著者

杉島 敬志

出版者

京都大学東南アジア地域研究研究所

雑誌

東南アジア研究 (ISSN:05638682)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.47, no.2, pp.233-234, 2009-09-30 (Released:2017-10-31)

著者

久末 亮一

出版者

京都大学東南アジア地域研究研究所

雑誌

東南アジア研究 (ISSN:05638682)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.44, no.2, pp.204-222, 2006-09-30 (Released:2017-10-31)

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Overseas Chinese have been an important factor in the modern Asia-Pacific economy. Since the middle of the nineteenth century, remittances by overseas Chinese have gradually influenced the economy of the region; they have been important not only in amount but also in the effect of their multiple uses for trade and investment. In the latter sense, remittances by overseas Chinese have had a huge impact. Geographically, remittance funds flowed from throughout the Asia-Pacific to South China via Hong Kong. For example, Cantonese remittance houses in South East Asia, the Americas, and Oceania remitted funds to Hong Kong, from where they were retransferred to the Pearl River Delta. Such funds were used for purchase or investment in Canton or in other Chinese cities through the Cantonese networks. This is just one example. Each Chinese group had different routes and means of remittance but all funds, with different objectives, crossed paths in Hong Kong. This paper focuses mainly on the connection mechanisms of Cantonese Chinese remittances from Singapore to the Pearl River Delta via Hong Kong.

著者

福岡 まどか

出版者

京都大学東南アジア地域研究研究所

雑誌

東南アジア研究 (ISSN:05638682)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.38, no.1, pp.113-114, 2000-06-30 (Released:2017-11-30)

著者

加藤 剛

出版者

京都大学東南アジア地域研究研究所

雑誌

東南アジア研究 (ISSN:05638682)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.35, no.1, pp.77-135, 1997-06-30 (Released:2018-01-31)

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Many of the cities in Southeast Asia were created by colonial powers or transformed from forts, port towns or even villages to modern cities during the colonial period. From around the turn of the century they exuded a strong European atmosphere as attested by a comment and a drawing (Fig. 1) made by Osano Sase-o, a Japanese cartoonist who accompanied the Japanese troops invading Batavia in March 1942.  How did the indigenous people perceive colonial cities, which were exogenous to Southeast Asia? This is the question I shall address here. In order to answer this question, specifically in relation to the Netherlands Indies, I review six novels, four published by Balai Poestaka and two by others, and try to glean common themes, topics, and expressions related to colonial cities. The six novels are Sitti Noerbaja—Kasih Ta'Sampai (1922) by Mh. Roesli, Salah Asoehan (1928) by Abdoel Moeis, Kalau Ta' Oentoeng (1933) by Selasi, Roesmala Dewi (Pertemoean Djawa dan Andalas) (1932) by S. Hardjosoemarto and A. Dt. Madjoindo, Student Hidjo (1919) by Marco Kartodikromo, and Rasa Merdika—Hikajat Soedjanmo (1924) by Soemantri. One reason why I chose these novels was that I had first editions at my disposal. As is exemplified by Sitti Noerbaja, there are sometimes marked differences between the first editions and the post-World-War-Two editions with respect to the usage or non-usage of terms and expressions evocative of the colonial period.  Results of the review show that the six novels have few passages directly describing the characteristics of colonial cities. However, it is remarkable that they more or less exclusively use the same term kota to refer to cities and towns. In contrast, most writings in the nineteenth century use the term negeri or negri for this purpose, which means “country” and “region” as well as “city” and “town.” This shows, it is suggested, that indigenous people already shared the same term and similar ideas about cities and towns by the time these novels were written.  Four themes or topics are gleaned from the six novels pertaining to images of colonial cities: love and “freedom”; the question of “I” or “saja”; modern education and administration; and clock time and western calendrical dates. The central theme of the novels revolves around love in the face of social convention and tradition. The hidden theme in this connection is freedom or merdeka. The story about the person who craves for the fulfillment of love, that is, freedom from social convention, is narrated in terms of “saja.” Other than Sitti Noerbaja, which generally uses “hamba” to describe “I,” the novels on the whole prefer “saja” to “hamba” or “akoe” in referring to “I.” It is argued that “saja” began to be used in the meaning of “I” by Europeans in translating European writings and stories into Malay and talking to the indigenous population in Malay. However, the Europeans tended to use “saja” only in talking to their equals or superiors; to their inferiors they tended to use “akoe.” The meaning of “saja” became more “democratized” as its usage spread among the indigenous population through schools, newspapers, political gatherings, meleséng (lectures and sermons) after Islamic Friday prayers, and so on.  Behind freedom and “I” at the center stage of the novels, there stand two themes seemingly constituting the background of the novels' stories. (View PDF for the rest of the abstract.)

著者

河瀬 彰宏

出版者

京都大学東南アジア地域研究研究所

雑誌

CIRAS discussion paper No.72 : 日本民謡の地域比較研究に向けて --西海道・山陰道・山陽道の地域性 = Toward Regional Comparative Study of Traditional Japanese Folk Songs: Regionality of Saikaidō, San'indō and San'yōdō

巻号頁・発行日

vol.72, pp.6-11, 2017-03

著者

桃木 至朗

出版者

京都大学東南アジア地域研究研究所

雑誌

東南アジア研究 (ISSN:05638682)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.26, no.3, pp.241-265, 1988-12-31 (Released:2018-02-28)

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This essay discusses the local administrative system linking the central government to village society. The first section presents the basic materials and points out issues in earlier studies concerning this subject. The second section examines the naming and distribution of each kind of unit. Generally speaking, there were only two lanks: the upper units like phủ, châu etc. and basic units like hươhng, giáp etc. Basic units were communes which had not been reorganized by the central government. Upper units were nothing more than honorary titles conferred on important and strong basic units. In such a simple system, complicated Chinese ideas about local administrative organization gave rise to irregular naming and calling of the units, some of which, for example, lộ, were invalid. The third section analyzes the functions of governors of châu and phủ. There was no distant difference between châu mục or thủ līnh, local chieftains recognized by the central government, and trị châu, a governor temporarily appointed, either in ethnicity or in non-bureaucratic functions. However, some strategic positions outside the Red River delta, especially Thanh Hóa, were governed by subordinate officials who had given royal service in the first half of the 12th century.  In short, the local administrative system under the Lý dynasty was similar to that of muǎng states in Thai society, with a “feudal” relationship between the upper and lower units and, may be, “bureaucratic” administration inside the basic communes. In the last stage of Lý period in Vietnam, however, the germs of the bureaucratic local administration completed in the 15th century can be found, both in the Red River delta, where higher and wider units were formed, and in Thanh Hóa, where “patrimonial bureaucracy” was realized.

著者

清水 政明 Lê Thị Liên 桃木 至朗

出版者

京都大学東南アジア地域研究研究所

雑誌

東南アジア研究 (ISSN:05638682)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.36, no.2, pp.149-177, 1998-09-30 (Released:2018-01-31)

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This paper aims to introduce one piece of chữ nôm material, which Henri Maspéro mentioned in his article of 1912 as one of the oldest chữ nôm materials, and the existence of which remained for a long time unconfirmed. This paper also aims to analyze the chữ nôm characters contained in it from the historical phonological point of view. This material was rediscovered and introduced by Lê Thị Liên in her 1989 B. A. thesis. It is an inscription erected in 1343 on the Hộ Thành mountain (núi Non Nủớc) in the present Ninh Bình province, Vietnam. It concerns donations made by local inhabitants for the construction of a temple on the mountain. Before analyzing the chữ nôm characters in the inscription, we first review the traditional method of analyzing chữ nôm characters as proposed by Henri Maspéro in 1912, for the purpose of demonstrating the limitations of his method in the analysis of our material. We then refer to recent Viet-Muong phonological studies based on the newly discovered and described groups of the Viet-Muong branch such as Arem, Chứt, Mã Liềng, Aheu, and Pọng, most of which were not known when Maspéro wrote his paper. One of the main phonological features that differentiate them from the Mủờng dialects described by Maspéro is the existence of the disyllabic structure: (C0)vC1V(C2)/T. We also utilize newly discovered chữ nôm materials such as the Sino-Vietnamese text of Phật thuyết đại báo phụ mẫu ân trọng kinh, compiled in the 15th century, which also throws light on our analysis. The material contains 11 common words and 18 person or place names written in chữ nôm characters. The latter 18 proper nouns are the object of discussion. Their common characteristics are the use of two characters for the transcription of one proper noun and occurrence of the vowel /a/ as the first element. We claim for these examples to show (1) certain patterns of the initial consonantal cluster, and (2) the trace of the disyllabic morphemes still preserved in the 14th century Vietnamese. Concerning the former point, we can reconstruct such patterns as /*bl-/, /*ml-/, and /*k‘r-/ from our material. The latter point is of special importance. Nguyễn Tài Cẩn (1995) reconstructed the major members of the minor syllable ((C0)v) in the disyllabic structure of Proto Viet-Muong as /*pə/, /*tə/, /*cə/, /*kə/, /*sə/, /*a/, and we can recognize four of them in our matelial: /*pə/, /*tə/, /*kə/, /*a/. The chữ nôm characters contained in the Sino-Vietnamese text of Phật thuyết đại báo phụ mẫu ân trọng kinh mentioned above, in turn, show all six of them, and the characters transcribing each of these minor syllables coincide with each other between these two materials, a fact that may reinforce the credibility of our analysis. In conclusion, the insertion of a non-distinctive schwa vowel /ə/ between each of the initial consonantal clusters seems to have been common in Vietnamese during the 14th-15th centuries, but not in all cases. And the disyllabic strucure of Vietnamese, or at least the trace of it, is recognized to have existed until as late as 15th century.

著者

若曽根 了太

出版者

京都大学東南アジア地域研究研究所

雑誌

東南アジア研究 (ISSN:05638682)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.54, no.2, pp.237-260, 2017

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In their research on the "Holy Manʼs Rebellion, " a millenarian movement that occurred in Thailand and Laos during the early twentieth century, historians have uncovered the concept of eschatology and belief in Maitreya. However, the idea of the eschatological salvation of the Lao, as derived from the Four Palm Leaf Manuscripts, has not yet been revealed. In addition, we do not know whether the Holy Manʼs Rebellion, in accordance with the tenets of Buddhism, was what influenced the spiritual belief systems of Lao society. Hence, in this study, we aim to reveal the concept of eschatological salvation and its connection with Cakkavatti, as well as the historical meaning of the Holy Manʼs Rebellion, in the context of Lao spiritual beliefs. We achieve this aim by analyzing the Four Palm Leaf Manuscripts that were handed down to temples, and also through the holy menʼs preaching to the Lao. We found that the eschatological savior of the Lao in the beginning of the twentieth century was a Cakkavatti; this belief was reflected in the divine right of kings. Furthermore, the holy men considered spiritual beliefs as being lower than Buddhist beliefs. This suggests that the words of holy men, who spoke hierarchically about Buddhism and spiritual beliefs, were spread among a wide range of peoples and became embedded within Lao society. Therefore, we discovered that there was significant meaning to the Laoʼs thoughts about subjectivity as well as the historical significance of the Holy Manʼs Rebellion.

著者

片岡 樹

出版者

京都大学東南アジア地域研究研究所

雑誌

東南アジア研究 (ISSN:05638682)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.42, no.2, pp.188-207, 2004-09-30 (Released:2017-10-31)

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This paper examines the formation of a modern state with demarcated borders in Thailand. The case taken into account is the presence of KMT (Kuomintang) Chinese troops in the northwestern borderlands, the Thai government's attempts to control them, and the hill tribes' adaptation to these circumstances from the 1950s through the 1980s. The analysis demonstrates that not addressing the occupation of its frontier by foreign armed groups in favor of anti-communist considerations, the Thai government's Cold War policy delayed the nation's official goal—the completion of a modern territorial state. It further shows the dual nature, or “official” and “unofficial” mechanisms, of modern state formation in Southeast Asia. The hill tribes in the anti-communist camp have exploited the “unofficial” side of this process as front-line soldiers against the communists inside and outside the nation. This dualism began to disappear only after the 1980s, when the government declared victory over the communist challenge.

著者

金 悠進

出版者

京都大学東南アジア地域研究研究所

雑誌

東南アジア研究 (ISSN:05638682)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.55, no.1, pp.71-102, 2017

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This paper will show that one of the decisive factors in the rise of Ridwan Kamil as the mayor of Bandung is the sociocultural context of the city. The daily cultural practices of urban apolitical "ordinary" young people have been historically developed into or conceptualized as "creative" (kreatif). The term "kreatif" itself is ambiguous and could include anything new and different. Ridwan Kamil, as a political outsider with no strong political base, has shrewdly and successfully exploited the ambiguous concept of kreatif to increase his popularity among the urban citizens in Bandung. Bandung has been described as a thriving cosmopolitan city during the colonial period. Urban young people in the city were depoliticized but able to enjoy Western popular culture under the Suharto regime. Especially since 1990, they have built independent music and clothing labels to develop the local indie scene. Ridwan Kamil, as an architect, has supported creative industries, including fashion and music. He has successfully changed the mindset of citizens to become the mayor of Bandung through creative festivals.

著者

中西 嘉宏

出版者

京都大学東南アジア地域研究研究所

雑誌

東南アジア研究 (ISSN:05638682)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.41, no.3, pp.330-360, 2003-12-31 (Released:2017-10-31)

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This article examines Ne Win’s attempt to construct a party-state in Burma. Previous studies have argued that Ne Win built the Burma Socialist Programme Party (BSPP) in 1962 as a political organization to camouflage his dictatorship and military rule. In this article I suggest that Ne Win tried to construct a partystate in the 1970s by changing the rules governing appointment to top state positions, but failed. From 1962 to 1970, the Revolutionary Council consisted of military officers favored by Ne Win, directors of the Ministry of Defense, and regional commanders of the Army. It began to change in 1971, when Ne Win formed the Central Executive Committee (CEC) within the BSPP for top decisionmaking. In 1972, he compelled most CEC members to retire from the military and did so himself. Many CEC members who concurrently held ministerial posts resigned in 1973, effectively separating the CEC from the military and the government. At the third Party Conference in February 1977, Ne Win began to change the type of people appointed to the CEC. Five new members of the third CEC were retired officers who had transferred from the military to the party in the 1960s and rose in the party. They were not former directors of the Ministry of Defense or former regional commanders, but party leaders. This means Ne Win began to shift his power base from the military to the BSPP. But in an attempt that came to light later, some party leaders tried to unseat Ne Win in the election of the Central Committee at the third Party Conference. Ne Win then purged 113 party members including new CEC members and appointed the fourth Central Committee in November 1977. Ne Win never again appointed people to the CEC who had risen through the party. Subsequently, until 1988, the BSPP functioned primarily to camouflage his military dictatorship.

著者

飯田 淳子

出版者

京都大学東南アジア地域研究研究所

雑誌

東南アジア研究 (ISSN:05638682)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.54, no.2, pp.271-274, 2017