著者
井口 由布 ラシド アブドゥル
出版者
京都大学東南アジア地域研究研究所
雑誌
東南アジア研究 (ISSN:05638682)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.57, no.2, pp.166-189, 2020-01-31 (Released:2020-01-31)
参考文献数
60

This study situates “female genital mutilation (FGM)” in Malaysia in the politics of the female body and sexuality in post-colonial societies. There has been a global dispute over “FGM,” centering on the opposition between human rights and the protection of local culture. In order to overcome the deadlock, in the 1990s several studies started to view the dispute as the politics of discourse in the Foucaultian sense. Some of them argued that the female body was restructured as an object of reproductive health in the system of state medicine. Considering the studies mentioned above, this paper argues how the discourses on “FGM” (either in favor or against) promote the domination of the female body and sexuality in Malaysia. This study shows that the medical scientific perspective was predominant in religious as well as academic discourses. This might indicate the medical control of sexuality and the female body through the construction of discourses concerning “FGM” in Malaysia. In contrast to the religious and academic discourses, rural people in Malaysia view “FGM” as an unconscious practice deeply embedded in their communities. They do not know about the existence of the practice in African countries. This shows that there is a huge gap between academic discourses and local discourses on “FGM” in Malaysia.
著者
友杉 孝
出版者
京都大学東南アジア地域研究研究所
雑誌
東南アジア研究 (ISSN:05638682)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.18, no.2, pp.315-332, 1980 (Released:2018-06-02)

Every seven years the Onbashira Matsuri (pillar festival) is held at Suwa shrine. The main event is the dragging of the Onbashira , a great log weighing 11 tons, from a mountain some 15 kilometres away to the shrine. The dragging of the Onbashira by thousands of people is a powerful attraction both to tourists and local people alike.  The festival is divided into two parts, first, called Maebiki , being the procession from the mountain to the village, and the second, Satobiki , the journey from the village to the shrine. Between the two parts there is a month's intermission, Maebiki taking place in April and Satobiki in May. The former is characterized by its masculinity, as young men proudly ride the Onbashira as it is dragged through the crowd. Satobiki , on the other hand, involves gay processions, with groups of masked people and a feudal lord's procession adding to the cheerful atmosphere.  During Satobiki people are freed from their everyday activities and jobs, so that they may enjoy along with visitors all there is to see. The social norm is reversed at this time as economy gives way to extravagance. With the planting of the Onbashira in a ritual performed by priests, the festival ends and everyone returns home and resumes normal life. They have, however, been vitalized by the excitement of the festival. In consequence, the Onbashira Matsuri can be interpreted as a renovation of life through a pillar which is believed to be the symbol of a supernatural power.
著者
菊池 泰平
出版者
京都大学東南アジア地域研究研究所
雑誌
東南アジア研究 (ISSN:05638682)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.59, no.2, pp.290-320, 2022-01-31 (Released:2022-01-31)
参考文献数
43

This paper examines the process of molding the official history of the Panglong Conference, which was held in February 1947 in Myanmar. According to the history shaped by the Burma Socialist Programme Party (BSPP), the Burmese nationalist leader Aung San and minorities’ representatives agreed to establish the union state. Hence, “Panglong” is interpreted as the symbol of national solidarity today. While the BSPP used the above history to appeal its legitimacy, it viewed the military as a guardian of the multiracial country. The “national solidarity” image of the Panglong Conference was reinforced under restricted freedom of speech. During the critical moment of the 8888 uprising, the Committee for the Compilation of Authentic Facts of Myanmar History again edited the history of the Panglong Conference. To make the history more inclusive and to base it on the “national solidarity” image, the committee used the narratives of various people who joined in the event. Htun Myint was one of the activists who founded the Shan State Freedom League, and he referred to the Panglong Conference as a means of requesting minorities’ rights after Independence. However, the committee hid Htun Myint’s political views and accepted only those parts of his narrative that supported their position.
著者
林 育生
出版者
京都大学東南アジア地域研究研究所
雑誌
東南アジア研究 (ISSN:05638682)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.53, no.2, pp.189-216, 2016-01-31 (Released:2017-10-31)

This paper examines the relation between the organizational structure of Yiguan Dao (I-Kuan Tao) in Thailand and its members' network. This study aims at reconsidering the focus on Chinese identity of Chinese religious groups in Thailand and the supposition of “individualization” of religious practices in Thailand. Most studies on Chinese religion in Southeast Asia are concerned with Chinese communities or ethnicity but overlook the context of the host societies. However, Yiguan Dao in Thailand, with its many non-Chinese members, challenges this supposition. With economic development and social change in Thailand, people move from the countryside to urban cities and even abroad. In the context of traditional communities with high mobility, the much-divided organizational structure of Yiguan Dao offers members an opportunity to find a toehold when moving around. People who migrate for higher education, work, or overseas labor find an anchor in the trans-regional network of Yiguan Dao. This transregional network also supports people in the margins or excluded from their own communities. I argue that this challenges the supposition of “individualization” of the Thai religion.
著者
タンシンマンコン パッタジット
出版者
京都大学東南アジア地域研究研究所
雑誌
東南アジア研究 (ISSN:05638682)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.61, no.1, pp.3-34, 2023-07-31 (Released:2023-07-31)
参考文献数
91

This paper examines changes in the Thai perception of Japan during the 1970s to 1990s. In the 1970s, strong anti-Japanese sentiments permeated Thai society and led to large-scale anti-Japanese movements. In the 1990s, however, a wave called “Japanization” became a social phenomenon in Thailand. The influence of Japanese culture was ubiquitous, but this time imbued with a favorable reputation and popularity. This paper reanalyzes the timing and reasons behind this change.This paper reevaluates the validity of the “Japan-as-scapegoat” theory in analyzing anti-Japanese sentiment in Southeast Asia, and the Fukuda Doctrine as the pivotal factor in the Southeast Asian shift in perception of Japan. Rather, this paper argues that the pivotal moment of change was the 1985 Plaza Accord, as anti-Japanese sentiments in Thailand was exacerbated in the 1980s, even after the Fukuda Doctrine. During this period the Thai public perceived the animosity as economic in nature, whereas the Japanese viewed it as a cultural conflict. This perceptual mismatch led to a Japanese solution that clashed with Thai values, further intensifying the friction. The discourse of Japan’s “insincerity” in the 1980s best exemplifies this gap in perception.
著者
加藤 久美子
出版者
京都大学東南アジア地域研究研究所
雑誌
東南アジア研究 (ISSN:05638682)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.61, no.1, pp.35-69, 2023-07-31 (Released:2023-07-31)
参考文献数
60

This article explores the Bajo/Sama people’s perspectives and beliefs about the sea, focusing on the ritual practices of these settlements in Southeast Sulawesi, Indonesia. The sea has traditionally been the source of the Bajo’s livelihood: they have used the sea for fishing, dwelling, shipping, practicing healing rituals, and carrying across the deceased for burial on islands.The Bajo believe that the “twin spirit” of a newborn is born when the placenta is submerged in the ocean. The twin spirit resides in and is spiritually connected with the person throughout their life. The Bajo’s healing rituals call on these spirits for help, which deepens their connection with the sea. This belief extends to the powerful and profound spirits nabi and mbo’, who dwell far from the kampung (settlements), as well as kaka, tuli, and kutta, who are familial spirits that dwell by the settlements and in the sea and are often part of healing rituals.By analyzing Bajo practices and beliefs, this paper reveals that the Bajo perceive the sea as being part of the relationship between spirits and humans. For the Bajo, the sea not only enables their physical livelihood but also has an affective bond with them, and it is a space for the spirits of siblings, ancestors, and the Bajo. Bajo ritual practices might reproduce in new migrant places, as the spirits join the Bajo’s journey on the sea as their protectors and mediators between humans and other spirits.
著者
藤田 渡
出版者
京都大学東南アジア地域研究研究所
雑誌
東南アジア研究 (ISSN:05638682)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.60, no.2, pp.146-182, 2023-01-31 (Released:2023-01-31)
参考文献数
52

The “Red Shirt” pro-Thaksin movement, which organized mass demonstrations in Bangkok in 2009 and 2010, reportedly consisted mainly of farmers from the North and Northeast (Isan) regions. However, within the Isan region, (1) in some areas, few people supported the Red Shirts; (2) within areas that had strong Red Shirt support, some villages were indifferent or negative toward the Red Shirts; and (3) within villages that strongly supported the Red Shirts, there were some villagers who did not support them.In this article I examine these diversities in Red Shirt support in relation to the transformation of local people’s livelihood and surrounding ecological conditions. I do this by means of case studies in two contrastive areas that support the Red Shirts but share similar characteristics in livelihood and other sociocultural aspects, including high dependence on a market economy: TM village and the surrounding area in Nam Khun District, and NK village and the surrounding area in Si Muang Mai District, Ubon Ratchathani Province.Core supporters of the Red Shirt movement were motivated not by personal benefits but by the collective benefits for “poor Isan peasants” thanks to various policies of the Thaksin and pro-Thaksin administrations. They expressed a need for a democratic government so that their requests for government support could be fairly considered. On the other hand, in areas where natural resources were still abundant, and in case necessary a self-sufficient mode of life was possible, local people tended to keep their distance from factional politics, including the Red Shirts. They did not depend on government support for leading their lives. Instead, they held the idea of living with what they had.
著者
小泉 順子
出版者
京都大学東南アジア地域研究研究所
雑誌
東南アジア研究 (ISSN:05638682)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.43, no.4, pp.437-466, 2006-03-31 (Released:2017-10-31)

This essay examines the historiography of Chinese society in Thailand, focusing on the idea of “assimilation.” Post-WWII scholarship on the Chinese in Thailand has been strongly influenced by what Jennifer Cushman called the “Skinner ‛assimilation paradigm’.” G.W. Skinner, in his Leadership and Power in the Chinese Community of Thailand (1958), predicted a rapid assimilation of the entire Chinese community; subsequent scholarship, negatively or positively, made its arguments by referring to this paradigm. However, many scholars have found ethnicity to be tenacious or ethnic identity to be arbitrary, and various Chinese factors and elements have come to be manifested more openly in Thai society in response to the (re)emergence of China as an economic and political power since the 1990s. In recent years, therefore, there has been a growing tendency to question this paradigm. By re-reading Skinner's various works written from as early as 1950, tracing relevant works done by other contemporary scholars in the same field, and placing them in historical and geo-political contexts, this essay explores why such emphasis was given to the idea of assimilation and how it persisted in subsequent years. It argues that assimilation was a response to “political” needs in the era of Cold War and emergent nationalism in Southeast Asia and that studies of overseas Chinese societies in Thailand and Southeast Asia were created as an integral part of the “area studies” strongly advocated in the U.S. since the 1950s.