著者
伊藤 正子
出版者
京都大学東南アジア地域研究研究所
雑誌
東南アジア研究 (ISSN:05638682)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.48, no.3, pp.294-313, 2010-12-31 (Released:2017-10-31)

This paper aims to examine how reconciliation is developed through apologies towards damages by war, comparing the actions of nation-state, damaged areas and NGOs concerning the Vietnam War. The second aim is to consider official and non-official memories about Vietnam War both in the damaged country and the country that caused damages, further investigating the relationship between a variety of memories and political systems. During the Vietnam War, South Korea sent the second largest group of armed forces, but recently the Korean’s memories as heroic stories have been confused since Han-kyoreh magazine reported that Korean troops conducted mass killings. After 30 years, an ex-service Korean’s group visited the Ha My hamlet, Quang Nam Province, where slaughters occurred in 1968. They built a monument for the victims. But when it was completed, the group felt shocked about a poem on the massacre on the monument. After going back to Korea, they demanded revisions. The Vietnamese government, which was asked for revisions by the Korean Embassy, put pressure on the villagers, who finally covered the inscription. Vietnamese policy is to seal the past and look to the future as at present, the most important issue for the government is to procure development funds from other countries, and to maintain the legitimacy of the Communist Party through economic development. Therefore, the memories of the Ha My, whose villagers did not necessarily contribute to the Revolution, could not become an official memory. Further, those memories are not connected with nationalism. This point is the most different when comparing with the case between Korea or China and Japan. After the report by the Han-kyoreh, one Korean NGO started volunteer activities for Vietnamese survivors. Through those activities, some survivors have been healed, and for the sake of the Korean NGO, the memory of Ha My, which can never become official memory, is preserved in Vietnam.
著者
佐藤 正範
出版者
京都大学東南アジア地域研究研究所
雑誌
東南アジア研究 (ISSN:05638682)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.32, no.4, pp.495-522, 1995-03-31 (Released:2018-02-28)

This article deals with the “Romusha” described in history textbooks used in junior and senior high schools in Indonesia from 1984 to 1993 and analyses the meanings and images evoked by these descriptions.  The results of an analysis of the “Romusha” in 9 junior high school history textbooks and 5 senior high textbooks can be summarized as follows; “Romusha” is the most symbolic word used to represent the Japanese Military Occupation of Indonesia (1942-1945). In Japanese, romusha means ‘physical laborers’, but in 7 of 14 textbooks the word means ‘forced laborers’, in 4 it means ‘laborers’, in 3 ‘soldiers of labor’, in 2 ‘heroes of labor’ and ‘soldiers of economics’, and in 1 each ‘forced labors’, ‘corps of forced laborers’ and ‘forced coolies’. Thus the word can be said to have more specialized meanings in Indonesian textbooks than in the original Japanese.  In 12 of the 14 textbooks there are descriptions of mobilizing the “Romusha,” their actual working conditions in 9, the methods of dispatching workers to job sites and their final disposition in 10, and the number of workers in 8.  It is evident that the image of the “Romusha” in Indonesian history textbooks used in junior and senior high schools is basically that of “pathetic forced laborers” from many points of view.
著者
李 美智
出版者
京都大学東南アジア地域研究研究所
雑誌
東南アジア研究 (ISSN:05638682)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.48, no.3, pp.265-293, 2010-12-31 (Released:2017-10-31)

Since 2000, the popularity of South Korean popular culture known as Korean Wave or Hallyu has increased significantly in Southeast Asia. The Korean Government now recognizes cultural industries as one of the top key industries of the nation. The purpose of this paper is to review the cultural export promotion policies of the South Korean Government which are the basic backgrounds of the spread of Korean Wave, and to investigate how Korean Wave is being accepted and developed in Southeast Asia by drawing on the examples of Vietnam and Thailand. Among many genres, such as music and film, this paper focuses on Korean TV dramas as they are the most important driving force in the Korean Wave industries. By examining push and pull factors in both importing and exporting countries, it indicates that in Vietnam and Thailand, the carefully-planned strategic economic support of the Korean government for these industries and the rapid expansion of multi-channel TV and multi-media industries, which are in want of attractive content, are the most important factors that have contributed to the Hallyu expansion.
著者
清水 太郎
出版者
京都大学東南アジア地域研究研究所
雑誌
東南アジア研究 (ISSN:05638682)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.48, no.3, pp.334-363, 2010-12-31 (Released:2017-10-31)

Diplomatic relationships with China had been the most crucial issue to Korean and Vietnamese Dynasties throughout history. Korean diplomacy has been well documented, yet the nature of Vietnamese activities are little known, even basic facts such as members of the missions, timing of departure/return, and their tasks in China. Since Korean and Vietnamese missions used Chinese characters as their official letters, there were cultural exchanges among them, especially poem recitation, in the capitals of Chinese Dynasties as a by-product of their diplomacy toward China. It has been found that around 20 cases of such exchanges had taken place from 14th through to 18th centuries. Relationships between Korea/Vietnam and China showed occasional changes, reflecting the times. This paper discusses the cultural and historical significance of the exchanges of Korean and Vietnamese diplomatic missions that occurred in Beijing, a foreign capital.
著者
矢野 暢
出版者
京都大学東南アジア地域研究研究所
雑誌
東南アジア研究 (ISSN:05638682)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.16, no.1, pp.5-31, 1978 (Released:2018-06-02)

This article aims at throwing into relief views of "Nanyo" (Southeast Asia) in Japan during the Taisho period (1912-1926). There has until now been a consensus among scholars that the idea of "Nanshin" (advance to the South) existed only in the Meiji and Showa periods. In this article, the author wishes to challenge this stereotype view on the "Nanshin" theory.  It is easy to verify that "Nanyo" was discussed more often and energetically by Japanese people in the Taisho period than in the previous (Meiji) period. More importantly, the basic conditions that made possible the creation of the "Greater East Asia Co-prosperity Sphere" scheme were laid during the Taisho period. Hence, the conclusion of this essay is that the discussions made in the Taisho period were vital in paving the way for Japan's advance to the South in the Showa period, and, therefore, the significance of the Taisho period should not be underestimated.
著者
中村 昇平
出版者
京都大学東南アジア地域研究研究所
雑誌
東南アジア研究 (ISSN:05638682)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.58, no.2, pp.204-240, 2021-01-31 (Released:2021-01-29)
参考文献数
89

The fall of Suharto’s authoritarian regime and the subsequent dissolution of vertical political patronage led to an upsurge of mass mobilization based on religion and/or ethnicity. In Jakarta, newly emerged vigilante groups that initially sought to represent small-scale neighborhood communities rapidly grew in size by receiving endorsements from local political authorities as well as by gaining extensive popular support. Despite their persistent association with violence and illicitness in popular discourse, some of those vigilante groups quickly increased their membership to hundreds of thousands. Highlighting the activities of the Forum Betawi Rempug (FBR), one of the biggest of these groups, this paper explains the causes, processes, and consequences of its expansion.The nature of the Betawi ethnic identity that has been constructed over decades, as well as an alternative mode of populist discourse that became prevalent in Jakarta during the last couple of decades, were the key background conditions through which such groups expanded in both size and geographic reach. These conditions also led to a loosely disciplined and highly autonomous organizational structure.An explanation of this process calls for a radical revision of the conventional model of ethnic mobilization that takes for granted disciplined organization and hierarchical control. In contemporary Jakarta, successful mass mobilization is not the sheer result of people’s response to populist calls. Attention must be paid to the logic of the mobilized in order to explain why vigilante organizations have been able to gain popular support despite their notorious reputation. This paper investigates the perspectives of the mobilized by focusing on neighborhood-level activities of the FBR. In so doing, it exemplifies how some residents perceive the FBR as a provider of potential socioeconomic resources for the enhancement of their life environment.
著者
菅谷 成子
出版者
京都大学東南アジア地域研究研究所
雑誌
東南アジア研究 (ISSN:05638682)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.43, no.4, pp.374-396, 2006-03-31 (Released:2017-10-31)

About forty years ago, Edgar Wickberg, in his pioneering and seminal work on the nineteenth-century Philippines, established how the Chinese had emerged as a commercially powerful foreign group in a Spanish colonial setting, while the Chinese mestizos had risen as a “special kind of Filipino” to support Philippine national awakening toward the turn of the century. Recently, scholars such as Richard T. Chu have questioned the identity of the Chinese mestizo as a “special kind of Filipino.” Chu argues that Chinese mestizos at the turn of the century had multiple, fluid, and ambiguous identities and cannot be said to have had a simple Filipino identity. He concludes that the Filipino identity as a nation was only established definitely after 1910. This paper identifies some of the particular historical factors that brought about the social rise of the Chinese mestizo as an uniquely Spanish colonial being distinct from the “chhut-sì-á” or “tsut-sia” of later years. This paper also shows that the “Chinese mestizos” Wickberg had in mind were not the same “Chinese mestizos” that Chu deals in his recent works, and suggests that the study of overseas Chinese or Chinese overseas can be relevant to Southeast Asian Studies only when it is placed in a historical context and perspective.
著者
五十嵐 忠孝
出版者
京都大学東南アジア地域研究研究所
雑誌
東南アジア研究 (ISSN:05638682)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.25, no.4, pp.593-624, 1988-03-31 (Released:2018-02-28)

This report aims to establish the socialcultural contexts of fertility behavior common to ethnic Sundanese, who predominate in the Priangan Highlands, West Java, and have long been well-known for their very young marital age and high fertility, in the hope that an understanding of fertility-related social perceptions and cultural practices of a particular ethnic group will provide a basis for explaining regional and ethnic differences in levels and patterns of fertility in Indonesia. Here I will simply describe a number of institutions and practices involving the early stage of the reproductive period in women, i. e., from the attainment of adulthood to the consummation of the first marriage, which I observed during fieldwork in a Priangan Sundanese village. To compare social-cultural contexts of fertility, I also present a brief review of data on the fertility behavior of other Indonesian ethnic groups, particularly of ethnic Javanese, of which rather reliable data is available. Fertility-related practices in Sundanese society are distinct from those in Javanese society in many ways. For example: 1. A considerable proportion of rural Sundanese girls get married before menarche, indicating that marriageability for rural Sundanese girls predates menarche, even though rural Sundanese residents state that menarche signals the attainment of marriageable age. 2. Most marriages, including those of premenarcheal girls, take place at the girl's own wish, and are not arranged by parents or relatives. Almost all women interviewed showed a strong dislike for arranged marriage including “child marriage.” 3. A younger sister is strictly forbidden to marry before an elder sister. This practice naturally leads to the virtual universality of marriage at an early age. 4. Consummation of marriage, even “premenarcheal marriage,” takes place at a very early stage. This means that divorce without consummation has rarely occurred, even though many first marriages have ended in divorce.
著者
岡本 正明
出版者
京都大学東南アジア地域研究研究所
雑誌
東南アジア研究 (ISSN:05638682)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.55, no.2, pp.217-239, 2018 (Released:2018-02-09)
参考文献数
54

Palm oil production has been rapidly increasing in Malaysia and Indonesia because of the strong demand for the cheap and versatile commodity. This increase has become a threat for countries and producers of other vegetable oils, such as France, which produces rapeseed oil, and the United States, which produces soybean oil. Therefore, those countries and producers have tried to impose limits on the import of palm oil, and environmental NGOs—mainly from Western countries—have conducted a series of negative campaigns against palm oil since the late 1990s. The most effective and continuously raised issue is the environmental one. However, the first negative campaign was not about the environment but about health. That campaign originated with US soybean producers in the early 1980s. To counter that campaign, the Malaysian government and palm oil producers started a positive one. This paper shows how this “oil war” between US soybean producers and the Malaysian government and palm oil producers started, developed, and ended; and how the Malaysian side created a strategy to fight the war, utilizing scientific data as well as academic networks and pro-small peasant discourse. This experience has become a lesson for Malaysian actors in dealing with the negative campaign about the environmental unfriendliness of palm oil since the late 1990s.