著者
山本 徳栄 浦辺 研一 高岡 正敏 中澤 清明 後藤 敦 羽賀 道信 渕上 博司 木俣 勲 井関 基弘
出版者
一般社団法人 日本感染症学会
雑誌
感染症学雑誌 (ISSN:03875911)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.74, no.6, pp.518-526, 2000-06-20 (Released:2011-02-07)
参考文献数
17
被引用文献数
14 28

水道水によるクリプトスポリジウム症の大規模な集団感染が1994年6月に埼玉県越生町で発生した. この事件の疫学的調査の結果と対応を総括した. 全住民 (13, 809名) に対する健康調査を実施した結果, 回答者12, 345名のうち8, 812名 (714%) が下痢や腹痛を発病し, 2, 856名が病院で外来診療を受け, 24名が入院した. 町外からの来訪者も感染し, 感染者の総数は9, 140名に達した. 流行時に1日だけ町内に滞在し, 感染した14名の潜伏期間は平均4.4日 (5日~8日) であり, 7名はコツプに半分~2杯の水道水を飲用して感染した。小・中学生の発症例1, 013名の有病期間は平均52日 (1~15日) であり, 発熱した469名の体温は平均37.8℃ (34.7~40.3℃) であった. また, 成人187名の有病期間は平均48日 (1~18日) であったCryptosporidium parvumのオーシストは患者便から検出され, 水道水, 浄水場の原水 (河川水), 浄水場のすぐ上流に位置する下水処理施設の放流水からも検出された. 流行の発生前, 渇水により河川水の水量が著しく減少していたが, 夜間の豪両で原水の濁度が急上昇した. しかし, 不適切な浄水処理により水道水が汚染されたことが, 集団感染の発端となった. また, 患者便に含まれる大量のオーシストが下水処理場から河川水 (水道原水) に流入し, 水道水を介してさらに感染者が増加するという循環が流行の規模を拡大させた.
著者
後藤 敦子
出版者
一般社団法人 日本オリエント学会
雑誌
オリエント (ISSN:00305219)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.42, no.2, pp.112-128, 1999 (Released:2010-03-12)

According to Ibn Khaldun's the Muqqadima, “A sovereign's privileged symbol is his special paraphernalia. There is flag raising, beating of the drums and the blowing of trumpets and horns.” In a broad sense, nawba is the term used to designate a military musical band, but their early instruments were only drums. In other words, “beating drums” can replace nawba.The research in medieval Islamic studies has tended to emphasize not nawba but khutba (the address from the minbar in the mosque) and sikka (coinage). This brief article aims at analyzing chronologically the formation and the development of nawba from the Buwayhid to the Saljuqid period.According to the Encyclopaedia of Islam (New Edition), nawba has the purpose to announce the prayer time by beating a drum in the gateways of governor's palaces and residences. Under the 'Abbasid dynasty, only the caliph had this privilege. In 945 (or 946), when the Buwayhid's sovereign Ahmad (later his title is Mu'izz al-Dawla, d. 967) entered Baghdad, the capital of the 'Abbasid Caliphate, he demanded that drums be beaten in the palaces. As a result, the privilege of nawba was granted to Mu'izz al-Dawla, in the form of the three-fold nawba, excepting madina al-salam (Baghdad). The Buwayhid's sovereigns, that is amir al-umara', bestowed the right of nawba on his subjects, and this nawba became the custom after the Adud al-Dawla (d. 982) period.In 1055, when the Saljuqid's sovereign Tughril-Bek (d. 1063) entered Baghdad, the Caliph bestowed the drum and trumpet upon him. With changes in the times, this right was granted to subjects. They freely beat their drums in the gateways of their residences or military tents to declare control over their domains. After that, in Persian the five-fold nawba (panj nowbat) came to mean insistence upon kingship.In this way, during the medieval Islamic period, the nawba was an important factor in considering kingship.
著者
後藤 敦史
出版者
公益財団法人史学会
雑誌
史學雜誌 (ISSN:00182478)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.124, no.9, pp.1583-1606, 2015-09-20

The research to date on the fleet of the United States North Pacific Exploring and Surveying Expedition (NPSE), which visited Shimoda in May 1855, has concluded that the fleet's aim was to test the effectiveness of the treaty of peace and amity between Japan and the United States, known as the Kanagawa Convention (concluded 31 March 1854), under direct orders issued by the US Secretary of the Navy, despite the fact that the Convention had not yet been concluded when the NPSE departed from Norfolk, Virginia, in June 1853. The purpose of this article is to reveal more concrete detail the diplomatic purposes and reasons behind the NPSE's visit to Japan. It was in August 1852 that the NPSE was scheduled to be dispatched to survey the North Pacific maritime region, as part of US Navy and State Department policy aimed at challenging British hegemony and protecting whale fisheries in the region. While these objectives were similar to those of Commodore Perry's expedition to Japan, the NPSE also intended to negotiate with countries that Perry had not visited. This means that both Perry's expedition and the NPSE were equally important to US diplomacy regarding the North Pacific region. However, the two expeditions did not always cooperate. For example, the NPSE had to suspend its surveying activities when it arrived at Hong Kong in May 1854, because Perry had concentrated his vessels in Japan, leaving no US ships in the South China Sea to protect American merchants during the confusion created by the Taiping Rebellion. Finally, the author shows that when the NPSE did arrive in Shimoda, its aim was to open negotiations with Japan, not on the orders from the Navy, but on the decision of the NPSE Commander John Rodgers himself. Before heading for Japan, the NPSE visited the Ryukyu Kingdom, where Rodgers judged that the treaty between the Ryukyus and the United States, which had been concluded by Perry, was being violated by the government of the Ryukyus, a perception that probably influenced his decision to proceed to Japan. Contrary to the widely held view, the author shows that the Secretary of the Navy did not order the NPSE to visit Japan with the purpose of testing the effectiveness of the Convention of Kanagawa and calls for a reconsideration of the character of US diplomacy regarding the Pacific Ocean region, in general, and Japan, in particular during the mid-19th century.
著者
後藤 敦史
出版者
大阪観光大学
雑誌
研究活動スタート支援
巻号頁・発行日
2013-08-30

1855年に来日したアメリカ北太平洋測量艦隊に注目し、19世紀中葉における日本開国の国際的意義について、北太平洋という空間軸のなかで再検討する研究を実施した。本研究を通じて、アメリカ合衆国がペリー艦隊と、北太平洋測量艦隊、および後者の補完事業として派遣した測量遠征隊によって、日本列島を含む北太平洋の科学的情報を収集していったこと、また、これらの一連の測量に対応するかたちで、欧米諸国の測量活動に対する徳川幕府の外交姿勢も変化していったことが明らかとなった。以上の研究成果をうけ、今後は欧米諸国の日本測量の特質と日本側の対応について、通時的に検討することを目指したい。
著者
後藤 敦史
出版者
公益財団法人 史学会
雑誌
史学雑誌 (ISSN:00182478)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.124, no.9, pp.1583-1606, 2015-09-20 (Released:2017-12-01)

The research to date on the fleet of the United States North Pacific Exploring and Surveying Expedition (NPSE), which visited Shimoda in May 1855, has concluded that the fleet's aim was to test the effectiveness of the treaty of peace and amity between Japan and the United States, known as the Kanagawa Convention (concluded 31 March 1854), under direct orders issued by the US Secretary of the Navy, despite the fact that the Convention had not yet been concluded when the NPSE departed from Norfolk, Virginia, in June 1853. The purpose of this article is to reveal more concrete detail the diplomatic purposes and reasons behind the NPSE's visit to Japan. It was in August 1852 that the NPSE was scheduled to be dispatched to survey the North Pacific maritime region, as part of US Navy and State Department policy aimed at challenging British hegemony and protecting whale fisheries in the region. While these objectives were similar to those of Commodore Perry's expedition to Japan, the NPSE also intended to negotiate with countries that Perry had not visited. This means that both Perry's expedition and the NPSE were equally important to US diplomacy regarding the North Pacific region. However, the two expeditions did not always cooperate. For example, the NPSE had to suspend its surveying activities when it arrived at Hong Kong in May 1854, because Perry had concentrated his vessels in Japan, leaving no US ships in the South China Sea to protect American merchants during the confusion created by the Taiping Rebellion. Finally, the author shows that when the NPSE did arrive in Shimoda, its aim was to open negotiations with Japan, not on the orders from the Navy, but on the decision of the NPSE Commander John Rodgers himself. Before heading for Japan, the NPSE visited the Ryukyu Kingdom, where Rodgers judged that the treaty between the Ryukyus and the United States, which had been concluded by Perry, was being violated by the government of the Ryukyus, a perception that probably influenced his decision to proceed to Japan. Contrary to the widely held view, the author shows that the Secretary of the Navy did not order the NPSE to visit Japan with the purpose of testing the effectiveness of the Convention of Kanagawa and calls for a reconsideration of the character of US diplomacy regarding the Pacific Ocean region, in general, and Japan, in particular during the mid-19th century.
著者
後藤 敦子
出版者
お茶の水女子大学大学院人間文化創成科学研究科
雑誌
人間文化創成科学論叢
巻号頁・発行日
vol.19, pp.37-45, 2016

This paper analyses the function of the khuṭba (sermon), which was addressed with the Sultan's name on the minbar (pulpit) in mosques during Friday prayers in the Seljuq period (1038‒1194). The khuṭba has been studied as a sovereign's privileged symbol. Here, I enumerate the political aspects of \the khuṭba and chronologically investigate them through the following three stages: ⑴ from Ṭughril Bek's conquest of Central Asia and Eastern Iran to enter Baghdad, the capital of the Abbāsid dynasty \(1055), ⑵ from 1055 to the death of Sulṭan Malik Shāh (1092), ⑶ from 1092 to the collapse of the Great Seljūqid dynasty (1157). \The conditions concerning the khuṭba changed over the course of time, including aspects related to who had the right to announce one's name in the khuṭba and who permitted whom to mention one's name in it. The relations between the Abbāsid Caliph and the Seljūqid Sultan also underwent a transformation. During the early period, the khuṭba with the names of the Abbāsid Caliph and Seljūqid Sultan authorised the Sultan's legitimacy in the Islamic world. However, later, when several Sultans fought each other for succession, the khuṭba in the Sultan of Baghdad's name was used as an important political instrument to demonstrate who the current Sultan was.
著者
篠原 美千代 内田 和江 島田 慎一 後藤 敦
出版者
社団法人 日本感染症学会
雑誌
感染症学雑誌 (ISSN:03875911)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.73, no.8, pp.749-757, 1999-08-20 (Released:2011-02-07)
参考文献数
19
被引用文献数
1

手足口病の主要な原因ウイルスであるコクサッキーウイルスA16型 (CA16) とエンテロウイルス71型 (Ev71) の簡便な検査方法, 特に中和反応を用いない同定方法を検討した.ウイルス分離では1990年にはVero細胞による分離が最も多かったが, 1994年以降は分離数が減少し, 代わってCaco-2細胞による分離が増加した.1998年はCA16の分離にMRC-5細胞も使用したが, Caco-2細胞と同等の感受性であった.細胞変性効果の出現はMRC-5細胞が最も早かった.CA1-10, ポリオウイルス1-3, エコーウイルス1~7, 9, 11, 14, 16, 17, 18, 24, 25, 27, 30, Ev71の各ウイルス及び分離ウイルスについてRNAを抽出し, 2種の下流プライマー (E31及びE33) を用いて2系列の逆転写反応を行った後, 同一の上流プライマー (P-2) を加えてPCRを実施した.P-2/E31の系では増幅されず, P-2/E33の系で増幅されるのはCA6, CA16, Ev71のみであった.分離ウイルスのP-2/E33系の増幅産物を制限酵素Taq I及びEcoT22Iで処理したところ, Ev71はすべて切断されなかったが, CA16はすべて切断され, その切断パターンはTaq Iでは3種類, EcoT22 Iでは1種類であった.この結果は塩基配列上の切断部位とも一致した.Caco-2, MRC-5細胞を使用してウイルス分離を行い, さらにRT-PCR, Taq I, EcoT22I切断を実施することにより1週間程度でCA16及びEv71を分離同定することが可能であった.