著者

中野 聡

出版者

歴史教育者協議会

雑誌

歴史地理教育 (ISSN:02881535)

巻号頁・発行日

no.829, pp.4-11, 2015-01

著者

太田 淳

出版者

広島大学大学院文学研究科総合人間学講座

雑誌

比較日本文化学研究 (ISSN:18828701)

巻号頁・発行日

no.8, pp.263-277, 2015

著者

稲村 務 Inamura Tsutomu

出版者

琉球大学法文学部

雑誌

地理歴史人類学論集 (ISSN:21858535)

巻号頁・発行日

no.6, pp.41-63, 2015

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主として紅河州の土司遺跡の調査資料とラオスの調査資料を示した。中国南部を中心に近代国家以前の政体をこれまでの東南アジアの政体モデルの検討を通じて、特にJ.スコットの所論を基に、「盆地国家連合」「山稜交易国家」という理念型でとらえなおした。これまで静態的に捉えられてきたハニとアカの文化を「切れながら繋がる統治されないための術」と解釈しなおすことを通じて両者を架橋する新しい山地民像を提示した。未公開:論文中の図1~8,写真1~6は著者の意向により削除

著者

海 阿虎

出版者

広島史学研究会

雑誌

史学研究 = Review of historical studies (ISSN:03869342)

巻号頁・発行日

no.290, pp.1-18, 2015-12

著者

青木 雅浩

出版者

近現代東北アジア地域史研究会

雑誌

News letter (ISSN:13451596)

巻号頁・発行日

no.27, pp.107-109, 2015-12

著者

橘 誠

出版者

下関市立大学学会

雑誌

下関市立大学論集 (ISSN:03875296)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.59, no.1, pp.93-103, 2015-05

著者

橘 誠

出版者

下関市立大学学会

雑誌

下関市立大学論集 (ISSN:03875296)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.59, no.1, pp.93-103, 2015-05

著者

塩野崎 信也

出版者

一般社団法人 日本オリエント学会

雑誌

オリエント (ISSN:00305219)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.57, no.2, pp.41-62, 2015

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It is common knowledge that Muslims living in the south-eastern part of Caucasus, now the Republic of Azerbaijan, were referred to as 'Tatars' without a clear distinction from other Turkic groups under the rule of the Russian Empire. These Muslims were also called 'Turkish people' (Turks) or Caucasian Muslims. In the latter part of the 19th century and during the early 20th century, a feeling of nationalism emerged among them and they began calling themselves 'Azerbaijanis'. However, no study clearly explains the reason they claim to be Azerbaijanis.<br> The author scrutinised manuscripts, printed books, journals and newspapers written in several languages and discovered that 'Azerbaijan', the name of the nation, is not directly derived from the name of a geographical location, but from the name of a language. Around 1840, Kazem-bek, a professor at Kazan University, named the language spoken by Muslims in the South Caucasus as 'Azerbaijani Turkish'. Muslim intellectuals who lived in Tiflis, the centre of the South Caucasus in the 19th century, adopted the language name in the 1880s, following which they considered 'people who speak Azerbaijani Turkish' as a single nation called 'Azerbaijani'. The name of this nation initially appeared in the 115th issue of the literary journal <i>Keshkul</i> (<i>Dervish Bowl</i>), published in Tiflis on 16 November, 1890.<br> Two major reasons for why Muslim intellectuals in Tiflis called themselves Azerbaijanis instead of Tatars, Turkish people and Caucasian Muslims are as follows : First, they wanted to avoid a name based on a religious belief, such as 'Muslim', because they thought that a nation must not be defined by its religion, but by its culture, customs and language. Second, they considered their culture, customs and language to be different from those of the Tatars in the Volga region and Crimean Peninsula, or Turkish people in the Ottoman Empire.

著者

塩野﨑 信也

出版者

日本オリエント学会

雑誌

オリエント = Bulletin of the Society for Near Eastern Studies in Japan (ISSN:00305219)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.57, no.2, pp.41-62, 2014

著者

長沼 秀幸

出版者

北海道大学スラブ・ユーラシア研究センター

雑誌

スラヴ研究 = Slavic studies (ISSN:05626579)

巻号頁・発行日

no.62, pp.197-218, 2015

著者

早川 尚志

出版者

内陸アジア史学会

雑誌

内陸アジア史研究 (ISSN:09118993)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.30, pp.23-49, 2015

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As is usually the case with Inner Asian dynasties that ruled vast territories, the Timurid&#13;Dynasty operated a postal system, which encompassed an extensive web of postal stations.&#13;This system was instrumental in allowing the Timurids to acquire information rapidly,&#13;and it also facilitated the movement of both military personnel and civilians. The system was also used for time-tracking: For instance, citing how many postal stations there were between two cities proved to be a relatively reliable way of calculating distance. This truly demonstrates the importance of the postal system under the Timurid&#13;Dynasty, especially as far as transport is concerned. In this paper, I examine the postal station as a criterion of time-tracking and relate&#13;it to a unit called farsaḫ or farsang. I also discuss the way in which the Timurid Dynasty&#13;could retain and manage the postal station as a constant criterion. Specifically, I examine&#13;the system of postal stations, the permission needed in order to conduct a journey, how&#13;such permission was acquired, who could supply such permission, the benefits of such&#13;permission, and the support of the šiqāʾūls.&#13;The results of my investigation demonstrate how the Timurid rulers kept this web of&#13;postal stations in their lands and how they used them in order to obtain valuable information&#13;as quickly as possible, especially during emergencies.

著者

早川 尚志

出版者

内陸アジア史学会

雑誌

内陸アジア史研究 (ISSN:09118993)

巻号頁・発行日

no.30, pp.23-49, 2015-03-31

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As is usually the case with Inner Asian dynasties that ruled vast territories, the TimuridDynasty operated a postal system, which encompassed an extensive web of postal stations.This system was instrumental in allowing the Timurids to acquire information rapidly,and it also facilitated the movement of both military personnel and civilians. The system was also used for time-tracking: For instance, citing how many postal stations there were between two cities proved to be a relatively reliable way of calculating distance. This truly demonstrates the importance of the postal system under the TimuridDynasty, especially as far as transport is concerned. In this paper, I examine the postal station as a criterion of time-tracking and relateit to a unit called farsaḫ or farsang. I also discuss the way in which the Timurid Dynastycould retain and manage the postal station as a constant criterion. Specifically, I examinethe system of postal stations, the permission needed in order to conduct a journey, howsuch permission was acquired, who could supply such permission, the benefits of suchpermission, and the support of the šiqāʾūls.The results of my investigation demonstrate how the Timurid rulers kept this web ofpostal stations in their lands and how they used them in order to obtain valuable informationas quickly as possible, especially during emergencies.

著者

大西 啓司

出版者

龍谷大学東洋史学研究会

雑誌

東洋史苑 (ISSN:03876403)

巻号頁・発行日

no.83, pp.49-75, 2015-02

著者

福井 敏

出版者

大谷大学真宗総合研究所

雑誌

真宗総合研究所研究紀要 (ISSN:13432753)

巻号頁・発行日

no.32, pp.301-314, 2013

著者

白 玉冬

出版者

東洋文庫

雑誌

東洋学報 : 東洋文庫和文紀要 (ISSN:03869067)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.97, no.3, pp.384-360, 2015-12

著者

笠井 幸代

出版者

龍谷大学アジア仏教文化研究センター

雑誌

2014年度 研究報告書

巻号頁・発行日

2015-03-31

著者

森 美智代

出版者

毎日新聞出版

雑誌

佛敎藝術 = Ars buddhica (ISSN:00042889)

巻号頁・発行日

no.340, pp.9-36, 2015-05

著者

會田 大輔

出版者

東洋史研究会

雑誌

東洋史研究 (ISSN:03869059)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.74, no.2, pp.179-224, 2015-09

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Recent studies have pointed out the limits of understanding the history of the Northern and Southern to Sui-Tang dynasties solely within the framework of Chinese history, and there has been an academic tendency to reassess this period from the more comprehensive, Eurasian perspective. Along these lines, one should note that within the bureaucratic systems of the Northern Dynasties, there are elements that originate in nomadic bureaucratic systems. Kawamoto Yoshiaki has already pointed out the similarities between the inner court official position, neichaoguan 內朝官, of the early Northern Wei and the Mongolian keshig. On the other hand, the Western Wei and the Northern Zhou, the origin of Sui and Tang ruling classes, implemented the Six Ministries System based on the Rites of Zhou, and here, influence of the nomadic administrative system cannot be observed. However, Hirata Yōichirō has reconsidered the Twenty-four Armies System of the Western Wei, and has concluded that it descended from the nomadic military system. Furthermore, Hirata also pointed out that the close advisors, qinxin 親信, who served the authorities of the Western Wei and the Northern Zhou, were derived from the inner court bureaucrats of the early Northern Wei. Taking these points into account, one should consider the possibility that the Northern Zhou Six Ministries System also involved elements of the nomadic bureaucratic system. This paper attempts to explain the relationship between the Northern Zhou Six Ministries System and the nomadic bureaucratic system, by focusing on the imperial chamberlains (侍衞) of the Northern Wei, their development, duties, and those appointed to the position. The position of chamberlain in the Northern Zhou was not directly derived from the early Northern Wei inner court official position. Rather, it was based on elements such as the Rites of Zhou, and the imperial guard positions of the Western Wei. The main duties of the Northern Zhou chamberlains were as imperial guardsmen, and thus they were more limited than those of the Northern Wei inner court officials. However, the position also included aspects of the nomadic bureaucratic system, firstly in that the chiefs of the chamberlains consisted only of non-Chinese, and secondly, in that the children and siblings of meritorious subjects were appointed as chamberlains, who then advanced onto higher bureaucratic ranks. This shows that the Northern Zhou administered the Six Ministries System through a deft mix of the Rites of Zhou and the nomadic bureaucratic system. In addition, it became clear that the Northern Zhou prepared a career path starting with the chamberlain position for the children and siblings of meritorious subjects and that this was passed on as the Sui-Tang career path starting with the position of Weiguan 衞官. Such findings invoke the need to also consider nomadic influence within the Sui-Tang bureaucratic system.

著者

會田 大輔

出版者

東洋史研究会

雑誌

東洋史研究 (ISSN:03869059)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.74, no.2, pp.179-224, 2015-09

著者

河上 麻由子

出版者

東洋史研究会

雑誌

東洋史研究 (ISSN:03869059)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.74, no.1, pp.1-38, 2015-06

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This paper attempts a systematic examination of essential information by which the significance of the entire Portraits of Periodical Offerings (Zhigongtu 職貢圖) can be explored by re-examining the titles (題記) and the portraits of envoys to Liang China. The first section of this paper analyzes the titles. The titles of the envoys seen in the manuscript of Portraits of Periodical Offerings, held by Nanjing Museum, and those found in the Airiyinlushuhua xulu (愛日吟廬書畫續錄) reveal that the emissaries from West and Central Asian kingdoms to the Liang dynasty included Sogdians, specifically, the Hephthalites (滑國) sent Sogdians and Bactrians as their official envoys to the Liang court. Two other manuscripts in the National Palace Museum in Taiwan show the envoy from Khotan (于闐國) carrying a pot-shaped object, which can be regarded as their gift of a glass vase (瑠璃罌) officially presented to the emperor in 519 ; accordingly, the potraits of the envoys from Karghalik (