著者
田子内 進
出版者
京都大学東南アジア地域研究研究所
雑誌
東南アジア研究 (ISSN:05638682)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.44, no.2, pp.145-203, 2006-09-30 (Released:2017-10-31)

The magazine Soeara NIROM (Voice of Nederlands Indische Radio Omroep Maatschappji), was issued periodically from 1934 to 1942 to introduce its radio program specifically to Indonesian-reading Nederlandsch-Indie listeners. NIROM itself was established in 1934 as an official network, first broadcasting in Dutch and subsequently in Indonesian. This paper attempts to depict the musical culture of the time by quantifying the frequency of music programs for each broadcasting station in October 1936 and January 1942. This analysis of musical programming depicts a very diverse musical culture in Nederlandsch-Indie and indicates that radio broadcasting, as a new medium, promoted interaction amongthe musical genres. In October 1936, music constituted more than 70% of radio programming in number of programs and approximately 83% in programming hours. Of the various musical genres broadcast by NIROM, six were dominant: kroncong, Javanese music, Sundanese music, Malay music, Chinese music, and Arabic music. Kroncong was the most popular. It seems that kroncong actively incorporated a musical element of rumba popularized all around the world by the 1930 hit song El Manicero. Consequently, a new style of kroncong rumba was created. A good example is Rumba Tamang Mango, sung by the Eurasian singer Annie Landouw. The most famous kroncong singers were S. Abudullah and Miss Iem, well known in Singapore and British Malaya as well. There was little local music except Gambang Kromong, an ensemble based in and around Batavia (Jakarta) that combined Indonesian and Chinese instruments and styles. Malay music was represented by bangsawan, a modern style combining Indian, Arabic, Chinese, and Western elements into traditional Malay music. Female singers like Miss Maimoon and Miss Tjiah were popular. These singers belonged to bangsawan groups in Singapore and British Malaya, as well as Nederlandsch-Indie. The popularity of Arabic music arose mainly from Arabic films starring actors like Om Kalsum and featuring the gambus, a lute instrument brought by Hadhramaut immigrants residing in Surabaya. A gambus group led by Syech Albar enjoyed high popularity. In 1942, the popularity of these six musical genres continued, although music programming itself had been reduced to approximately 44% of programs and 69% of programming hours. This was due to an increase in other programming, including news coverage of the eruption of war in Europe. Kroncong declined in frequency and program hours, with few new styles or singers emerging. Several genres of local music, such as Minangkabau, Ambon, Batak, and Acehnese, which had hardly been broadcast in 1936, were on the air. Chinese, Arab, and Malay songs were relatively more popular than they had been. Malay music became more diverse, with domestic groups such as Penghiboer Hati, Sinar Medan, and Patjaran Muda seeming to perform different styles than bangsawan. In the gambus genre, while Syech Albar's popularity was still high, many new gambus groups were established at Batavia, Semarang, Medan, and Garut (in West Java) outside Surabaya. In addition, the new genre of harmonium music had emerged by 1940 and was frequently aired. The harmonium, a small reed organ set in a box, was an essential instrument of modern Malay music. Judging from the sound source, it seems that harmonium music was basically gambus, or Arabic music, but because it emphasized the sound of the harmonium, it was regarded as Malay music. In fact, the style of gambus and Malay groups in the 1940s indicates that interaction among them took pace flexibly and easily. Some gambus groups, as well as Malay music groups, called themselves harmonium groups. By the early 1950s, these harmonium groups were calling themselves orkes melayu ...
著者
大泉 さやか
出版者
京都大学東南アジア地域研究研究所
雑誌
東南アジア研究 (ISSN:05638682)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.56, no.2, pp.148-184, 2019 (Released:2019-01-31)
参考文献数
82

In December 2016, the element titled “Practices related to the Viet beliefs in the Mother Goddesses of Three Realms” was inscribed on the Representative List of the Intangible Cultural Heritage of Humanity. Under Vietnam’s socialist government, rituals and festivals related to the beliefs in Mother Goddesses had been prohibited as superstition before the Doi Moi period. Even though these beliefs and related practices were reevaluated and revived as a beautiful tradition, especially after the 1990s, there has been constant debate over whether beliefs in Mother Goddesses can be categorized as superstition. The question here is why Vietnam’s government applied for the inscription of this element while it had not yet concluded the debate. In this article, by considering this question we examine how Vietnam’s government intends to increase control over this element through naming, protecting, and avoiding its transformation. We also demonstrate that the framework for the heritagization of this element has been changed from theaterization to purization as beliefs, so that the government can criticize and prevent stage adaptation or theaterized rituals as an unintended transformation of heritage.
著者
鈴木 伸隆
出版者
京都大学東南アジア地域研究研究所
雑誌
東南アジア研究 (ISSN:05638682)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.60, no.2, pp.183-209, 2023-01-31 (Released:2023-01-31)
参考文献数
121

The Mindanao settlement of the early twentieth century was dogged by an unresolved issue: the number of Christians lured there by a state-sponsored resettlement program, which undermined privately led migration on public lands. This paper, on the development of the Homeseekers Program (1918–39), explores how the formation of a Christian Filipino settler colony in Cotabato, Mindanao, was intertwined with its self-governing capacity, demonstrated by settlers and the local government. Settler colonialism is the research framework for situating this overlooked element within the colonial pattern stemming from a fluid, multifaceted political situation. During the early American colonial period, Christians moved to Mindanao and built homes for themselves. Among them were agriculturists and educated young professionals who worked as teachers and government officials. Their arrival, essential for establishing colonial governance through public order, infrastructure building, and public health and education systems, contributed greatly to creating a settler colonial space independent from the central government and detrimental to indigenous people. Given the disorganized nature of the settlement process, however, land grabbing and squatting on public lands were common in the 1930s. This analysis demonstrates that the Christian settler colony materialized as a logical outcome of Filipino settler colonialism, leading to subtle, solid colonial governance.
著者
小島 浩之 矢野 正隆
出版者
京都大学東南アジア地域研究研究所
雑誌
東南アジア研究 (ISSN:05638682)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.60, no.1, pp.17-39, 2022-07-31 (Released:2022-07-31)
参考文献数
64

In this article, we provide an initial examination of 104 samples of writing paper from the 98 items of the Sino-Nom collection archived by a Vietnamese temple in Bangkok (Canh Phuoc Temple) and held by the Center for Southeast Asian Studies, Kyoto University. We attempt to gather various forms of quantitative and qualitative information by means of external and surface observation, shape measurement, as well as optical observation and measurement.In this collection the main fibers used to fabricate writing paper are wood pulp, bamboo, and mulberry. Items containing wood pulp (about 45 percent) can be dated to the end of the nineteenth century or later, while items made of bamboo and mulberry fibers may date back to earlier. Bamboo paper, which in China tends to be used for printed books, is also widely used for manuscripts. Such facts cannot be obtained solely through literary analysis of the documents’ contents; they were collected by expanding the range of information that could be obtained from a historical document. The study of material culture, namely, accumulating and utilizing information on these documents as objects, not only contributes to more concrete and detailed regional and historical research but also provides crucial evidence for the conservation and management of Southeast Asian materials.
著者
中野 真備
出版者
京都大学東南アジア地域研究研究所
雑誌
東南アジア研究 (ISSN:05638682)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.58, no.2, pp.164-203, 2021-01-31 (Released:2021-01-29)
参考文献数
86

This paper examines the ecological cognition of Sama-Bajau fishermen by analyzing the naming of fish, fishing grounds, and landmarks used by those who engage mainly in open-sea fishing in the Banggai Islands, Central Sulawesi, Indonesia. The field survey assumed that reef rocks and celestial bodies are landmarks used only by Sama-Bajau fishermen because their Sama-Bajau names have been shared among the fishermen until the present day along with their detailed origins. Compared to these landmarks, capes and bays are spread over relatively long distances, so minute differences are difficult to discern. Sama-Bajau fishermen have an equal interest in the names of capes, bays, and reef rocks. The study also clarifies that the background to the naming and folk taxonomy of landmarks is related to differences in the appearance of landmarks and living spaces used by Sama-Bajau and non-Sama-Bajau groups. Therefore, folk taxonomies attract greater and lesser interest or an intermediate level of interest. The study clarifies that Sama-Bajau folk taxonomies have similar features to landscape recognition from a fisherman’s perspective. This is the first attempt to comprehensively classify fish, fishing grounds, and targets based on indigenous knowledge of the sea.
著者
吉川 利治
出版者
京都大学東南アジア地域研究研究所
雑誌
東南アジア研究 (ISSN:05638682)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.19, no.4, pp.363-387, 1982 (Released:2018-06-02)

Field Marshal Phibunsongkhram, the Prime Minister of Thailand during the Pacific War, is said to have been a dictator, a chauvinist and a militarist, and to have erred in trying to revive old Siam by military means. But the minutes of the Cabinet conference, Phibun's speeches, the Ratthaniyom principles, Thai Code of Valour and Phibun's own behavior during his regime reveal his thoughts and actions as a campaign to foster the civilization of Thailand and to restore her honor and face among nations.  He renamed the country "Thailand" on June 24, 1939 because the old name Siam was associated with absolute monarchy, Westerner worship, arbitary Chinese action, a national inferiority complex and old customs. It was his aim to dispel these associations and to prompt constitutional monarchy, the civilization of the country and the modernization of the people.  The Phibun regime intended to reduce Western political power and Chinese economic power. Japan also had an interest in destroying Western power in Southeast Asia and replacing it with her own. Phibun used Japanese power to carry out his policy. Japan treated Thailand as an important nation in Southeast Asia before the Pacific War, so she could move her forces through Thai territory and obtain necessary facilities. Phibun cooperated with Japan for only one year during the war, then switched to the promotion of an anti-Japanese strategic plan, because he thought that cooperation with Japan did not bring honor and face either to Thailand or to himself.
著者
蓮田 隆志 米谷 均
出版者
京都大学東南アジア地域研究研究所
雑誌
東南アジア研究 (ISSN:05638682)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.56, no.2, pp.127-147, 2019 (Released:2019-01-31)
参考文献数
58

This paper aims to clarify the early contact between Japan and Vietnam—both Tonkin and Cochinchina—during the late sixteenth and early seventeenth centuries by investigating letters sent from Vietnam to Japan. In order to better understand the letters and their background, a paleographical approach is adopted. The oldest letter was sent from Tonkin by Nguyễn Cảnh Đoan, a high-ranking military officer residing in Nghệ An Province. The addressee, “King of Japan,” is a fictitious person, which indicates that Vietnamese officials did not understand contemporary Japan. Two entrepreneurs took advantage of this gap in knowledge to deceive Nguyễn Cảnh Đoan into sending the letter to a nonexistent King. The second and third letters were sent from Nguyễn Hoàng to Toyotomi Hideyoshi and Terasawa Masanari (a chief officer of Nagasaki), not to Tokugawa Ieyasu.From investigations of the format and terminology of these three as well as other letters, it is clear that both the Trịnh King and Nguyễn lords aimed to relativize the authority of the Lê emperor and to promote their status by arrogating the title of “An Nam Quốc vương (King of Annam).” The Tokugawa Shogun also utilized the exchange of letters with a foreign monarch to enhance his authority.
著者
大泉 さやか
出版者
京都大学東南アジア地域研究研究所
雑誌
東南アジア研究 (ISSN:05638682)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.52, no.2, pp.235-266, 2015-01-31 (Released:2017-10-31)
被引用文献数
1

This study investigates how the collection and study of folklore in socialist Vietnam contributed to the Communist Party of Vietnamʼs and the governmentʼs cultural policy. It focuses on the Sino-Vietnamese terminology used in the folklore studies of socialist Vietnam and explains their changes in relation to cultural policy. From the end of the 1950s, the collection of folk literature (van hoc dan gian) was promoted in provincial areas because of the Partyʼs mass cultural policy. There, both politicians and scholars recognized that the collection of folk literature could not be separated from the collection of folk arts. This led them to introduce the term van nghe dan gian (VNgDG), a phrase that combines the terms for folk literature and folk arts, to reorganize the collection. In the late 1970s, the Party strengthened its control over the cultural sphere to abolish traces of the “old regimes.” It thought that VNgDG contained many “old” elements that needed to be modified into more appropriate ones. And as China-Vietnam relations critically worsened at the end of the 1970s, VNgDG was finally criticized as being of “no use” because of its Chinese oriented content and methodology. On the other hand, scholars had to highlight the tradition of “Vietnamese culture” in order to confront the “long-lasting Chinese culture,” which led them to approach folklore from a historical perspective. At the same time, some scholars commented that VNgDG had become too “socialized” and emphasized the importance of scientific research on folklore. Consequently, they began to use the new term van hoa dan gian (VHDG), which literally means folk culture, to rejuvenate folklore studies. Currently, after the Law of Cultural Heritage was issued in 2001, the popularization of the concept of “intangible cultural heritage” (di san van hoa phi vat the) has made the status of the term “VHDG” unstable.
著者
上野 益三
出版者
京都大学東南アジア地域研究研究所
雑誌
東南アジア研究 (ISSN:05638682)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.2, no.2, pp.52-66, 1964-12-19 (Released:2019-07-05)

The present article is an outline of biological studies of inland waters in Southeast Asia with especial reference to those conditions which limit the adequacy of our knowledge thereof. The most detailed limnological knowledge was obtained by the German Limnological Sunda Expedition, 1928-29,which was undertaken by Thienemann and Ruttner in the islands of Sumatra, Java and Bali. In countries both insular and continental other than those islands, despite the work of many biologists and limnologists our knowledge is still inadequate even for the taxonomy and biogeography of animals and plants in inland waters. Detailed knowledge is lacking with regard to the composition and structure of various biotic communities in inland waters as well as the physical and chemical nature of those waters as environments for aquatic life. Concerning the zoogeography of inland waters in Southeast Asia, the writer has referred to Brehm's work on the freshwater Calanoida as an example. The occurrence of Parabathynella malaya in the subterranean water of Malaya is striking, because this is the only record of this group of Crustacea of the archaic type outside Europe and Japan. Kobayashi's chemical investigations of the river waters of Thailand are a most important contribution to regional limnology in Asia. His work was done at 30 stations which cover all the river systems throughout the country, including two lakes, Lakes Nong Han and Talesaab. The biotic communities of various types of inland waters have been fairly well dealt with by Johnson in Malaya : these are noteworthy for the inhabitants found in peaty black waters, in waters rich in lime, and in torrents at both low and high levels. The effects of human activities upon inland water animal and plant life are also remarkable in many parts of Malaya. Production biological studies, which are one of the important research projects in present-day limnology, have been almost neglected in Southeast Asia. In such a situation, Ruttner's plankton studies in the lakes of Indonesia (published in 1953) is especially important. He has shown that the volume of the standing crop of plankton produced at any given moment below a given surface unit of a tropical lake is nearly the same as that of a temperate lake. For biologists and limnologists who have had experience of studies only in the temperate zone, tropical inland waters are extremely attractive as they offer great opportunities for the study of many important biological phenomena. It is our hope that Japanese biologists and limnologists will have opportunities to work on inland waters in Southeast Asia using the methods of present-day limnology, and enjoying international co-operation with the biologists and limnologists in those countries.
著者
青木 葉子
出版者
京都大学東南アジア地域研究研究所
雑誌
東南アジア研究 (ISSN:05638682)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.43, no.4, pp.397-418, 2006-03-31 (Released:2017-10-31)

Three dominant changes have occurred in the study of the ethnic Chinese in Indonesia after the fall of Soeharto. First, the study of Indonesian Chinese was freed from the threat of SARA censorship (Suku, Agama, Ras, dan Antar Golongan, or ethnic, religious, racial, and class relations), which was removed after Soeharto. Second, ethnic Chinese studies have accelerated. Many seminars and discussions are now held and many books about the ethnic Chinese have been published in Indonesia. Some aim to abolish inequalities and discriminatory measures and claim justice. Although changes have been made in the law, anti-Chinese hostility still exists in society. Other studies analyze the discourses of Dutch colonialism and Indonesian nationalism and reconsider the Chinese role in nation building, so as to rewrite Indonesian history, which has largely ignored the ethnic Chinese. Third, foreign researchers are shifting their attention from political issues, such as assimilation, national integration, and political identity to subjects reflecting the changing role of the ethnic Chinese in East and Southeast Asia in an era of globalization and rapid economic growth. In this paper I will focus on such changes by reviewing studies done during the New Order regime and the subsequent period of Reformasi.