著者
齋藤 一雄 伊東 良 桑森 真介
出版者
日本武道学会
雑誌
武道学研究 (ISSN:02879700)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.45, no.2, pp.109-117, 2012-12-25 (Released:2014-04-04)
参考文献数
23

The aim of this study was to clarify the effects of the expansion of the dohyo (the ring in which sumo bouts are performed) on the winning percentage for a lighter wrestler, the number of kimarite (the winning techniques in a sumo bout) and the competitive time. Forty-four pairs of collegiate sumo wrestlers, 21 pairs with a large weight difference (above 10 %) and 23 pairs with a small weight difference (below 10 %), performed 10 bouts of sumo in both a standard dohyo (diameter: 4.55 m) and an expanded dohyo (diameter: 4.85 m). We evaluated the winning number for a lighter wrestler, the number of kimarite and the competitive time in the 10 bouts.The following results were obtained.1) The winning number for a lighter wrestler was 4.67 ± 1.35 (average ± SD) bouts in the standard dohyo and 5.52 ± 1.33 bouts in the expanded dohyo (significant difference, P < 0.01) among the pairs with a large weight difference. On the other hand, the winning number was 4.91 ± 1.70 bouts in the standard dohyo and 5.30 ± 1.72 bouts in the expanded dohyo (NS: no significant difference) among the pairs with a small weight difference.2) The number of kimarite was 4.90 ± 1.14 te in the standard dohyo and 4.95 ± 1.28 te in the expanded dohyo (NS) among the pairs with a large weight difference. The number was 4.00 ± 1.04 te in the standard dohyo and 4.61 ± 1.56 te in the expanded dohyo (NS) among the pairs with a small weight difference.3) The competitive time was 8.67 ± 3.95 s in the standard dohyo and 8.80 ± 3.09 s in the expanded dohyo (NS) among the pairs with a large weight difference. The time was 8.47 ± 3.28 s in the standard dohyo and 8.92 ± 3.06 s in the expanded dohyo (NS) among the pairs with a small weight difference.These results suggest that the expansion of the dohyo (from 4.55 m to 4.85 m of the diameter) increases the winning percentage for a lighter wrestler when the weight difference of a pair is above 10 %, but there is little affect when the weight difference of a pair is below 10 %.
著者
加藤 寛
出版者
日本武道学会
雑誌
武道学研究 (ISSN:02879700)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.10, no.1, pp.1-8, 1977-07-05 (Released:2012-11-27)
参考文献数
34

The costume of the modern Kendo is dressed in the three-quarter sleeves and Umanori-Hakama. Hakama has usually tl. e length to reach an ankle. Because, by having so, we have the merit that our foot posture and foot action cannot be recognized by the others.On seeing the old pictures concerned with Kendo, there is some types. One is a long Hakama in Shinkage-style. The others are a short lengthened Hakama, and playing figure to taking “Momodachi” to have free legs action. These are different from the style of the modern Kendo. Especially, Momodachi-style could be seen in early of Meiji Era. But, method of taking “Momodachi” had various way and that had definite as life pattern of Bushi.As a part of the history of Kendo, I described the process of Momodachi-style, how to take Momodachi, and their historical resource.
著者
村山 輝志
出版者
日本武道学会
雑誌
武道学研究 (ISSN:02879700)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.24, no.3, pp.8-15, 1992-03-31 (Released:2012-11-27)
参考文献数
21

In the Edo era, a Budo trainee who wished to enter a Budo school had to present a written oath before he become a disciple. This thesis considered the substance of a written oath of the Gigen school, which prospered in the Satsuma feudal clan.The first part of the written oath is composed of a promise not to teach the technique and theory to other people. The next part is a note of understanding that the trainee may be punished by God if he breaks his promise.Why did the trainee promise to keep the theory and technique secret ?(1) Students were conferred full masterships by the teacher after under going Violent disciplines.(2) They were educated in skills and theory that included religion. Therefore, they must be disciplined for a long time.(3) Some one who is not disciplined does not understand it because he has not experienced it.When the disciple received full mastershis, it was done in a solemn ceremony with the disciple presenting a written oath to the teacher. At that time the disciple received his license.The entrance ceremony, methods of training and imitation rites for the Gigen school of Budo closely resemble those for the Shingon religion. As the Shingon religion is much older than Budo, this suggests that Tigen Budo was influenced by Shingon.
著者
佐藤 皓也
出版者
日本武道学会
雑誌
武道学研究 (ISSN:02879700)
巻号頁・発行日
pp.2106, (Released:2021-08-11)
参考文献数
188

The All Japan Kendo Federation (AJKF) was established in October 1952. After World War II kendo was revived as a means of physical education and a sporting activity, with its organization democratically managed, and rational match processes and judging methods being considered while spreading and developing as a competitive sport (a general term for sports that emphasize winning, losing, and ranking). On the other hand, in 1975 the AJKF established its own philosophy, stating that “kendo is to discipline the human character through the application of the principles of the katana (sword)”, which is slightly different in meaning from the philosophy of sports, which states that “sports are athletic competitions and physical activities that are undertaken for the sound development of body and mind”. (Sports Promotion Act, 1961) To clarify the intent and content of this concept, it is necessary to re-read the historical development of kendo as a competitive sport.From the Meiji period onward, among the first to practice competitive sports were students who belonged to the athletic associations of Tokyo Imperial University and Tokyo Commercial High School, and the alumni association of Daiichi Higher Middle School. In such a climate, Western competitive sports were actively practiced in the old junior and senior high schools during the Meiji period. Kendo was developed on the model of a competitive sport rather than as a traditional budo.In the history of student kendo, it was Kyoto Imperial University that pioneered the national tournament. Kumao Ono points out that it was the former Daisan High School (hereafter, “Sanko”) that played a part in this. I was interested in the description of the Sanko Kendo Club members during the Meiji period, who tried to understand kendo in terms of the new concept of “athletics”, which at that time was a collective noun for all Western competitive sports. However, I could not find any previous studies. Therefore, as part of my search for the roots of the transformation of kendo into a competitive sport, I decided to first focus on the Sanko Kendo Club, which seems to have been a forerunner of this movement, in order to understand the actual state of students’ attitudes toward kendo during the Meiji and Taisho periods.The purpose of this paper is to clarify the actual state that the old high school system played in the development of kendo as a competitive sport, and to examine in detail the magazines Gakusui-kai Zasshi and its predecessor, Jinshin-kai Zasshi, which were published independently by the Gakusui-kai (alumni association) of Sanko, as well as other Sanko-related materials such as the Jinryo Shoshi (Short History of Jinryo) and the Sanko Hachiju-nen Kaiko (Sanko 80th Year Review).(View PDF for the rest of the abstract.)
著者
嘉手苅 徹
出版者
日本武道学会
雑誌
武道学研究 (ISSN:02879700)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.49, no.2, pp.121-136, 2016

<p>The aim of this paper is to clarify the origins of the modern <i>kata</i> in<i> </i>karate-do by examining the 15 kinds of <i>kata</i>, or forms, described by Gichin Funakoshi in his major study that appeared in three volumes: <i>Ryūkyū Kenpō Karate</i> (1922); <i>Rentan Goshin Karatejutsu</i> (1925); and <i>Karate-dō Kyōhan</i> (1935), in which the term "<i>toudi</i>"<i> </i>was changed to "<i>karate</i>".</p><p>The <i>kata</i> are divided into three phases: "initial movement", "development of technique", and "closing movement". The first and last of these phases are most important when trying to understand the similarities and differences in terms of movements, and when seeking to comprehend the styles of, and transitions in,<i> kata</i>.</p><p>When demonstrating karate-do, the principle of "begin with <i>rei</i>; end with <i>rei</i>" was established by adapting modern Japanese educational manners to both the "initial movement" and "closing movement". The presence of onlookers at a demonstration had a particularly significant effect not only on these two phases, but also on the transformation of the symbolic movements made. One may therefore conclude that karate-do was transformed into a new system of techniques. The influence of modern physical education can be seen in the concept of group practice, in the way performers occupy a space and stand to attention, and in the teaching method involving the giving of orders to performers.</p><p>It is clear that Funakoshi's system was not modeled on any Chinese exemplar. He makes no reference to Chinese martial arts and manners in his 15 kinds of <i>kata</i>, nor is there any mention of these three phases of <i>kata</i> in the <i>Bubishi</i>, a study of Chinese martial arts that was widely known in Okinawa during the Taisho and Showa eras.</p><p>For these reasons, we must conclude that Funakoshi based his karate-do on a Ryukyu style of karate that belonged to a post-Chinese culture, and founded it to promote modern physical education and Japanese martial arts.</p>
著者
三戸 範之
出版者
日本武道学会
雑誌
武道学研究 (ISSN:02879700)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.38, no.1, pp.27-36, 2005-07-31 (Released:2012-11-27)
参考文献数
24

The purpose of the present study was to examine regions of the body affected by Kansetsu-waza. The participants were 22 college and high school judo players. They were requested to point out the most painful region for each Kansetsu-waza technique. For analysis,28 techniques were chosen from 9 kinds of Kansetsu-waza. The binominal test and the chi square test were conducted. The results demonstrated that the elbow was the most painful region for 16 techniques and the shoulder for 8 techniques. This finding suggests that some Kansetsu-waza, which was Udegarami, Udehishigi-hizagatame, and Udehishigi-sankakugatame, has both the technique affecting the elbow and that affecting the shoulder. From Uke arm movement,28 techniques can be classified into three broad types: extension, twist with internal rotation, and twist with external rotation. Chi square tests indicated that the elbow was the most painful region for extension techniques, and that the shoulder was the most painful region for twisting techniques with either internal or external rotation. In relation to refereeing rules, Kansetsu-waza application is forbidden for any joint other than the elbow, however this study indicated that some Kansetsu-waza techniques allowed in the competition affect the shoulder. These findings suggest that refereeing rules for Kansetsu-waza are not necessarily based on real-world experience and that there is room for improving application of these rules.
著者
桐生 習作 村田 直樹 藤堂 良明
出版者
日本武道学会
雑誌
武道学研究 (ISSN:02879700)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.45, no.2, pp.119-133, 2012-12-25 (Released:2014-04-04)
参考文献数
57

Throughout the course of the popularization of judo, Jigoro Kano refined kitoryu-no-kata (a technique in judo having a profound theory) and developed it as koshiki-no-kata. The purpose of this study is to clarify: (1) the details of kitoryu-no-kata, (2) the development from kitoryu-no-kata to koshiki-no-kata, and (3) Kano’s strategies on the popularization of kata as to which parts of kitoryu-no-kata he valued the most, the methods of the development of kitoryu-no-kata, its meaning and the development from kitoryu-no-kata to koshiki-no-kata. The results are shown below:(1) Kitoryu is based on a state of unity between the imperturbable mind and body, which is called hontai. According to the Kitoryu jujutsu code, hontai places a strong empathies on spiritual training and harmonizing the mind and body with the universe’s energy source — ki, without being distracted by the moves of the kata or the opponent’s moves. In establishing Kodokan judo, Kano adopted kitoryu-no-kata (grappling techniques in armor which was used in times of war), as a kata with noble principles. In the kitoryu-no-kata style, Kano valued a steady posture (hontai), an imperturbable mind and techniques that disturb the opponent’s posture.(2) Kano changed the name from kitoryu-no-kata to koshiki-no-kata sometime after 1901. When comparing the two kata, it can be seen that there are five waza (techniques) that acquired a different name and two waza (techniques) that have a reverse order. In the Kitoryu style, a 14-technique session begins and ends with a courtesy greeting. In the Kitoryu style, 14 techniques and seven mudan techniques have been recognized as different forms of kata. Although there is a movement that disturbs the opponent’s posture by grasping and holding his neck in the kitoryu-no-kata style, Kano changed it to pressing against the opponent’s chest instead— from the point of view of safety and elegance.(3) Ever since the very founding of Kodokan, judoka have been neglecting kata. Kano tried a variety of ways to popularize kata because he felt that students should learn the principles of correct throwing techniques through kata.
著者
榎本 鐘司
出版者
日本武道学会
雑誌
武道学研究 (ISSN:02879700)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.29, no.2, pp.1-14, 1996-10-31 (Released:2012-11-27)
参考文献数
29

In A. D.1750 two Komusous visited Shinzaburou SAGAWA at Shinkage School in Sendai Clan and played several matches against the Sagawa's disciple. Shinzaburou SAGAWA left a detailed note of the occurence, namely, Ikkan Seizan Sagawa-sensei Shiai Shimatsu.Three written copies of it in the possession of the Saito-houonkai Natural History Museum and the Miyagi Prefectural Library have been analyzed by the present author.The purpose of this study is fourfold:(1) To clarify who two Komusous called one of them Ikkan and another of them Seizan were.(2) To clarify the purpose for which they went on a Knight-Errantry Tour in A. D.1750.(3) To clarify what kinds of samurai there were in the Sagawa's discple.(4) To clarify how they played the matches and what kinds of protector they played with. Briefly, the main conclusions were as follows:(1) Ikkan's name was Gonpachiro HARADA and Seizan's Hannojou NAKAGAWA. Both of them were the samurais of the middle rank in Kameyama clan.(2) They went on a Knight-Errantry Tour for the purpose of learning practical Bujutsu because, at that time, the educational system of Bujutsu was defective in Kameyama clan and many riots of the peasants were got up everywhere in Japan.(3) Half the number of the Sagawa's disciple were the samurais of vassal's vassales and of the lowest rank in Sendai clan.(4) The matches of Sagawa-Shinkage School was played with Fukuroshinai (a kind of bamboo sword) and “Menpou Tebukuro” (the protector of the face and the forearm), but these protectors had no conection with the parts that the players striked on. They striked on Kobushi (the fist) or Wakitsubo (the armpit).
著者
和田 哲也
出版者
日本武道学会
雑誌
武道学研究 (ISSN:02879700)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.19, no.1, pp.10-16, 1986-07-31 (Released:2012-11-27)
参考文献数
28

The practical characteristics of Iai and Kenjutsu are quite distinct when they are phenomenally judged. In Iai, on the whole, unsheathing the sword is the most important technique and great weight is given to the process of unsheathing it. In Kenjutsu, on the other hand, the technique begins after unsheathing the sword and taking a certain posture (kamae). So we can regard the relation between the two as “mihatsu” (before unsheathing) and “ihatsu” (after unsheathing).Closer investigation, however, reveal that Iai has “kata” not only of “mihatsu”but also of“ihatsu”in the case of “tachiai” (initial moving from standing posture), and that Kenjutsu also has its own techniques to unsheathe the sword. Thus these two martial arts, in which to use the Japanese swords, have the technique in common with each other. But, the main purpose of Iai is to cope with emergencies in daily life, so the point of view was directed to various, broad aspects of daily life, and in Kenjutsu, the point of view was directed only to the aspects of fighting after taking a certain posture. On that point these two were remarkably different from each other.Iai and Kenjutsu, after Ede era, had tendency to develop in their own way and to specialize as well. But on account of this, there appeared reversed thought that these two should be regarded as compensating each other.
著者
清野 武治
出版者
日本武道学会
雑誌
武道学研究 (ISSN:02879700)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.2, no.2, pp.24-29, 1970-03-01 (Released:2012-11-27)
参考文献数
7
著者
酒井 利信
出版者
日本武道学会
雑誌
武道学研究 (ISSN:02879700)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.39, no.2, pp.1-15, 2006-12-31 (Released:2012-11-27)
参考文献数
92

This research aims to clarify the magical power of the bow and arrow that appear in ancient Japanese myths, including ‘Kojiki’and‘ Nihon shoki.’In my the previous study, I clarified the following in relation to the magical power of the sword that appears in ancient Japanese myths:1. the magical power of the sword2. the relationship between the sword and gods (when discussing the magical power of the sword, the sword must be sacred; this is the basis of why the sword is sacred)3. the attribute of the sword that connects the celestial world of the gods and the terrestrial world of human beings (this provides an assumption for the relationship between the sword and the gods).In this research, I investigated whether the magical power of the bow and arrow has the same structure as that of the sword, by comparing the findings of the previous study, and confirmed the following:In the myth of Arnenowakahiko, three points were found: 1. the magical power of the bow and arrow; 2. the relationship between the gods and the bow and arrow; and 3. the bow and arrow's attribute connecting between the celestial world of the gods and the terrestrial world of human beings, suggesting that the magical power of the bow and arrow has the same structure as that of the sword.· A difference from the magical power of the sword was revealed in the myth of Ninuriya.·Besides the magical power of Hekija (exorcising evil gods and demons), I found the magical power of Seisei (creating).·Although arrows themselves originally had magical power, the red color of Ninuziya represents the magical power of the blood, by which the magical power of the arrow was enhanced.·In the Ninuriya myth, I could not find the magical power of the bow, but found only the magical power of the arrow.·In the Ninuriya myth, the arrow flows down the river to the terrestrial world as the god's incarnation. This implies that the world of gods lies in the horizontal direction of the terrestrial world. However, in the Kilo myths a view of the world is expressed in a form that basically stands solid in the vertical direction. The sword and arrow of the Arnenowakahiko myth connected the celestial world of the gods to the human world on Earth. The view of the world in this vertical direction was, however, created by a new ideology, and the world view was originally horizontal. The arrow was previously understood as something that connected the comparatively old transcendence axis in the horizontal direction.
著者
五賀 友継 松尾 牧則
出版者
日本武道学会
雑誌
武道学研究 (ISSN:02879700)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.51, no.2, pp.89-99, 2018-12-28 (Released:2019-12-28)
参考文献数
54

The aim of this study was to consider the influence of “Medical Research on Kyudo”, which was conducted by surgeons in Tokyo Provisional First Army Hospital from 1939 to 1941, and which subsequently lead to the dissolution of Kyudoyosoku. This research also looks to clarify the sequence of events during that period from historical records, research contents, and the reaction of archers after the publication of “Medical Research on Kyudo”. The results can be summarized as follows:1) Kyudo was adopted at the Tokyo Provisional First Army Hospital in 1939 as part of a rehabilitation program for disabled veterans with the aim of not only restoring military spirit, but also improving body posture.2) Following the adoption of kyudo, Tokyo Provisional First Army Hospital began the “Medical Research on Kyudo” project to select the most suitable kyudo forms to aid rehabilitation. Impact on the lungs and spinal cord were examined by radiographing the chest of the archers while performing the techniques of chukan-uchiokoshi and shomen-uchiokoshi. The research concluded that skeletal deformity and chest muscle distortion could occur with the chukan-uchiokoshi style. Moreover, the research assumed that incorrect lung position could trigger the risk of pleural inflammation and several diseases with chukan-uchiokoshi, but not with shomen-uchiokoshi.3) The results of the research study were widely publicized in kyudo and budo magazines, medical academic papers, newspapers and presentations not only for the kyudo archers, but also for the general public. This widespread dissemination of information also lead to the criticism of Kyudoyosoku from outside the kyudo field. This intensified pressure on the Greater Japan Martial Virtues Association, which had adopted chukan-uchiokoshi in Kyudoyosoku, to announce a strong statement denying the research on August 22, 1941.4) In our research, we could not confirm any other cases where the Greater Japan Martial Virtues Association got into such a situation as this to give a statement against criticism of kyudo’s essential rule. Therefore, it is conceivable that “Medical Research on Kyudo” gave validity or medical justification to criticize Kyudoyosoku. Taken together, the overall criticism from kyudo archers, budo martial artists, doctors, and society in general, and specifically the results from the “Medical Research on Kyudo” that indicated harm to the human body, was one of the main factors that lead to the elimination of the kyudo rationale, or the dissolution of Kyudoyosoku.
著者
綾部 香子 森 俊男 関根 令夫
出版者
日本武道学会
雑誌
武道学研究 (ISSN:02879700)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.20, no.2, pp.161-162, 1987-11-30 (Released:2012-11-27)
参考文献数
6
著者
岡田 一男
出版者
日本武道学会
雑誌
武道学研究 (ISSN:02879700)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.10, no.3, pp.14-20, 1978-03-05 (Released:2012-11-27)
参考文献数
11

Mune-yoshi Yagiyu got acquainted with Hide-tsuna Kami-izumi in 1563 (A. D.). At that time, Mune-yoshi was thirty-five years old and he was commonly acknowledged that he was one of the greatest swordsmen ever known. But, realizing that Hide-tsuna's talents was supreme far ever, he hoped to become a pupil of Hide-tsuna, and he studied under Hide-tsuna.Later, Mune-yoshi was qualified for the teacher of Kage-Style by Hide-tsuna.I have some questions as follows, what style he had learned before.I suppose as follows.Yagiyu-shin-kage-ryu-engi which was transmitted to the Yagiyu family in 0-wari district was suggested him to belong Shin-to Style, and the annals of the Yagiyu family in Edo district was suggested him to belong Toda Style.Shin- kage Style is said that was added to new idea to Kage Style that was created by Iko-sai Aisu. I think that it had not a simple progress, but especially Yagiyushin-kage Style was performed a merit of Shin-to Style, Toda Style and various styles. Then I would like to know and study more about those relation by the comparison the literature on this subject.
著者
橋爪 和夫
出版者
日本武道学会
雑誌
武道学研究 (ISSN:02879700)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.26, no.1, pp.9-23, 1993

The general purpose of this research was to study the signification of the shout on Kendo. The focus of this study was to explore a historical formative stage and philological formative process of the shout. This investigation was carried on a condition that the shout is not essential according to The Conception of Kendo and the teaching which the shout should be voiceless in the extremity.<br>The shout of the age at civil wars was one of the weapons. In the Edo period the existence of the shout was decided by the dogma of each Kenjutsuryuha (Kendo school). In the Meiji period the shout became to admit as one of the practice methods assuming the unconscious KAKEGOE, and in this time both modern style and understanding of KAKEGOE were formatted. To get a lot of effects on voiceless condition more than on shout, modern Kendo has a recognition about the KAKEGOE that the more skill player, the more little shout after going through an unconscious and natural shout.<br>In the practice and the match handling a BOKUTO, the spot of the boby for DATOTSU (strike) might be named (KOSYO) before striking. In and after the 1750's, according to use SHINAI and BOGU (a protector), the original form of DATOTSUBUIKOSYO occurred. Modern style of DATOTSUBUIKOSYO can be confirmed by a bibliography of the early Meiji period. In the later Meiji Period DATOTSUBUIKOSYO was located as a necessary shout at the minimum. It is indicated by the existence of DATOTSUBUIKOSYO that Kendo is on longer a tool of an actual warfare but a movement culture.<br>KAKEGOE and DATOTSUBUIKOSYO are coming to this day with advancing in their philological functions both phylogenetically and ontogenetically. The shout which is related to high spirits is closely connected with YUKO (valid) DATOTSU (a point). KAKEGOE may include a function that a player demonstrates one's high spirits to a third person by it. DATOTSUBUIKOSYO may also involve the possibility that it contains a potentiality of a lie. These functions of the shouts are contrary to The Conception of Kendo.<br>Both DATOTSUBUIKOSYO by a player and YUKODATOTSU Announcement by the Chief Referee at YUKODATOTSU are the highest language level. The correspondence with a mind of player seems to DATOTSUBUIKOSYO back and forth. It may be possible for the excellent player to format DATOTSUBUIKOSYO in the speech area neverthless he or she does not shout (DATOTSUBUIKOSYO).<br>A study on the level of a detachment may be a next theme.