著者

多和田 裕司

出版者

日本文化人類学会

雑誌

民族學研究 (ISSN:24240508)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.56, no.1, pp.1-19, 1991-06-30 (Released:2018-03-27)

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本論文,マレーシア・クランタン州におけるマレー系村落での実地調査に基づき,村落におけるリーダーシップの検討を通して,何がマレー・リーダーシップの基盤に存在しているのかを分析する。そのさい,ひとりのプンフル(村落レベルでのリーダー)の姿を具体的に描き出すことによって,従来の社会構造論的,機能論的研究においては見逃されてきた文化的な「力」がリーダーシップを構成する力として存在することを指摘する。

著者

煎本 孝

出版者

日本文化人類学会

雑誌

民族學研究 (ISSN:00215023)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.53, no.2, pp.125-154, 1988-09-30

被引用文献数

1

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アイヌの狩猟の象徴的意味と行動戦略を、文献資料、調査資料に基づき、生態学的および民族生態学的視点から分析した。アイヌの狩猟技術の特徴は、矢毒(トリカブト)、自動装置(仕掛弓)、手持ち弓と狩猟犬の使用である。矢毒と犬は、それぞれトリカブトの神、庭にいる神と考えられており、火の媼神の使者として山の神(熊)を招待する役割を持つ。アイヌ(人間)とカムイ(神、精霊)との間の互酬性は、山の神(熊)の招待と送還という肯定的機序、および、悪い神(悪態;狩猟の不確定性、危険性の象徴)に対する防御、反撃、制裁という否定的機序から成る。熊祭は人間界で飼育された子熊を、特別な使者として熊の先祖のもとに送還することにより、互酬性の反復を意図とする発展した肯定的機序として解釈される。また、占い、夢見は良い狐の頭骨の神、森の樹の女神からの伝言と考えられており、狩猟行動の意志決定における重要な機能をはたす。以上の分析から、狩猟における行動戦略は、人間によって認識された自然と、現実の自然との間の相互作用の動的過程として理解される。

著者

山田 秀三

出版者

日本文化人類学会

雑誌

民族學研究 (ISSN:24240508)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.37, no.2, pp.146, 1972-09-30 (Released:2018-03-27)

著者

飯島 吉晴

出版者

日本文化人類学会

雑誌

民族學研究 (ISSN:24240508)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.42, no.4, pp.312-333, 1978-03-31 (Released:2018-03-27)

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In Japan the house is an internal space (culture) cut off from the outside world (nature). It is not only a dwelling place, but it also forms a microcosm composed of two categories front and back. The front part of a Japanese house is a light, clean, superior and formal (central) place in daily life, while the back part which is composed of a kitchen, toilet, bedrooms, store-rooms and stable is regarded as a dark, dirty, inferior and informal (peripheral) place. In the front rooms, usually called Dei (出居) or Omote (=front, 表), gods of famous local shrines and ancester-gods are worshipped by householders and regular priests. But, in the back rooms, on the other hand, Ebisu-Daikoku (=gods of good fortune, エビス・大黒), Ta-no-kami (=the field god, 田ノ神), Nando-gami (=god in Nando-room, 納戸神) and Kamado-gami(=the hearth deity, 竈神)are venerated by house-wives and wandering (inferior) priests. The both parts are sometimes further subdivided into two contrasting categories. For example, in the front side of the house, Shintoism (god) and Buddism (ancester) occupy opposing positions in ritual. The purpose of this paper is to consider symbolic functions and structures of private house deities (especially the hearth deity) worshipped in the back rooms, and to reconstruct part of the cosmology represented in folktales, legends and ritual around the hearth and its deity. The hearth is a symbol of the "family" itself and its deity plays an important role in guarding the family and life in general. In folktales and legends, the hearth deity is closely connected with sake (=wine) and gold. Sake is a sacred drink which facilitates communication with the other world (god) : however, this word also indicates a border or boundary. Gold signifies a complete rebirth as well as a precious metal as opposed to death and things dirty. Yet, the hearth deity can transform the negative (feces) into the positive (gold). This shows that it is a mediating bridge between two states (e. g. positive/negative, rich/poor, life and death.) Consequently, the hearth god resembles to a great degree a guardian god at the village boundary acting as a mediator between this world and the other. Generally speaking, house deities in the rear of the premises have negative characteristics darkness, ugliness, dificiency and imperfections (for instance, they are deaf, blind, bald, lame, one-legged or one-eyed) . Their negative aspect symbolizes a kind of "death" (otherness) and is an indispensable condition for a new and better world which is about to dawn for "negativized being" is entitled to occupy a whole place within the system. In folktales and various rites, the transition between life and death (opposite principles) is often made in the back section of the house, where the house quardian spirits live, appearing in the form of a dwarf, a little child or small animals (a snake. a mouse, or a fox etc) . The corn spirit (usually the paddy spirit) is also worshipped in the back side of the house which is also a special area for rebirth where the two principles of life/death, fire/water coexist, and they exchange places each other. The hearth deity as a mediator, for example, is characterized by the conflicting concepts of at once the fire god and the water god, the guardian god and the rough god (荒神), life and death. In this respect, it resemble the thunder god which is mediator between the sky and the earth. The thunder god rumbles when the seasons change, and at the time of birth and death. This god, which is thought to be a one-eyed god and smith-god, marks the crossing of boundaries between two different states.

著者

西村 朝日太郎

出版者

日本文化人類学会

雑誌

民族學研究 (ISSN:24240508)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.44, no.3, pp.223-259, 1979-12-30 (Released:2018-03-27)

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While researching the aquatic cultures along the coast of the Ariake Sea, the author's attention was drawn to two cultural traits in the realm of overt fishermen's culture. One is the mud sled, widely distributed along the muddy tidal zones throughout the world. The other is the stone tidal weir, built along reef coasts with conspicuous tidal ranges. The former is a leading cultural trait which represents the muddy tidal flat culture, and the latter, the reef culture. The latter in particular is quite archaic and presumably originated in the pre-sapiens phase of human history as pointed out by J. Desmond CLARK, although this is denied by R. A. DART. This paper deals with the stone tidal weirs and their relics found along the coast of Miyako Island and the adjacent Irabu Island. In 1957 the author set out to investigate a vast range of gigantic construction on the reef flat along the coast of Karimata in Miyako Island. The range comprised a fixed fishing gear known as a stone tidal weir. Stone tidal weirs at Karimata are mamma-shaped, while others, which are widely scattered in the area, including Iriomote, Kohama, Irabu. Ishigaki etc., vary in shape. Subsequent to several field researches on stone tidal weirs (called kaki or katsi etc. by the natives) in this region, the author sent several of his assistants there in 1972 with the aim of conducting an intensive investigation of the stone tidal weirs still in existence on those islands. This report brings out the results of our joint research, particularly on Miyako and Irabu Islands. A report will be presented later concerning the stone tidal weirs on Kohama Island. Stone tidal weirs, archaic primitive fixed fishing gear, have been under considerable oceanoographical influence due to their particular characteristics in location and function. The author describes in brief the oceanographic factors which have close relationships to stone tidal weirs. Along the northeatern coast of Miyako Island there were originally sixteen stone tidal weirs (photographically illustrated : fig. 5) but most of them were destroyed by the big typhoon named Sarah in 1959 and the subsequent Chilian tsunami (tidal waves caused by an earthquake) in 1960. As mentioned above, stone tidal weirs at Karimata, like those in other areas, are of ancient origin. A considerable number of poems referring to stone tidal weirs seem to be involved in "omorososhi", the oldest anthology of Okinawa. Genhichi SHIMABUKURO has pointed out several poems related to it, however, referring to the works of S. HOKAMA and K. TORIKOSHI, there is ample room for doubt. The author believes that an ancient poem handed down from one generation to another at Karimata, which is entitled "Upuja mabikirja nu fusa" is related to the stone tidal weir. This poem is found in the book "Alethology of Miyako Island" written by S. HOKAMA and K. SHINZATO. Stone tidal weirs of Okinawa can be classified into four types as far as the catching part is concerned, as indicated in figure 13. Type A is akin to a stone weir with its fishing method differentiated in principle from a stone tidal weir. This is the type which formerly existed in Henza Island. Type B is found at Karimata, and it consists of three parts : a) a 10w stone wall (kaki-nu-ti :) as long as 780m with mutu-gaki, b) a catching part (Bu-fuga) , and c) a flat stone-block seat (bi : si) set on both sides of the catching chamber. During ebbtide, water dashes into the catching chamber at the speed of 3/5 m/s on the water surface.

著者

立川 陽仁

出版者

日本文化人類学会

雑誌

民族學研究 (ISSN:00215023)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.64, no.1, pp.1-22, 1999

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カナダ, 太平洋沿岸部の先住民族クワクワカワクゥ(クワキウトル)の「貴族層」が経験した植民地統治期における権威の衰退は, これまでの研究においては政治・経済的要因によるものと前提されてきた。つまり, 貨幣経済の浸透によって「貴族」と「平民」の経済的格差が埋まり, あるいは新たなリーダーが誕生したために「伝統」的な貴族の権威が相対化され, かつそれらのリーダーたちによって貴族の役割が剥奪されたと想定されてきたのである。しかしながら, 実際には, これらの貴族は宗教・象徴的な次元においても権威を保持していたのである。このような宗教・象徴的権威の拠り所となるのがクワクワカワクゥ独自の世界観によって「神聖」さを与えられてきたランクであり, 貴族とはその所有者なのであった。本稿は, そのような宗教・象徴的な権威がいかにして植民地統治期に凋落していったのかを探ろうとするものである。具体的には, ポトラッチにおけるヨーロッパ物資の採用や, 天然痘などの疫病の流行がクワクワカワクゥの世界観およびランクの衰退にどのような影響を及ぼしたのかを考察し, 最後に貴族による「抵抗」の手段としてのポトラッチの変化について述べることにしたい。

著者

服部 四郎 知里 真志保

出版者

日本文化人類学会

雑誌

民族學研究

巻号頁・発行日

vol.24, no.4, pp.307-342, 1960

被引用文献数

1

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In 1955 and 1956, the authors and others were able to investigate the Ainu dialects, which were on the point of dying out. Some of the informants were the last surviving speaker or speakers of the dialects, and all of them were very old people. Some of them even have died since our investigation. In this article, we present the lexicostatistic data of 19 dialects, of which 13 are those of Hokkaido and 6 are those of Sakhalin. All the field work was done in Hokkaido. Some informants spoke Ainu fluently, but others spoke imperfectly and were unable to remember several words. In §4 (Table I on p.37&acd;p.59), the Ainu words are arranged according to Swadesh's 200 item list. In §5 (cf. Table II inserted), cognate residues are marked with +; non-cognates with -; cognates and non-cognates with±(when one or both of the dialects have two forms, and the inperfectness of the record does not allow us to decide which is more basic); questionable etymology or choice with ○; doubtful record with?; no answer given with・; lacuna of record with ( ). On Table II, all + have been omitted, except for ±. In §6, problematic points in the computation of residues are discussed. In §7 (Table III and Fig.2), the percentages of the residual cognates are shown in figures and graphs. In §8, the significance of the figures on Table III (Fig.2) is discussed. It is pointed out among other things that there is a remarkable gap between Hokkaido dialects and those of Sakhalin, Soya, the northernmost of Hokkaido, being the closest to the Sakhalin dialects. A significant gap is also seen between Samani on the one hand, and Niikappu, Hiratori, and Nukkibetsu on the other, which coincides with the discrepancies in other culture and customs, etc. In §9, the data on Table I are examined from the view-point of linguistic geography. In §10, questions concerning the computation of time-depth are referred to. In §11, the items, with regard to which the Hokkaido and Sakhalin dialects diverge from each other, are compared with those with regard to which the Ryukyuan and the Japanese dialects diverge from each other. It is found that the only common item in the two lists is 47. knee. Thus, it is possible to state that Ainu and Japanese have had the tendency to change in different directions, in so far as the 200 item list is concerned. In §12, it is pointed out that Japanese loanwords in Ainu and Chinese loan-words in Japanese are very few in so far as the list is concerned. Hattori does not think it impossible that the root √<kur> of Ainu and the forms of Japanese, Korean, Tunguse, and Turkic (on p.66) are cognates from the possible parent language of all these languages. It is hoped to promote comparative study of this kind.

著者

鷹木 恵子

出版者

日本文化人類学会

雑誌

民族學研究 (ISSN:24240508)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.50, no.3, pp.294-313, 1985-12-30 (Released:2018-03-27)

著者

久保寺 逸彦

出版者

日本文化人類学会

雑誌

民族學研究 (ISSN:24240508)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.36, no.2, pp.176-177, 1971-09-30 (Released:2018-03-27)

著者

杉島 敬志

出版者

日本文化人類学会

雑誌

民族學研究 (ISSN:24240508)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.59, no.1, pp.80-83, 1994-06-30 (Released:2018-03-27)

著者

伊藤 泰信

出版者

日本文化人類学会

雑誌

民族學研究 (ISSN:24240508)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.61, no.2, pp.302-313, 1996-09-30 (Released:2018-03-27)

著者

小林 勝

出版者

日本文化人類学会

雑誌

民族學研究 (ISSN:24240508)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.56, no.4, pp.407-428, 1992-03-30 (Released:2018-03-27)

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南インド・ケーララにおけるカースト制は,ナンブーディリ・ブラーフマンを中心=頂点とする<儀礼的位階>イデオロギーが著しく貫徹され,彼らが王権を超える地位を獲得していたことによって特徴付けられる。そのことの意味は,一番に,この地域が古代の統一王権を喪失して以来近代にいたるまで慢性的な政治的分裂状況にあり,そこにおける汎ケーララ的な次元での社会的統合の宗教的な要としての役割がこのブラーフマンに対して要請されてきたという歴史的な経緯に求められる。また,ナンプーディリは他に例をみない大土地保有者であり,そしてある場合には地方小王権に対抗し得るような強大な武力をさえ抱え込んでいたのであって,そうした彼らの世俗的な側面は一方で自らの汎ケーララ性を裏切りながら,しかし全体からすれば彼らの宗教的権威を王権から自立させて維持するのに大きな意義をもったのである。

著者

青柳 真智子

出版者

日本文化人類学会

雑誌

民族學研究 (ISSN:24240508)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.48, no.1, pp.11-12, 1983-06-30 (Released:2018-03-27)

著者

堀内 正樹

出版者

日本文化人類学会

雑誌

民族學研究 (ISSN:24240508)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.65, no.1, pp.25-41, 2000 (Released:2018-05-29)

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クリフォード・ギアツの著書に有名な 『Islam Observed』がある。視覚を通してイスラームを理解するということだろうか。しかし本稿では、見たり見られたりするイスラームではなく、聞いたり話したり呼びかけたりするイスラームがあって、その方が現実感があると考える。モロッコにおいてイスラームが提供する音には,コーランの詠唱に始まり,祈りの呼びかけ,預言者賛歌,神学のテクストの詠唱,神秘主義教団の祈祷句,憑依儀礼の音楽など様々なものがある 。一方 「音楽」の諸ジャンル,たとえば古典音楽,民俗歌舞,商業音楽などにも宗教的な要素が深く浸透している 。宗教音はこうした個々の音のジャンルを乗り超えて柔軟に結び合わされ,全体として人々に感覚としてのイスラームを提供しているように思う 。その感覚の統合化に機能する音の特徴として,本稿では「脱分節性」という概念を提起する 。この特徴は意味の分節化を抑制する機能を持ち,結果として特定の意味ジャンルを越え出て,それらを相互に結び付けることを可能にする。従来のイスラーム社会の分類方法の主流を占めてきた「正統イスラーム」対「スーフイズム」, あるいは「学究的イスラーム」対「土着信仰」といった視覚的な分類枠もこうした音文化分析によって組み替えることが出来るのではないか,という可能性を示してみたい 。

著者

築島 謙三

出版者

日本文化人類学会

雑誌

民族學研究 (ISSN:00215023)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.15, no.1, pp.41-51, 1950

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Kroeber insisted on man's "social" nature-a trait which distinguishes him from animals. Sapir doubted this, and thus the problem of why man is essentially "social" still remains. Here lies a psychological issue, which in recent years has given rise to emphasis on the concepts of symbol and sign. The existence of culture is necessarily connected with the symbolic faculty, as White has ponited out. But White does not explore the final implications of this. When we consider the creative development of culure by Homo sapiens and when we consider the psychological nature of the symbolic faculty, we cannot but admit the creative power of this symbolic faculty. In this faculty of using the symbol we see likewise the faculty of creating the symbol. White regards man as a constant ; culture as an independent variable. We see, however, that men are not really constant because of their unique psychological creative faculty. Enculturation into a given culture depends essentially on the exercise of this faculty. It seems we are obliged at least in principle to admit that the individual may have the power to change culture, although the cultural stream in the long view appears generally so determining that the individual seems powerless. Obviously we cannot neglect the concept of the super-individual nature of culture and deny that we are able to study culture as if it were an independent entity. For example, we must know the structure of any culture before we study the process of enculturation of an individual into that culture. The most important inquiry would seem to lie in the area of the interdependence between the individual and cultural process, especially when investigating a small community culture intensively and minutely. Thus we may conclude that culture is not entirely super-individual.

著者

星野 晋

出版者

日本文化人類学会

雑誌

民族學研究 (ISSN:24240508)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.66, no.4, pp.460-481, 2002-03-30 (Released:2018-03-27)

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本研究は、エホバの証人の輸血拒否を、新しい医療技術の開発によって医療現場で生じた文化摩擦であると位置づけ、この問題をめぐる日本の医療環境の変化の過程を見ていくことにより、医療と技術と文化の関係を検討することを目的とする。エホバの証人(法人名、ものみの塔聖書冊子協会)は、19世紀末にアメリカで誕生したキリスト教系の宗教団体であり、血を食べてはならないという聖書の記述を根拠に医療現場で輸血を拒否することが、さまざまな国で社会問題になった。日本では、1985年交通事故に遭った小学生の輸血を両親が拒否し死に至ったことがマスコミで報道され、エホバの証人、信者である両親、輸血を強行しなかった医師等が非難の的となった。1990年前後から、輸血拒否問題をめぐる状況は大きく変わり始める。患者の自己決定権、インフォームド・コンセントといった概念が社会的に認知されるようになってきたが、これらの考え方はエホバの証人の輸血を拒否し「無輸血治療」を選択するという主張と合致するものであった。一方、薬害エイズ問題等で輸血や血液製剤の危険性が改めて注目されるところとなり、その回避にもつながる新しい薬剤や技術が開発されはじめる。その結果、輸血は人の生死を分ける唯一の選択肢ではなくなった。また協会はそのころ、新しい技術や無輸血治療に理解を示す医師等についての情報を信者に提供するなどして信者と医療の架け橋の役割を果たす、医療機関連絡委員会等の部門を設置する。結局、医療側とエホバの証人は、それぞれがいだく信念の直接衝突を避け、インフォームド・コンセントの枠組みを最大限に利用し、その場面でなされる利用可能な技術の選択という一般的なテーマに輸血拒否の問題を解消させる。その結果この文化摩擦は解決する方向に向かっているといえる。

著者

須江 ひろ子

出版者

日本文化人類学会

雑誌

民族學研究 (ISSN:24240508)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.30, no.2, pp.139-149, 1965-09-30 (Released:2018-03-27)

著者

三尾 裕子

出版者

日本文化人類学会

雑誌

民族學研究 (ISSN:00215023)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.55, no.3, pp.243-268, 1990-12-30

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本論は, 台湾において最も人気の高い<神々>のうちの一つである王爺の分析を通して, 台湾の漢民族の霊魂観の構造的特徴及びそれらと台湾の歴史的社会的背景との関係を検証する。本論で王爺を取り上げたのは, 王爺の分析が, 台湾の漢民族の世界観の特色を理解するのに役立つと考えられるからである。王爺は, 従来台湾人の民俗分類概念といわれてきた3種の霊的存在-<神>, <鬼>, <祖先>-では捉えきれない。その問題点は, 従来の見方があまりに静態的であったために, 霊的存在の変化の可能性やその過程を説明しきれない点にあったといえる。本論では, このような視点の下に, まず従来の王爺研究をふり返る。そして, これらの文献資料及び筆者の調査した王爺信仰及び「迎王」儀礼を通して, 王爺にみられる霊魂の内的構造を分析する。更に, 「王爺」の<鬼>から<神>への変化が, 台湾の歴史的環境のなかで生み出されてきたことを明らかにする。

著者

安間 清

出版者

日本文化人類学会

雑誌

民族學研究 (ISSN:24240508)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.22, no.3-4, pp.223-244, 1959-01-25 (Released:2018-03-27)

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Almost all the people of any village or town in Nagano-ken in Japan imagine that the rainbow rises from the water. " Where does the rainbow rise from ? " Ask the question, and one almost always receive such an answer that the rainbow rises from a pond, a marsh, a river, depths, a lake, or the sea. Sometimes people tel・1 him even the name of a special and definite pond or river from which the rainbow rises. Such a traditiona] belief among people that the rainbow rises from the water is found not only in Nagano-ken, but also in Niigata-ken, Yamanashi-ken, and Chiba-ken, and even in such a far northern district as Akita-ken, according to the author's information. It can also be found in Ishikawa・ken, Fukui-ken, the urban districts of Ky6to, Hy6go-ken, Kyti-shiu, and even in Okinawa Isles. In short, this traditoinal belief that the rainbow rises from the water may be considered to be wide spread among people all over Japan. And moreover it may have exsited a'mong people since ancient times. One can find the evidence of its existence in such classics as Kojiki, Nihonshoki, and Mannyo. The documents of the Heian Dynasty show that it also exsited in that age. The origin of this traditional belief can be explained by an ancient, belief that the rainbow is a dragon or serpent that lives in the water. The ancient be]ief even now remains evidently in such prefectures as Nagano-ken, Yamanashi-ken, Akita-ken, and dita-ken, and also in Okinawa Isles. This queer ancient belief that the rainbow is a dragon or serpent which rises from its dwelling place in the water is found not only among Japanese, but also among the Ainu, Koreans, Chinese, the aborigines of Formosa, Malayans, Rumanians, and lrishmen in Europe. Africans, Austrarians, and the natives in America, in so far as it has been known to the author till now. It may be concluded that all the people in the world, perhaps, had once the ancient belief. There was another belief from old time that the rainbow was a bridge from the heaven to the earth over which various divine beings passed. This was believed not only in Japan, China, and Korea, but also among American Indians and many of Europeans. It was also a world-wide traditional belief. There was one more belief that gold, treasures, and good luck were hidden at the place from which the rainbow rose. This belief was probably world-wide from old timesand seems to have some close relation with a strange Japanese custom in the Middle Age that a fair was held at the place from which a rainbow had risen. What interests the author is the report indicating some relation between the rainbow and an old Melanesian trade custom. What has been mentioned above is the result drawn from the data ivhich the author collected and arranged, but it is too great a riddle for him to solvb why there are such traditional beliefs about the rainbow that seem to be common to all the people in the world.

著者

服部 四郎

出版者

日本文化人類学会

雑誌

民族學研究 (ISSN:24240508)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.21, no.3, pp.158-165, 1957-08-25 (Released:2018-03-27)