著者
四宮 正親
出版者
経営史学会
雑誌
経営史学 (ISSN:03869113)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.27, no.2, pp.1-30,i, 1992-07-30 (Released:2009-11-06)

The Japanese automobile market in pre-war had been dominated by Japan Ford and Japan GM. So, the aim of automobile industrial policy was to protect the market against foreign companies, to foster domestic manufacturers and finally to control the industry. Specially the army had intended to eliminate the foreign companies after the 1931 Manchurian incident.After the army occupied Manchuria in 1931, heavy-industrialization policy had been executed by Japan there. Aircraft and automobile industries as the war industries had been thought important. Army had intended to protect the automobile market and to foster the automobile industry in Manchuria.The goal of the 1936 Automobile Manufacturing Business Law was to permit the automobile manufacturing business and to eliminate the foreign companies. Furthermore, the law was to protect the automobile market against foreign companies in Manchuria. Substantially it had been prohibited for foreign companies to make inroads into Manchurian market.In fostering the automobile industry in Japan and Manchuria, Manchurian market was very important in these two points : 1. As the market of Japanese automobiles.2. In fostering the auto business in Manchuria.Therefore in order to foster the automobile industry, the operation of foreign companies in Manchuria had never been permitted.
著者
市原 博
出版者
経営史学会
雑誌
経営史学 (ISSN:03869113)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.27, no.3, pp.1-33, 1992-10-30 (Released:2009-11-06)
被引用文献数
1 1

During the Second World War, the number of workers who were employed by colliery companies had increased. They worked under the supervision of skilled workers who had served for long term and had come to hold the positions of the superintendent.After the defeat of W.W. II, the workplaces of colliery companies were out of order. Labor unions which had been organized rapidly beared the responsibility to maintain the order of workplaces and to control the workers. As a result, they were permitted to participate in management. Since 1949 when controls over coal-mining industry was removed, colliery companies attempted to cut down expenses and to raise efficiency. For they tried to deprive of vested rights of labor unions, many labor-management disputes took place. Red purge that was carried out at 1950 gave a blow to unions. However, managements could not succeeded in their attempts, and labor unions keeped their powerful positions to determine the labor conditions and the treatment of individual worker.In 1950's, coal mine workers improved their stability remarkably. They and their families came to live inside each coal mine in which they were employed. As a result, a feeling of identification with local community was held in common by them.
著者
松本 貴典
出版者
経営史学会
雑誌
経営史学 (ISSN:03869113)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.26, no.4, pp.1-41, 1992-01-30 (Released:2010-11-18)

The aim of this paper is to examine the trend of Senboku (the southern district of Osaka prefecture) textile weaving industry in the interwar period by analyzing the trend of the management of a textile weaving factory in the district. For the examination, we have investigated the trend of the management of Nayatake textile weaving factory in the interwar period. Through this investigation, we can divide the management period of Nayatake textile weaving factory in the interwar period into three parts as follows.1 The management period in which Nayatake mainly produced cotton textile goods (1922-25) The management of Nayatake in this period depended heavily upon Senboku county. In short Nayatake carried on most of transactions with cotton yarns wholesale stores, textile wholesale stores, and banks in Senboku county. 2 The management period in which products of Nayatake were diversified (1926-30) Nayatake adopted a product diversification strategy in which Nayatake produced cotton blankets and cotton shawls in addition to cotton sheets in order to get out of depression. So the management of Nayatake in this period was very different from the first period. The term-end profit of Nayatake was improved by adopting this strategy. And also as far as yarns and textile wholesale stores and banks were concerned, Nayatake carried on transactions on a much larger scale than the first period by adopting it. To put it concretely, as far as wholesale stores were concerned, Nayatake depended much more upon Osaka city than the first period. 3 The management period in which Nayatake mainly produced woolen textile goods (1931-38) As the management of Nayatake continued to suffer a decrease in profit for seven semiannual settlement terms, Nayatake needed further diversification of its products. So Nayatake started to produce woolen goods by introducing high-performance wool-looms. Introducing them made Nayatake capital intensive, and a term-end profit was improved quickly. In this period Nayatake tended to sell woolen goods to wholesale stores in Osaka city by check and cotton goods to local wholesale stores on credit. Also Nayatake tended to buy woolen yarns directly from woolen spinning companies and cotton yarns from wholesale stores in both Osaka and Senboku county. As far as attached finished processing was concerned, napping processing depended upon Senboku, and another processing upon Osaka city and an advanced woolen weaving area, Bishu. Moreover Nayatake tended to carry on transactions with banks in Osaka city in addition to local banks in Senboku county. Through the analysis mentioned above, the conclusion of this paper should be noted as follows. Senboku county became the most famous woolen textile weaving area in Japan after World War II. However the conversion from cotton textiles to woolen textiles had already occurred during the period from the 1930s to 1930s. Therefore the interwar period was the very turning point for Senboku which would succeed as the most well-known woolen textile weaving area after the War.
著者
北林 雅志
出版者
経営史学会
雑誌
経営史学 (ISSN:03869113)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.26, no.4, pp.42-70,iii, 1992-01-30 (Released:2010-11-18)
被引用文献数
1

In the last quarter of the 19th century, the history of eastern banking was dominated by the depreciation of silver in terms of gold. The continuous decline in the value of silver was a problem for all eastern exchange banks. The Oriental Bank, which was the largest bank in Asia, fell into a business crisis and stopped payment in 1884. Under these circumstances, the Hongkong Bank extended their business, made remunerative profits and became the largest bank in Asia. How could the Hongkong Bank get over the difficulties produced by the exchange fluctuation, and grow up in such bad times? The Hongkong Bank's activities in this era were marked by the Even Keel Policy. One purpose of this article attempts to examine what the Even Keel Policy was through contemporary evidence. Even though the Hongkong Bank adopted the Even Keel Policy, the Bank could not overcome all difficulties. The Bank suffered considerable losses on the exchange business in 1886. The other purpose of this article is to try to investigate why the Bank suffered heavy losses in 1886. The foreign exchange banks had to lay in fund largely at Hankow as preparation for the Chinese tea season. They had remitted a very large amount of their funds to Hankow in Shansi bankers' drafts since 1875. But this mode of remittance was stopped by the Shanghai financial crisis of 1883. Therefore, the Hongkong Bank had to send their fund in the form of “Sycee” to Hankow. In the spring of 1886, the silver panic happened suddenly, when the Hongkong Bank remitted large “Sycee” to Hankow. As a result, the Hongkong Bank could not avoid suffering heavy losses from the silver panic of 1886.
著者
柳 敦
出版者
経営史学会
雑誌
経営史学 (ISSN:03869113)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.27, no.1, pp.1-28,i, 1992-04-30 (Released:2009-11-06)

Cet article a pour objectif d'esquisser la commercialisation des vins en Languedoc, surtout celle des négociants régionaux et de préciser leur rôle au tournant des XIXe et XXe siècles; un sujet qui n'a pas été approfondi jusqu'à présent. Pendant la seconde moitié du XIXe siècle, le marché vinicole en France était toujours en train de croissance grâce à la construction du chemin de fer et à la perturbation du marché provoquée du phylloxéra. D'après nos documents, ces négociants languedociens ont ouvert le nouveau marché de trois manières de l'accès aux clients. 1. l'installation des succursales dans la zone consommatrice autour de Paris. 2. le voyage en gros et la vente à tempérament. 3. la mise en place de réseaux de représentants. Cultivant ainsi les liaisons commerciales avec les négociants-distributeurs sur les marchés urbains et avec les consommateurs ruraux du fait du manque de réseaux commerciaux, les négociants du Languedoc réussissait de s'implanter. Au début du XXe siècle, la prospérité des négociants est parvenue à son apogée, c'est à dire à l'entrée de leur déclin. En l'occurence, nous trouvons les trois raisons qui suscitent ce déclin. 1. le transport en masse par l'introduction des wagons-foudres, qui élimine les petits négociants (les barricailleurs). 2. la centralisation à Paris des réseaux commerciaux du fait du tarif privilégé du chemin de fer. 3. comme résultat des deux derniers, la pénétration des négociants-distributeurs dans la région; l'achat direct aux producteurs. Ainsi, les négociants régionaux ont bien réussi la mis en place de distribution des vins languedociens sur le marché intérieur de la France et, en outre, procuré aux producteurs une demande plus ou moins assurée. Cepandent, c'est la raison pour laquelle ils ont perdu, plus en plus, leur rôle dans le commerce des vins régionaux face a l'offensive des négociants-distributeurs. Privés de l'initiative au commerce, la viticulture et le commerce vinicole de la région restent soumis au marché et à ses aléas.
著者
川辺 信雄 飯田 隆 市川 文彦
出版者
経営史学会
雑誌
経営史学 (ISSN:03869113)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.26, no.1, pp.79-98, 1991-04-30 (Released:2009-11-06)

一九八九年に発表されたわが国における外国経営史の研究業績を回顧するにあたっては、当該年度の国会図書館編集『雑誌記事索引』 (紀伊國屋書店) 、史学会『史学雑誌』、『ブックページ』 (ブックページ刊行会) などのレファレンス・ツールによった。 (経済資料協議会編集『経済学文献季報』は、現在休刊中であるが、まもなく復刊の予定。) しかしながら、国別に分担して執筆したため、取り上げた範囲、紹介・論評の比重、表記などについて統一性を欠いているが、ご寛容願いたい。重要な研究が欠落しないためにも、会員はもちろん、会員以外の研究者も雑誌論文・単行本をとわず、ご自分の研究成果を経営史学会事務局にお送りいただきたい。
著者
和田 一夫
出版者
経営史学会
雑誌
経営史学 (ISSN:03869113)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.26, no.2, pp.1-27, 1991-07-30 (Released:2009-11-06)
被引用文献数
1

The production of an automobile requires the assembly of over twenty thousand parts. Automobile manufacturers do not make such a large number of parts within their own firms but purchase, to varying extents, some parts from suppliers. Therefore, the purchasing policies and relationships with their suppliers have considerable effects on the quality and cost of their final products. Japanese automobile manufacturers organise suppliers in a hierarchical order: its first-tier suppliers form a Kyôryoku-kai (Cooperative Association of Suppliers). First-tier suppliers in turn organise second-tier supplier groups. The Japanese automobile manufacturers claim to maintain long-term relationships with their suppliers and tc, cooperate closely. This is often claimed to be the opposite to American automobile manufacturers' approaches to suppliers: they do not organise suppliers in a hierarchical order; and they often purchase parts on a spot-price basis, without developing long-term relationships and close cooperation with suppliers.This paper traces how the existing inter-firm relationships were evolved at Toyota, the largest automobile manufacturer in Japan, and also elucidates what “close cooperation” between an automobile manufacturer and its suppliers means for the suppliers. After presenting the historical evidence. this paper comes to the conclusion that: Toyota's managerial efforts shaped such peculiar inter-firm relations; Toyota developed and refined its own monitoring system over suppliers; confident with its monitoring system, Toyota transferred it to its first-tier suppliers, hoping they in turn could monitor the second-tier supplier group; Toyota and its suppliers cooperated closely. but Toyota always monitors suppliers' performances closely in terms of cost, delivery, quality and other factors; with such a monitoring system, Toyota facilitates competition among suppliers, who compete vigorously against one another to obtain more orders from Toyota and show their superiority over the others.
著者
湯沢 威
出版者
経営史学会
雑誌
経営史学 (ISSN:03869113)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.26, no.2, pp.28-56, 1991-07-30 (Released:2009-11-06)
参考文献数
73

This paper analyzes business ethics both in the period of the Industrial Revolution and during the decline of the British economy in the late nineteenth century. It begins by discussing the social strata from which businessmen emerged and the kind of opportunities which they made use of in doing their business. There have been lots of arguments on the origin of entrepreneurs and their business performance, but according to recent studies, entreprenuers tended to come not from the bottom but from the middle of society.The motives of entrepreneurs in the Industrial Revolution were described in the works of Samuel Smiles. His most popular book was Self-Help, published in 1859. His idea derived from Adam Smith's concept of laissez-faire. Smiles worked in railway companies as a secretary for more than twenty years, while he wrote various books and articles. It is interesting to compare his ideas as set out in his books with his actual performance, as the companies became larger and their organization more bureaucratic.The question is why businessmen's spirits flagged at the end of the nineteenth century. I analyze first the social structure in the late nineteenth century and then the changing patterns of business ideas, recently well summarized by M. J. Wiener. Indeed his viewpoint is widely accepted in Japan as well, but I criticize it with the help of the arguments of P. Payne and W. D. Rubinstein which pay attention to historical factors neglected by Wiener.This paper examines critically current discussions on the topic of British business ethics, and reconsiders the stereotype of the British businessman which has become a handed-down orthodoxy in the Japanese academic world.