 (ISSN:2896400)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.23, pp.9-22, 2006-03-31

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In order to investigate in detail, changes in funeral custom in the urban area, I shall analyze the memoirs of a funeral director, and the annals of a funeral company and two associations of funeral directors. In these materials, it is repeatedly stated that funeral activities are a public affair, and that funeral customs ought to become more rational. The new ways of the funeral business, involving advertisements, price lists of funerals, and the corralling of clients, were derived for the purposes of rationalizing funeral business and lowering funeral costs. However, in spite of such aims, a decrease in funeral cost was not achieved, and in fact, what resulted was a rise in the total cost of funerals. Small-scale funeral parlors in local areas developed into nationwide organizations by forming special contracts with a number of other companies. In post-war Japan, the regionally-based funeral association (soushiki-kumi), gave way to the funeral company hired by the bereaved. In this way, the general populace became free from works polluted by death. At the same time, they came to lose the knowledge they had about funerals, and became unable to hold funerals without the funeral company. It was through such a process that the funeral became a private practice.

著者

林 淳

出版者

東京大学文学部宗教学研究室

雑誌

東京大学宗教学年報 (ISSN:02896400)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.30, no.特別号, pp.29-37, 2013-03

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2010~2012年度文部科学省科学研究費補助金基盤研究 (B) 「宗教概念ならびに宗教研究の普遍性と地域性の相関・相克に関する総合的研究」 (研究代表者 : 池澤優) 課題番号 : 22320016 報告書

著者

深澤 英隆

出版者

東京大学文学部宗教学研究室

雑誌

東京大学宗教学年報 (ISSN:2896400)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.12, pp.101-118, 1995-03-30

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Richard Swinburne, well known for his evidentialist philosophy of religion, attempts in his Existence of God to give foundation to the idea of the existence of God in terms of arguments which use religious experience as evidence. In this paper, I seek to examine Swinburne's understanding of religious experience, especially his "Principle of Credulity" as well as his "perception model" of religious experience. Considered in the wider context of contemporary philosophical discussions on the epistemological value of perceptual experiences, especially those on the conceptual relativity of religious experiences, Swinburne's position presents many difficulties which render his evidentialist arguments hardly tenable. Notwithstanding his foundationalist intention, what he achieves seems to be no more than an invitation to a commitment to the given Christian belief about God. These considerations lead us further into a re-exmination of the foundationalist enterprise in general. There are at least two further tasks to be performed, namely, 1) a reconstruction of the concept of religious experience apart from its narrow evidentialist formulations, and 2 ) historical-genealogical reflections on religious epistemology.

著者

前島 康佑

出版者

東京大学文学部宗教学研究室

雑誌

東京大学宗教学年報 (ISSN:02896400)

巻号頁・発行日

no.30, pp.141-154, 2012

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論文/ArticlesMost studies of Japanese ancient religious traditions regard Nihon ryōiki, the earliest collection of Buddhist folk-literature compiled by 9th century Yakushiji Buddhist monk Kyōkai, as a text which indicates the decline of jingi worship at the time. The main aim of this paper is to criticize this view by showing two implied premises which many scholars unconsciously presuppose without basis: a substantialist understanding of Buddhist and jingi worship, and undue emphasis on the editor's intention to indoctrinate people with Buddhist belief. Regarding the former, several scholars mistakenly interpret non-Buddhist folk literature, particularly the folk literature called "dōjō-hōshi setsuwa," as stories which show a Buddhist element in the logic of "inga ōhō". With reference to these theories, some scholars relate jingi worship with the form of community in ancient Japan, which often is not depicted in detail. Such studies define "Shinto" somewhat substantially as an entity that is dichotomous with and overwhelmed by "Buddhism." However, the materials do not demonstrate the confrontation of "Shinto" and "Buddhism." Moreover, it is difficult to understand folk literature in Nihon Ryoiki through the substantialist categories of "Shinto" and "Buddhism". Regarding the latter presupposition, a cautious reading of the text's preface written by editor Kyōkai suggests that it is impossible to assume that he intended only to collect Buddhist folklore by which he expected to cultivate people's righteous consciousness. In fact, he also intended to collect fantastical stories regardless of whether they exhibited Buddhist tendencies or not. Behind this intention, it can be said that in addition to the indoctrination of people, satisfying his interest in mysteries (ryōi) was one of his purposes in compiling the text. We thus cannot take this text as having only a Buddhist character. Nihon ryōiki is, however, regarded as the material that contains various ancient beliefs. In light of the aforementioned arguments, two directions for future study can be delineated. Firstly, scholars must perform a detailed analysis of relationship between belief in Nihon ryōiki and jingi worship, without using the substantially defined category of "Shinto," by conducting a detailed analysis of Shinto-like elements in folk literature. Secondly, we must provide comprehensive understandings of various beliefs, for instance "hyōsō shinkō," which cannot be classified as Buddhism or Shinto. By these methods, we can illuminate another, non-Buddhist aspect of ancient Japanese religious tradition.

著者

前島 康佑

出版者

東京大学文学部宗教学研究室

雑誌

東京大学宗教学年報 (ISSN:02896400)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.30, pp.141-154, 2013-03-31

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論文/Articles

著者

前川 理子

出版者

東京大学文学部宗教学研究室

雑誌

東京大学宗教学年報 (ISSN:2896400)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.13, pp.107-121, 1996-03-30

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This paper examines the philosophy of "Zen-sei", which H.Noguchi (1911~1976) a founder of the "Seitai Kyokai" association developed in his body work practices, with an emphasis on its central concept of "Inochi" meaning "life". "Inochi", however, does not simply mean a biological continuity, but conveys a source of wisdom : moral, intellectual, and biological. Noguchi stresses the self-adjusting, self-sufficient, reflexive nature of "Inochi" both biologically and intellectually. The entity does not only have a natural self-healing power within itself, but also has the intelligence that knows and tells us what to do. The aim of Noguchi's body work is to calm ourselves in order to hear the voice of ultimate wisdom of "Inochi" coming from inside. "Inochi" is thus regarded as an irreducible principle of living that guides us biologically and mentally simply by virtue of its teleological instinct. Noguchi defined an ideal life as embodied in the philosophy of "Zen-sei" to be free from all socially-given moral obligations, but still maintaining naturally the harmonious relations with society. What induced him to teach body work was his frustrated observation of oppressed and thus non-functional people who simply did not use their inherent abilities that derive from "Inochi". Shrunk under the weight of moral duties and the increasing number of scientific discourses related to self-discipline deployed in modernizing Japan held sway over people. He pays special attention to popularized medical discourse and also to a physical education in schools that invite our psycho-physical improvement for constructing an unbending body and mind. He claims that exercising the practices they espouse indeed leads to disastrous effects that actually diminish our autonomous potentials, since those practices undermine the work of "Inochi", and suppress natural bodily functions. Noguchi's motive of "Inochi" derived from such insights on the surroundings of our body and mind, and his efforts were directed for avoiding the force of this contradiction. For a socio-cultural study of body-mind practices, we must remember that our bodies emerge in different kinds of engagement and intervention; pedagogical teaching and writing, medical and other social practices. Body and mind are discursive, social constructions. In this respect, efficacy aside, Noguchi's attempts are valuable as they aim at the reconstruction of our bodies and minds against the prevailing scientific discourses and practices that have dominated our everyday life in the first half of this century.

著者

市川 裕

出版者

東京大学文学部宗教学研究室

雑誌

東京大学宗教学年報 (ISSN:02896400)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.32, pp.1-19, 2015-03-31

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論文/Articles

著者

佐々木 中

出版者

東京大学文学部宗教学研究室

雑誌

東京大学宗教学年報 (ISSN:2896400)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.19, pp.77-91, 2002-03-31

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Cet article vise à mettre en relief le point crucial de la théorie de Pirre Legendre, l'anthropologie dogmatique, dans son rapport à la théorie de la psychanalyse, surtout celle du "stade du miroir" de Jaques Lacan. La question du miroir ne se réduit pas à l'instance imaginaire, si nous l'abordons en tenant compt de la function identificatoire. Qu'on se regarder dans le miroir, cela suppose qu'il y ait un écart entre celui qui regarde et le miroir. Et cela suppose déjà l'instauration de l'instance symbolique. Il s'agit là de l'articulation entre l'imaginaire et le symbolique. Un espace-temps où les deux instances se dédoublent, et d'où provient la distinction entre les deux, Legendre l'appele "dogme". Le dogme, à la fois imaginaire et symbolique, implique non seulement le champs individuel et esthétique, mais aussi ceux de social, de genealogique, de rituel, et de "eligieux".