著者

下條 尚志

出版者

京都大学東南アジア地域研究研究所

雑誌

東南アジア研究 (ISSN:05638682)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.58, no.2, pp.279-284, 2021-01-31 (Released:2021-01-29)

参考文献数

5

著者

田中 耕司

出版者

京都大学東南アジア地域研究研究所

雑誌

東南アジア研究 (ISSN:05638682)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.58, no.2, pp.271-274, 2021-01-31 (Released:2021-01-29)

著者

木下 昭

出版者

京都大学東南アジア地域研究研究所

雑誌

東南アジア研究 (ISSN:05638682)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.47, no.2, pp.210-226, 2009-09-30 (Released:2017-10-31)

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The purpose of this paper is to look into the relationship between international politics and Filipino studentswho studied in Japan during the 1930s. At that time, the Philippines was in the middle of a conflict betweentwo empires: Japan and the United States. In this context, Japan tried to use Filipino students as a meansto improve its soft power in the Philippines. In the first half of the decade, about 30 Filipinos were livingmainly in Tokyo, with the majority of them studying at medical schools, in particular The Jikei UniversitySchool of Medicine, Tokyo, which offered classes in English. But not all Japanese people welcomed Filipinoswith many heavily prejudiced against them. In the mid-30s Japan set up new institutions to attract moreinternational students but the number of Filipino students decreased gradually in the late 1930s becausethe fear of Japanese imperialism had spread in the Philippines. This paper contextualizes these historicaldevelopments to show the deep connections between foreign students and the international politics ofimperialism adopted by Japan in its attempts to obtain hegemony before the Pacific War.

著者

南波 聖太郎

出版者

京都大学東南アジア地域研究研究所

雑誌

東南アジア研究 = Japanese Journal of Southeast Asian Studies (ISSN:05638682)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.55, no.1, pp.3-38, 2017-07-31

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This paper aims to analyze the process of establishing the liberated zone in Laos, focusing on changes in the strategy of the Pathet Lao (PL) toward the Kingdom of Laos (KL) and the Democratic Republic of Vietnam (DRV). The PL, established in Vietnam in 1950, kept changing its strategy for the first decade. The main strategies tried by the PL were as follows. First, for the initial four years the PL tried to gain bases with the military assistance of the DRV but could not return to Laos. Second, in the assembly area provided by the Geneva Agreements of 1954, the PL expelled the KL's forces and established the one-party system of the Lao People's Party. However, despite the economic and political assistance of the DRV, the PL could not afford to sustain the system. Third, the PL handed over the assembly area to the KL when it established the coalition government in 1957. It followed that the PL was forced to move to Vietnam when the coalition collapsed. Thereafter, while the PL engaged in a large military action with the DRV, it could not gain firm bases for more than a year. The PL conquered Samnuea Province in 1960 and named it the liberated zone. The strategy advocated at that time reflected the above experiences. Its points were as follows. One, the PL rethought its strategy of depending heavily on the DRV and put much value on self-reliance. Two, the PL recognized its own military weakness and started a dialogue with the KL. Three, the PL agreed to reestablish the coalition government but did not agree to renounce the liberated zone.

著者

下條 尚志

出版者

京都大学東南アジア地域研究研究所

雑誌

東南アジア研究 (ISSN:05638682)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.51, no.2, pp.227-266, 2014-01-31 (Released:2017-10-31)

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This paper attempts to consider the struggle for reign between local community and state in the Mekong Delta of southern Vietnam during the controlled economy era (1976–88). It examines the influence of the communist government's socialistic reforms on the local community composed of Khmer, Chinese and Vietnamese, and how the people dealt with these reforms. In an attempt to socialize the Mekong Delta region, the government transformed local orders to a new state order, one that prioritized public interest. Local orders were cooperative relations based on private interests of individual or family subsistence and were formed in various places in the local community. The subsistence crisis provoked by the socialistic reforms drove the people to depend on local orders. People hid paddy in their houses, selling it on the black market. Some living in disputed border areas left their village, seeking refuge in Buddhist pagodas, while others escaped to Cambodia. As more and more people, including local officials, participated in local orders, the weaker the state order became. Finally, the authorities were obliged to abolish the socialistic reforms as a result of the people's boycotting.

著者

北澤 直宏

出版者

京都大学東南アジア地域研究研究所

雑誌

東南アジア研究 (ISSN:05638682)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.50, no.2, pp.273-302, 2013-01-31 (Released:2017-10-31)

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This paper aims at assessing the relationship between religion and politics in contemporary Vietnam, with a focus on Caodaism reorganization. After the Vietnam War, the socialist government regarded religion as a nuisance and carried out a retaliatory re-education program—to no effect. In the process of clamping down on anti-government movements by devotees, the Communist Party conducted in-depth analysis on Caodaism and decided to remove the religious dignitaries, in line with their policy of suppressing religious authorities. In 1979, with the cooperation of some dignitaries, the government promulgated the Caodai Decree 01, aimed at the dissolution all Caodaism organizations. The Caodai Holy See was placed under the control of the state and changes were imposed; however, many branch temples subsequently reverted to self-management. There are three possible reasons for this: first, the Holy See had lost all authority and influence over the branch temples; second, branch temples ignored the modified Holy See as the latter had obeyed the socialist government and betrayed Caodaism Law; third, there was no consistent policy in each province. These phenomena rattled the Communist Party, which feared its own collapse, in an echo of events in the Soviet Union. It thus embarked on a plan in 1992 to reorganize Caodaism, with the aim of occupying and controlling branch temples through “educated” dignitaries. While it is certain that Caodaism was officially recognized in 1997, this did not signal the beginning of religious freedom. On the contrary, it only reflected the Communist Party’s policy to control religious opponents by authorizing religions.

著者

飯田 淳子

出版者

京都大学東南アジア地域研究研究所

雑誌

東南アジア研究 (ISSN:05638682)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.54, no.2, pp.271-274, 2017-01-31

著者

千葉 芳広

出版者

京都大学東南アジア地域研究研究所

雑誌

東南アジア研究 (ISSN:05638682)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.56, no.1, pp.67-89, 2018 (Released:2018-07-31)

参考文献数

46

被引用文献数

1

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This paper considers the spatial configuration of Manila, focusing on American public health policy during the period 1905–14, when Victor Heiser held great power as the Director of Health. During this period after the Filipino-American War, public health policy was concerned with the improvement of Filipinos’ sanitary customs and promoted the configuration of urban spaces.For the United States, medicine and public health were measures to justify colonialism in the Philippines. Simultaneously, sanitary customs were regarded as a sign of moral civics, which was a precondition of Philippine independence. American sanitary officers intervened in Filipinos’ lives and social order, and did not give Filipinos favorable evaluations on sanitary customs.As a result, the urban spatial configuration was shaped by laws and surveillance up to the early part of the second decade of the twentieth century. Interventions in Filipinos’ lives through home inspections were a particularly important matter. The purification of public spaces such as markets, slums, etc., and the relocation of slum residents into suburbs were also enforced. Many lawsuits were filed for violations of sanitary laws, which meant that American sanitary laws brought social friction into Filipino societies. Up to the second decade of the twentieth century, when many American sanitary officers returned, sanitary education in public schools was refined and intensified to insert moral civics into Filipino societies.

著者

兵頭 圭介

出版者

京都大学東南アジア地域研究研究所

雑誌

東南アジア研究 (ISSN:05638682)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.25, no.4, pp.562-569, 1988-03-31 (Released:2018-02-28)

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This survey studied the effect of becak (trishaw) driving on physique and muscle strength. For this purpose, some anthropometric values and muscle strength of bacak drivers in Bandung City, West Java were assessed. The becak drivers were taller, heavier, and had longer legs, greater thigh girth, and greater back muscle strength than a control group of farmers. These differences are suggested to arise from the working conditions of becak driving.

著者

白石 愛子

出版者

京都大学東南アジア地域研究研究所

雑誌

東南アジア研究 (ISSN:05638682)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.13, no.4, pp.535-558, 1976 (Released:2018-06-02)

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PETA (Tentara Pembela Tanah Air) was an Indonesian volunteer army organized under Japanese auspices in 1943 during the Japanese Occupation. In February 1945, one of the Battalions of the PETA Army, located at Blitar City, Kediri Residency, in East Java, rose in armed rebellion against Japanese rule. With Soeprijadi Shoodan-cho (Platoon Commander) as leader, several young officers of this Battalion began to plot an anti-Japanese revolt in September 1944. Their hatred and anger against Japan were caused primarily by the cruelty of the Japanese toward the Indonesian population, the pitiful condition of the Roomusha (forced laborers) in particular aroused bitter hatred in the hearts of PETA officers who had once worked with those Roomushas. The arrogant attitude of the Japanese Instructors appointed to each Battalion also irritated the Indonesian officers. Furthermore they felt that Indonesia should be totally liberated from Japanese rule. Taking all these factors into consideration, we can interpret this revolt as the prelude to the Indonesian Revolution, which began in August 1945.  The Revolt, involving three-fourths of the soldiers of the Battalion, began at dawn on February 14. 4 Japanese civilians and 7 Chinese who were considered to be pro-Japanese, were killed, but the revolt was easily supressed because of lack of coordination with other Battalions combined with the fact that they had begun the revolt before their plans were complete. 55 of the revolutionaries were tried and sentenced. Six were sentenced to death and executed before the surrender of Japan. The leader of this revolt, Soeprijadi Shoodan-cho disappeared during the rebellion and has not been found to this day. Nonetheless, he was appointed the first Defense Minister and Supreme Commander of the Indonesian National Army, although he never actually assumed these posts. This demonstrates the extent of the influence of the Blitar Rebellion on the development of nationalism and the revolution in Indonesia.

著者

岡本 正明

出版者

京都大学東南アジア地域研究研究所

雑誌

東南アジア研究 (ISSN:05638682)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.44, no.1, pp.97-99, 2006-06-30 (Released:2017-10-31)

著者

林 憲吾

出版者

京都大学東南アジア地域研究研究所

雑誌

東南アジア研究 (ISSN:05638682)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.60, no.2, pp.255-258, 2023-01-31 (Released:2023-01-31)

参考文献数

1

著者

青木 惠理子

出版者

京都大学東南アジア地域研究研究所

雑誌

東南アジア研究 (ISSN:05638682)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.60, no.2, pp.244-252, 2023-01-31 (Released:2023-01-31)

参考文献数

9

著者

見市 雅俊

出版者

京都大学東南アジア地域研究研究所

雑誌

東南アジア研究 (ISSN:05638682)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.60, no.2, pp.253-255, 2023-01-31 (Released:2023-01-31)

著者

有本 寛

出版者

京都大学東南アジア地域研究研究所

雑誌

東南アジア研究 (ISSN:05638682)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.60, no.2, pp.239-241, 2023-01-31 (Released:2023-01-31)

参考文献数

7

著者

田中 あき

出版者

京都大学東南アジア地域研究研究所

雑誌

東南アジア研究 (ISSN:05638682)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.60, no.2, pp.210-235, 2023-01-31 (Released:2023-01-31)

参考文献数

84

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This article examines domestic and international critiques of the literature of the Vietnamese-language writer Khái Hưng, who was active from the French colonial period to the eve of the Indochina War. It then explores changes and continuities in Vietnamese literary criticism in light of changes in the nation’s cultural policies.Khái Hưng was one of seven members and the most prolific writer of the Self-Reliant Literary Group, founded in 1933 in Hanoi. In 1941 he was arrested by the French for anticolonial activities. Following World War II, he supported the Vietnamese Nationalist Party as an editor of the Party’s newspapers. In 1946 he was captured by the Communist-led Việt Minh, and in 1947 he was executed. On the grounds that he was involved in the Party against the Việt Minh and was purged by the Việt Minh, few serious studies have been conducted on Khái Hưng despite his stature as a leading writer in the 1930s and 1940s. Although former South Vietnamese scholars recognized the importance of Khái Hưng’s late works, they had to start by collecting these materials, which had been scattered due to national division and war; also, South Vietnamese students of literature tended to prefer the study of foreign literature to domestic literature. After the fall of the former South Vietnam, those who fled abroad as refugees had to start earning a living from scratch. Therefore, few of them studied literature at academic institutions, and little serious research was conducted on Khái Hưng, including his activities in the latter years of his life. However, as Đỗ Lai Thúy points out, avoiding such “sensitive issues” in Vietnam makes it difficult to truly understand the country.This paper carefully traces the treatment of the literature created by Khái Hưng, who was recognized as a “sensitive issue.” At the same time, it attempts to dismantle the formula that was constructed with the rise of social realism: romanticism=bourgeoisie=decadence=reaction, which has become a simplified and somewhat established theory in Vietnamese literary history since Khái Hưng’s death. Focusing on a specific writer reveals the complex ways in which the cultural policies of a war-torn nation were operationalized at the civilian level.

著者

吉川 和希

出版者

京都大学東南アジア地域研究研究所

雑誌

東南アジア研究 (ISSN:05638682)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.60, no.2, pp.117-145, 2023-01-31 (Released:2023-01-31)

参考文献数

16

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In the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries, Vietnamese dynasties attempted to extend their reach to Vietnam’s northern uplands—one of the most important regions in the integration of the state. This study examines local governance in the northern uplands during the early Nguyễn period, through an analysis of official documents—particularly the report submitted by the governor-general of the northern provinces (tổng trấn Bắc Thành) in the tenth month of the tenth year of Gia Long (1811). During the eighteenth century, the Lê Dynasty (r. 1428–1527, 1533–1789) depended on local chieftains to administer tax collection and military service in each commune of the northern uplands. After occupying northern Vietnam, the Nguyễn Dynasty found it difficult to gather information on the local chieftains in the northern uplands. It was unable to allocate sufficient resources and manpower to gather this information. In addition, regional officials (such as the governor-general of the northern provinces) did not provide this information to the Nguyễn court, and only some local chieftains cooperated with the Nguyễn Dynasty. Until 1810, the number of chieftains who took on the responsibility of tax collection, drafting soldiers in each commune, and gathering information on the northern uplands—thus cooperating with the Nguyễn Dynasty’s local system of governance—was smaller than the number during the Lê Dynasty. In 1810 the Nguyễn court compiled a list of local chieftains in the northern uplands; this list included the chieftains’ names, the communes where they were registered, and the communes where they collected taxes and drafted soldiers. This indicates that the Nguyễn court attempted to govern the upland provinces by consolidating information on the chieftains. However, it was still difficult for the Nguyễn court to gain full information on the local chieftains since the governor-general of the northern provinces and provincial officials appointed them without reporting to the court. This continued until the Minh Mạng emperor’s (r. 1820–41) well-known reforms, including abolishing the post of governor-general of the northern provinces and the hereditary status of local chieftains. Thus, through examining the transitioning local governance in the northern uplands, this study clarifies the Nguyễn Dynasty’s difficulty in integrating the state during its early years.

著者

青山 亨

出版者

京都大学東南アジア地域研究研究所

雑誌

東南アジア研究 (ISSN:05638682)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.32, no.1, pp.34-65, 1994-06-30 (Released:2018-02-28)

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The vast body of classical Javanese literature that directly or indirectly deals with what the Javanese perceived to be their past may be more coherently analyzed by defining “history” as the “world with its own time and space comprising the narrated stories of the past, the world that was imagined and shared by the reader.” The aim of this paper is to explicate from the narratological point of view how the “history” was structured and narrated, and to trace its development through several stages in premodern Javanese literature.  The first and most fundamental of all stages is that of Old Javanese literature, where the Indian theory of four yuga was adopted as the framework of “history” consisting of different ages, into which episodes of both Indian and Javanese origin were inserted as “modules.” It is on this “framework and module” principle that later Javanese literature, such as chronicles and prophetic literature, was able to expand the “history” of Java into a narrative ranging from Adam through the Pāṇḍawa to King Jayabaya and Muslim Mataram. On the other hand, the main narrative device of connecting the time of a narrated story and that of the reader changed from incarnation in the earlier stage to genealogy and prophecy, both of which had their precursors in Old Javanese literature, in the later stage.

著者

久馬 一剛

出版者

京都大学東南アジア地域研究研究所

雑誌

東南アジア研究 (ISSN:05638682)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.20, no.3, pp.405-424, 1982-02-15 (Released:2018-05-31)

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The coastal areas of the Southeast Asian tropics are vegetated extensively by mangrove forest. Inland there are areas which were formerly under mangrove, before they were cut off from the marine or brackish environments. These areas together represent an important fraction of the potentially cultivable land for food production in the near future. This paper looks at the soils derived from the sediments deposited under mangrove, to evaluate their potential for cultivation. Mangrove mud contains oxidizable sulfur compounds, mainly in the form of pyrite, which upon exposure to the air is oxidized to sulfuric acid, developing a strong acidity. The resultant soil is called acid sulfate soil. This paper deals first with the processes of pyrite accumulation under mangrove and its oxidation upon reclamation. It then discusses the classification, properties and management of acid sulfate soils on the basis of recent research results. It is concluded that the former mangrove land is probably reclaimable only with difficulty and a high investment. It may, however, be possible to improve soil conditions to some extent by simple means practicable by the small farmer, such as localized phosphate application.

著者

鬼丸 武士

出版者

京都大学東南アジア地域研究研究所

雑誌

東南アジア研究 (ISSN:05638682)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.40, no.4, pp.502-519, 2003-03-31 (Released:2017-10-31)

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In the nineteenth century, Britain possessed two important bases for its “free trade policy” in Southeast and East Asia—Singapore and Hong Kong. The success of the British free trade policy in these regions hinged on their ability to make Singapore and Hong Kong flourish. To achieve this end, the colonial governments had to overcome two obstacles: the problem of raising revenue and the maintenance of public order. As both Singapore and Hong Kong were free ports, the colonial governments were prevented from collecting revenue through tariffs. Thus, somehow they had to obtain revenue from the local populace, which in both cases was mainly Chinese. With respect to public order, both administrations had to deal with crimes, riots, and strikes engaged in by the Chinese. In this paper, I try to reveal how the British colonial governments in Singapore and Hong Kong dealt with these issues of revenue raising and policing. In terms of revenue-raising, I examine the importance of the opium farming system under the two administrations; with regard to public order, I investigate how the Chinese secret societies were policed. By comparing practices in these colonies, I aim to describe the character of colonial rule in Singapore and Hong Kong and how it reflected the British “free trade policy.”