著者

速水 洋子

出版者

京都大学東南アジア地域研究研究所

雑誌

東南アジア研究 (ISSN:05638682)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.53, no.1, pp.68-99, 2015-07-31 (Released:2017-10-31)

被引用文献数

1

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U Thuzana is a Karen monk from Myanmar who has been constructing many pagodas on both sides of the Thai-Myanmar border. His pagoda construction is made possible by donations from political, economic, and military leaders, on the one hand, and through the labor and devotion by local followers, especially among the Karen, on the other. This paper analyzes the dynamic process of this saintly leadership, followers' devotion, and pagoda construction, which must be understood in the context of the layered religious practices found in this cross-border region since the nineteenth century. In Myanmar, U Thuzana has become involved in ethnic politics even as he claims to maintain political neutrality. In Thailand, he is entering into a terrain where the khruba tradition is still alive with expectant followers.The paper examines three issues: firstly, it questions foregoing discussion that understands millennialistic religious movements and saintly monks enterprises as resistance to the state, and reexamines categorical understanding such as non-Buddhist versus Buddhist, hill versus valley, or resistance versus accommodation. Rather than explain the movements in relation to states, as in previous studies, this paper will look at these movements from its own logic. Secondly, it examines the dynamics that constitute charismatic power of the saints through pagoda construction by focusing on the relationship between the saintly figures and their followers, of which there are two major types: the donors and the devotees. Thirdly, it situates this process in the construction of sacred space in the modern state territory.

著者

谷本 雅之

出版者

京都大学東南アジア地域研究研究所

雑誌

東南アジア研究 (ISSN:05638682)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.57, no.1, pp.85-88, 2019-07-31 (Released:2019-07-31)

著者

北澤 直宏

出版者

京都大学東南アジア地域研究研究所

雑誌

東南アジア研究 (ISSN:05638682)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.60, no.1, pp.103-105, 2022-07-31 (Released:2022-07-31)

著者

関根 久雄

出版者

京都大学東南アジア地域研究研究所

雑誌

東南アジア研究 (ISSN:05638682)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.60, no.1, pp.100-103, 2022-07-31 (Released:2022-07-31)

参考文献数

4

著者

池田 真也

出版者

京都大学東南アジア地域研究研究所

雑誌

東南アジア研究 (ISSN:05638682)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.60, no.1, pp.88-91, 2022-07-31 (Released:2022-07-31)

参考文献数

6

著者

中島 成久

出版者

京都大学東南アジア地域研究研究所

雑誌

東南アジア研究 (ISSN:05638682)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.60, no.1, pp.82-85, 2022-07-31 (Released:2022-07-31)

参考文献数

1

著者

田村 慶子

出版者

京都大学東南アジア地域研究研究所

雑誌

東南アジア研究 (ISSN:05638682)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.60, no.1, pp.79-82, 2022-07-31 (Released:2022-07-31)

著者

早瀬 晋三

出版者

京都大学東南アジア地域研究研究所

雑誌

東南アジア研究 (ISSN:05638682)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.60, no.1, pp.71-73, 2022-07-31 (Released:2022-07-31)

著者

小島 敬裕

出版者

京都大学東南アジア地域研究研究所

雑誌

東南アジア研究 (ISSN:05638682)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.59, no.2, pp.343-346, 2022-01-31 (Released:2022-01-31)

著者

尹 大栄

出版者

京都大学東南アジア地域研究研究所

雑誌

東南アジア研究 (ISSN:05638682)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.48, no.3, pp.314-333, 2010-12-31 (Released:2017-10-31)

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Who was Kim Yung-kun? What made him devote himself to so many things for which he worked in the 1930s and the 1940s? And how should we comprehend the significance of his efforts to blaze a trail in the field of Vietnamese research? These three inquiries are pursued serially in this study. Born in 1910 and graduating in 1927 from Gyeongseong Second Superior School, Kim Yung-kun came to Hanoi in 1931 as an assistant librarian, an experience that would give him a deeper understanding of Vietnamese history and culture with which he might be unfamiliar. Ten years later, he left Indochina and returned to Korea in order not to be involved in the Japanese military occupation of Vietnam. Back in his country, Kim Yung-kun tried to apply himself to Korean studies, strongly influenced by Mun Il-pyeong and some other Koreanologists. However, after joining in with other leftists, his desire arose for a more active social and political engagement in order to deal with acute n ational problems. Since that time Kim Yung-kun endeavored to integrate academic work with concrete social and political engagement, leading to a number of action research studies covering Korean history, tendency literature, criticism of arts and so forth. These academic interests and militant engagement have originated from Kim Yung-kun’s experiences in Vietnam. Having devoted a part of his life to Hanoi earned Kim Yung-kun the reputation of being an expert on Vietnamese studies and won him the enduring friendship of Lê Dư. In the early 1940s, the Korean Vietnamologist also published in a book his earlier works on Japanese relations with Vietnam, Champa and Cambodia, which he had been continuously writing since about 1936. Years later, he met with numerous difficulties when carrying out a study of Vietnam as he was deeply involved in various political movements. And so, his vision of Southeast Asia turned out to be incomplete.

著者

吉野 晃

出版者

京都大学東南アジア地域研究研究所

雑誌

東南アジア研究 (ISSN:05638682)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.35, no.4, pp.759-776, 1998-03-31 (Released:2018-01-31)

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The Mien of Northern Thailand have migrated with their swidden cultivation. While this migration was the result of their mode of production until recent years. Mien myth also holds that the migration has continued since the time of their mythical ancestors. This myth of ancestral migration (the crossing-the-sea myth) is widely known among the Mien of China and Southeast Asia. However, a great distance in time and space separates the personal memory of real migration in recent decades and the migration of their mythical ancestors in ancient times. This distance is intermediated by another cultural institution. Each household possesses a document recording the sites of the tombs of its patrilineal ancestors. A Mien can learn of his ancestor's course of migration by reading the document, which is indispensable for a kind of ancestor worship ritual. The migration is an ethnic symbol of continuity between mythical Mien ancestors and present Mien persons. The tomb-record document intermidiates between each Mien's personal memory of migration and his mythical ancestral migration and intensifies this symbol of Mien ethnic continuity.

著者

青木 惠理子

出版者

京都大学東南アジア地域研究研究所

雑誌

東南アジア研究 (ISSN:05638682)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.59, no.2, pp.321-327, 2022

著者

中村 重久

出版者

京都大学東南アジア地域研究研究所

雑誌

東南アジア研究 (ISSN:05638682)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.31, no.1, pp.18-24, 1993-06-30 (Released:2018-02-28)

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Events surrounding the 1852 Molucca tsunami are reviewed and a historical evaluation is made of the report written by van Vliet in 1855. The first part of the report concerns spices and the geophysical conditions. The reliability of the report is confirmed by records of the event in existing tsunami catalogs. This report therefore provides new information on hazards near the coast in Southeast Asia.

著者

桃木 至朗

出版者

京都大学東南アジア地域研究研究所

雑誌

東南アジア研究 (ISSN:05638682)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.24, no.4, pp.403-417, 1987-03-31 (Released:2018-02-28)

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Society and state in pre-modern Vietnam were strongly influenced by those of China. Recent research indicates, however, that absolute rule supported by bureaucracy and Confucian ideology like that in the Chinese empire was not established until the 14th century. How, then, did earlier dynasties such as Lý become stabilized and gain control over semi-independent local powers?  The foundation of the Ly dynasty did not put an end to frequent regional rebellions outside the Red River Delta, sometimes involving an alliance with another country. The framework of political integration under this Vietnamese dynasty, in which the central government of the Red River Delta controlled the northern mountains and the southern provinces, was barely established in the latter half of the 11th century. Moreover, the integration of the Red River Delta itself collapsed in a struggle among local powers on the fall of the Lý dynasty.  Under these conditions, the central government could not dismantle the local military powers and construct a military bureaucracy. The submission of local powers, often symbolized by a ceremony of allegiance, was achieved only by means of personal demonstrations of power by the emperor or princes in expeditions or ritual travels to the local powers. Such demonstrations gradually came to be undertaken by persons close to the emperor and by the grand aristocrats.  Ultimately, the stability of the Lý dynasty rested on the military actions of the “mandala overlord” in the Red River Delta and their spread to the aristocracy.

著者

桜井 由躬雄

出版者

京都大学東南アジア地域研究研究所

雑誌

東南アジア研究 (ISSN:05638682)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.18, no.2, pp.271-314, 1980 (Released:2018-06-02)

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This essay describes the state of agriculture in the Red River Delta in the 11th and 12th centuries, and is the third part of a historical study of the reclamation of that delta from the first century to the nineteenth century which aims to explain the characteristics of Vietnamese socio-economic history in comparison with those of other Southeast Asian deltas.  First, an analysis of the political map of the Red River Delta during the Lý dynasty indicates that it is improper to call this dynasty a "mini centralized empire, " since it ruled only the Red River Delta proper, while most of the highland areas were controlled by semi-independent native vassals of a different culture from the Vietnamese in the delta. Even in the delta, more than eight local military powers remained from the civil war age in the late tenth century. It is thus highly improbable that the Lý dynasty weilded sufficient power to mobilize labour from all over delta area to construct hydraulic engineering works for agricultural development.  Second, the geographical bases of these local military powers can be classified as follows : (1) Quõc Oâi Châu-lower terraces  (2) Phong Châu-lower terraces and natural levees  (3) Đại Hòang Châu-lower terraces and backswamps (4) Bắc Giang-monadnock, natural levees and floodplain  (5) Đằng Châu and Khóai Châu-sandbank, natural levees and upper delta  (6) Hõng Châu-upper delta and western lower delta  (7) Nam Sách-eastern lower delta  (8) Mỹ Lộc-backswamps, coastal complex and end of natural levees  (9) the area under the direct rule of Lý dynasty-natural levees and floodplain Their distribution is shown in maps 7 and 10. Comparison of these two maps with map 11 of the previous paper [Sakurai 1980 : 619] indicates that the unification of local powers at the village level progressed to the provincial level in the 11th and 12th centuries. For example, Phong Châu province (Sơn Tây, Vĩnh Tương and Phú Thọ province) had 4 local military powers in the 10th century, while during Lý dynasty only one Phong Chau vassal occupied the same area. The west floodplain (Casier de Hadong) had been disputed by three military powers in the 10th century, while under the Lý dynasty this area was absorbed by the Lý court as a royal estate. Further, while no power was evident in the lower part of the west floodplain or in the upper delta in the 10th century, in the Lý period the former area was cultivated by the Lý court as another royal estate and the latter area was the domain of the Hõng Châu power.  Third, descriptions in Việt Sử Lược indicate the existence of man-made embankments, one in Bắc Ninh province based on the natural levees and the floodplain complex, and another in Khóai Châu and Hõng Châu based on the natural levees, the upper delta and the upper part of the lower delta. Analysis of these delta locations, however, suggests that the embankments were built to reinforce the natural levees against flood water at the outer bank of curves, and that they needed only the labour of several villages. Furthermore, a small horse-shoe embankment was apparently built in Hõng Châu provice in the upper delta and the upper part of the lower delta, where Bình Giang-type villages are located.  Fourth, these embankments would have served for tenth-month-rice cropping. In this period, most of the delta had been reclaimed by the introduction of fifth-month rice, which was harvested before the flood season, and thus agriculture in the west floodplain, the main domain of Lý dynasty, would not have required such embankments. Indeed, the chronicles give no record of embankments in that area.  Fifth, the local political powers at the edge of the Red River Delta that were based on the control of transportation routes between (View PDF for the rest of the abstract.)

著者

土屋 喜生

出版者

京都大学東南アジア地域研究研究所

雑誌

東南アジア研究 (ISSN:05638682)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.55, no.2, pp.139-168, 2018 (Released:2018-02-09)

参考文献数

40

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Observers of Timorese culture have long maintained a preoccupation with the term Lulik. Its meanings have fluctuated in the past one-and-a-half centuries—with prominent associations including “idolatry,” “the sacred” or “prohibited,” “black magic,” “Timorese animist expression,” or “the core of Timorese culture.” But Timorese have also commonly used the word as an adjective. This paper attempts to trace the origin of the bifurcated usages of the word Lulik through a reading of early missionary efforts to translate Portuguese religious texts into Tetun since the 1870s. In the early European missionaries’ ethnographic reports, Lulik was identified as the Other of Catholicism, the opponent to be suppressed. It was adopted as the translation of “idolatry” in missionary Tetun texts. However, it was impossible to maintain the singular pejorative meaning of Lulik, as the Timorese preferred to call Catholic priests nai-lulik (Lord Lulik). A Timorese collaborator on Bible translation further took advantage of the missionaries’ ignorance of Timorese culture and language: Jesus was called Maromak Oan (the ritual ruler in Wehali) and liurai (the indigenous executive authority), while Caiaphas became the head sacerdote (the Portuguese word for “priest”) and Pontius Pilate was called Em-Boot (the title for a Portuguese governor). The upshot was that an attempt to present Catholicism as a European religion failed in Tetun, and the Passion became a story of an innocent native who was executed by the colonial and religious authorities. The missionaries’ Europe-centric mistranslation of Lulik and the Timorese cosmology, however, strongly influenced the way the academic discourse on Lulik has developed in the following generations.

著者

東 佳史

出版者

京都大学東南アジア地域研究研究所

雑誌

東南アジア研究 (ISSN:05638682)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.42, no.3, pp.328-353, 2004-12-31 (Released:2017-10-31)

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In many respects, Cambodia's Disarmament, Demobilisation and Reintegration (DDR) program is unique in terms of complexity as well as the difficulties involved in project implementation. This study attempts to articulate the extent to which structural background determines the fate of demobilized combatants. It examines the General Health Assessment (GHA) of 15,000 combatants carried out by the International Organization of Migration (IOM) in 2001–02, as well as the 1998 Cambodian Population Census. Other Cambodian epidemiological data, although very limited in terms of number of studies, are also used as a comparison to the GHA data. The DDR program is a most urgent political priority for Cambodian national development as well as the reform of national accounts. One legacy of more than twenty years of civil war is the bloated military sector that consumes a disproportionate share of a very limited budget. Thus, rapid demobilization is needed to control the budget, and the reintegration of combatants (through vocational training, etc.) is crucial to increase GDP. However, the empirical data show that most demobilized combatants are chronically ill, commonly suffering multiple illnesses. Disability, impairment, and psychiatric illnesses are also evident. Furthermore, lack of an appropriate medical referral system has directly resulted in the development of further vulnerability, especially among elderly combatants. Hence, urgent measures are necessary to coordinate the social safety net and, with donor support, regulate the referral system.

著者

佐藤 仁

出版者

京都大学東南アジア地域研究研究所

雑誌

東南アジア研究 (ISSN:05638682)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.59, no.1, pp.220-224, 2021-07-31 (Released:2021-07-30)

参考文献数

4

著者

藤村 瞳

出版者

京都大学東南アジア地域研究研究所

雑誌

東南アジア研究 (ISSN:05638682)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.57, no.2, pp.136-165, 2020

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<p>While Protestantism brought modernity to indigenous peoples, it sometimes created new types of confusion in local society. Previous literature on the Karen Baptist mission in nineteenth-century Burma tended to focus on missionaries' devising Karen scripts and orthographies, depicting this as the major modern influence of Christianity on Karen speakers. Yet, it is also essential to examine how the invented orthography and printed materials were utilized by Karen evangelists in their oral preaching, in order to understand the vast influence of literacy in the Protestant mission more holistically.</p><p>Analyzing various historical sources in Sgaw Karen from the 1840s, this paper reveals how a set of the Christianized Sgaw Karen vocabulary and expressions was created along with the Bible translation. This new Karen lexicon, heavily reflecting the Christian worldview, was used by Karen evangelists in their preaching. The use of the new Karen lexicon meant that incomprehensible literacy and narration emerged in the Karen world, generating a lexical gap between the converted and non-Christians. That the new incomprehensible narration was pivotal in the mission to preach God's word suggests that modern Karen literacy, despite its modernity, emerged in the Karen world as something inseparable from a particular religion, that is, Christianity.</p>

著者

古川 久雄

出版者

京都大学東南アジア地域研究研究所

雑誌

東南アジア研究 (ISSN:05638682)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.35, no.3, pp.346-421, 1997-12-31 (Released:2018-01-31)

被引用文献数

1

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Most minor ethnic groups of Yunnan province have retained their traditional life styles and value systems, which are considerably different from those of the unity-oriented Han civilization, and greatly different from the logic of modern civilization. They live in separate villages under different ecosystems, engage in different forms of livelihood, and maintain their own languages by which they communicate within each domain under different cultural framework.  Their logic may be identified as pertaining to the logic of natural world. Spontaneous systems of the natural world never tend to large-scale unity. Biological creatures, for example, tend to evolve toward diversification: distinct habits, different foods, different structures of the individual body and of society. The evolution of the biological domain lies in the achievement of a higher degree of diversification.  This paper aims to elucidate the situation in which this logic survives among the minor ethnic groups of Yunnan, in spite of the earnest efforts to assimilate them by the Han civilization. The most powerful ecological barrier against the Han assimilation is the climate and the related endemic diseases, particularly malaria and other febrile diseases.  This paper also argues the viewpoint that the pre-modern history of adjacent Asian countries is connected with the pulsation of the Chinese Empire through the migration of the minor ethnic groups via Yunnan, who sought the safety and independence through trans-border migration.