著者
小林 信彦 Nobuhiko Kobayashi 桃山学院大学文学部(元)
雑誌
桃山学院大学人間科学 = HUMAN SCIENCES REVIEW, St. Andrew's University (ISSN:09170227)
巻号頁・発行日
no.32, pp.1-51, 2006-11-30

In ancient Japan, the government ordered priests to perform kekwa 悔過 when a drought occurred or an emperor fell into a critical condition. Although the Chinese word hu-gu 悔過 meant repentance for an error," no participant in this Japanese rite repented. The Japanese conceived the idea of this rite on their own in accordance with their cultural tradition, borrowing only its name from Chinese. Chinese emperors of the sixth century took upon themselves wrongs done by their subjects and repented on behalf of them before the image of Yosh 藥師 the f 佛(buddha). By repenting so, they intended to nullify the wrongs so that disasters that might result would also be nullified: The emperors wished to prevent disasters from happening to their subjects. It took seven days at a minimum and one year at a maximum for the repenting emperors to satisfy Yosh and to be freed from the assumed sins. On the other hand,the Japanese performed their kekwa without repenting. They intended to mitigate disasters which had already happened, not to prevent those which were to happen in the future. And their wishes were granted at once. Chinese Yosh was naturalized in Japan to become Yakushi and joined the pantheon of Japanese kami 神, who had the habit of not demanding repentance from human beings and of being quick to respond to their wishes. The Japanese flattered the kami called Yakushi in order to stop present disasters immediately.
著者
生瀬 克己 Katsumi NAMASE 桃山学院大学文学部
雑誌
国際文化論集 = INTERCULTURAL STUDIES (ISSN:09170219)
巻号頁・発行日
no.6, pp.17-53, 1992-07-20

There are many Japanese words to denote disability and the disabled. Each person has different interpretations of each word. And there are some terms that the disabled and their families find disagreeable. They prefer to be called "shougaisha (inpediment)"; whereas people don't call them so. Why so? This is the subject that I will argue about in this article. The English word, "deformation" or "malformation," is translated as "kikei" which implies "defectiveness," and in turn corresponds to "fugu." And "teratism" and "monstrosity" are translated as "katawa", which implies a "bogy" or a "monster." They are not "human beings"; and so the disabled and their families dislike these Japanese words. My guess is as follows. When the English word "disabled" or "disability" is tanslatet into Japanese, it is translated as "fugu" in many cases. It is very unlikely, however, that in Japanese, we can identify corresponding translations to "inability to do something," and the detailed investigation of translations of the English word "disability" will enable us to claim that we attribute it to Iinguistic characteristics of Japanese.
著者
伊佐 雅子 いさ まさこ Isa Masako 人文学部英語コミュニケーション学科教授・異文化コミュニケーション学
出版者
沖縄キリスト教学院大学
雑誌
沖縄キリスト教学院大学論集 = Okinawa Christian University Review (ISSN:13498479)
巻号頁・発行日
no.12, pp.36-49, 2016-03

本研究は、大学が実施している短期の海外研修プログラム(ハワイ研修、海外幼児教育研修、海外ボランティア実習)が学生たちの自信感にどのように影響しているのかを調べた。調査の結果、「自信感」には、4因子(「自己肯定感」、「人間関係構築力」、「有能感」、「立ち直り力」)が抽出された。従来、能力的側面や自己評価的側面が重視されていた自信であるが、本研究では"生きる力"にも大きく関連している「人間関係構築力」と厳しい状況からなる「立ち直る力」も含んでいる。海外ボランティア研修参加者は、語学研修参加者に比べ、参加前、参加後とも「自信感」が高く、特に「人間関係構築力」と「立ち直り力」は高かった。一方、語学研修者と海外幼児教育参加者の「自信感」の伸びがみられた。今後は、「自信感」尺度に加え、「自己効力感」尺度も入れて、大学生の海外研修の効果を調査していきたい。The purpose of this study was to examine how three kinds of overseas short-term study programs, such as an intensive language program, a program in early childhood care and education, and volunteer work-study had an impact on college students confidence-building. Factor analysis of the Confidence Scale scores identified four essential factors for developing confidence: "self-affirmation" "ability to build interpersonal relationships" "sense of capability" and "ability to recover", all of which suggest that confidence encompassed not only factors pertaining to competence and self-evaluation, but also to their ability to build interpersonal relationships and to recover from difficult situations. Members of the overseas volunteer work-study group scored high on confidence building, especially, in the "ability to build interpersonal relationships" and the "ability to recover" in the pre-test and post-test compared with members of the intensive language program. On the other hand, in the intensive language program and early childhood care and education groups, members' scores in confidence building appeared to have improved because of their intercultural experience. These findings, however, suggest that further study on the impact of study abroad of college students should be carried by using a confidence-building scale including a self-efficacy scale(SES).

1 0 0 0 OA 史料綜覧

著者
東京帝国大学文学部史料編纂所 編
出版者
朝陽会
巻号頁・発行日
vol.巻7, 1933
著者
グレイ グレゴリー D. Gregory D. Gray 人文学部
出版者
松山大学学術研究会
雑誌
松山大学論集 = Matsuyama University review (ISSN:09163298)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.9, no.1, pp.125-141, 1997-04-01

In 1984, slightly more than a decade ago, neo-liberal economic theory under the guise of 'free market' reform was ushered into New Zealand for the first time in the country's history by the ruling Labor Government. The initiation of monetary reform policies sent shock waves throughout the nation. The ensuing fiscal reforms changed the operating patterns of both public and private organizations as well as the lives of individual citizens. This paper examines the political and economic environment which preceded the enactment of the broad sweeping educational reforms. The purpose of this paper is to review policy papers and government documents that affected educational reform and restructuring of the tertiary educational system. Although primarily focusing on tertiary educational change, this thesis will also summarize educational policy changes that premeated compulsory education. As a primary service organization of the state, education was caught up in the tide of market reforms ushered in by the Treasury Department. The initiation of monetary policy changes sent shock waves throughout the nation as it drastically altered the 'cradle to grave' welfare philosophy. Restructuring the educational bureaucracy and establishing greater accountability were the general aim of the decentralization process. The 1989 Education Act stream-lined the educational bureaucracy by dismantling the Department of Education and its ten regional offices. In its place, the Ministry of Education was established with the main function as a policy advisor to the government. This structural change coincided with the tertiary education functions being transferred to four new agencies: 1). The Ministry of Education, 2). The New Zealand Qualifications Authority, 3). The Educational and Training Support Agency, 4). The Careers Service. Tertiary Education in New Zealand was modified in greater detail following the passage of the Education Act of 1990. This act extended the changes initiated with the Education Act of 1989. It essentially established tertiary educational institutions as autonomous bodies and placed polytechnics on the same bureaucratic structure as universities. More importantly, this new educational law of 1990 transferred the technical and skilled training standards to the Ministry of Education. The free market economic reforms initiated in the mid-80's have influenced educational restructuring by expecting more accountability on the part of the educational institution and greater choice on the part of the student consumer. Recent tertiary education reforms highlight the delicate balance between professional and technical education and the needs of the state as well as the rights of the students.
著者
坂 昌樹 Masaki BAN 桃山学院大学文学部 St. Andrew's University
出版者
桃山学院大学経済経営学会
雑誌
桃山学院大学経済経営論集 = ST. ANDREW'S UNIVERSITY ECONOMIC AND BUSINESS REVIEW (ISSN:02869721)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.42, no.4, pp.155-190, 2001-03-01

This document contains the first half of my article, "A Short History of German Kameralism." The first two chapters contained herein cover the central issue concerning German Kameralism and a history of Kameralism in terms of social sciences and education at German universities particularly in the 18th century. The third and fourth chapters, containing a bibliographic history of Kameralism and a brief summary, will appear in the next document. Friedrich List (1789-1846) criticized the English free trade theory of Adam Smith (1723-1790) in his "Das nationale System der politischen Okonomie" (1841) . List recognized that politics in the form of governmental intervention into civil society is indispensable for a developing national economy such as Germany had at that time. On the one hand, German Kameralism included the favorable tradition of political importance; on the other hand, it had to be reformed in order to evolve from feudal thought to the philosophy of modern social science as found for instance, in List's economic theory. The central issue of this work, therefore, springs from the perspective of Kameralism spanning the period from the 17th century to the modern social science era of the 19th century. Namely, the continuity and discontinuity from the former to the latter times will be indicated. In other words, this work is in preparation for more important subjects in the German history of social science, such as the "Adam Smith (Reception) Problem." A short history of Kameralism in the social sciences and education is given in my simple commentary on Edward Baumstark's (1807-89) "Kameraristische Encyclopadie" (1835) and in a list of professors and universities concerned with the institutionalization of Kameralwissen-schaften. Three areas of social science were especially involved in this institutionalization: economics, Polizei and finance. The institutionalization began in PreuBen in 1727 and spread throughout the Germanspeaking states. The kameraristischen professorships often were founded in philosophy faculties and sometimes in faculties of jurisprudence. Additionally, some medical professors held kameralwissenschaftlichen posts. This instability of kameralwissenschaftlichen positions within universities proves that the modern cognition of society was created in Germany in the 18^<th> century. Later, modern faculties of social sciences, including staatswissenschaftliche were established as a continuation of Kameralism.
著者
富山大学人文学部文化人類学研究室 藤本 武 野澤 豊一
出版者
富山大学人文学部文化人類学研究室
雑誌
地域社会の文化人類学的調査
巻号頁・発行日
vol.27, pp.1-279, 2018-03-15

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著者
井本 英一 Eiichi IMOTO 桃山学院大学文学部
雑誌
国際文化論集 = INTERCULTURAL STUDIES (ISSN:09170219)
巻号頁・発行日
no.14, pp.77-100, 1996-09-30

The Aramaic version of the story of Ahikar; The story of Heykar (Ahikar) in the Arabian Nights; Ahikar in the Book of Tobit; Ahikar in the Aesop's Fables as a Babylonian vizier; Ahikar in the Old Turkish and the Mongolian versions; custom of killing old men; sheltering of the escaped old men in the cellars; the story of Cyrus the Great of the Persian Empire; abandonment of old men in Korea; an obedient son took back an abandoned old man home; a neighboring king made unreasonable demands upon the king who had ordered to abandon an old man; an old man's wisdom helped the king solve the demands; no mention about the neighboring king making unreasonable demands; Ahikar in the Buddhist versions; Ahikar in the Chinese versions; Ahikar in the Japanese versions; addenda and corrigenda to AT 922A and 981.
著者
出原 博明 Hiroaki Dehara 桃山学院大学文学部
雑誌
英米評論 = ENGLISH REVIEW (ISSN:09170200)
巻号頁・発行日
no.8, pp.3-35, 1993-12-20

Hemingway tried to pursue something truly universal in The Old Man And The Sea. Apparently the title is more equivocal, comprehensive, less particularized, than such titles as Santiago and the Sea or Santiago and the Marlin would be. This may be one of the reasons why there have been quite a few interpretations of Santiago as something other than the fisherman he is. For instance, according to Brenner, Santiago as King Oedupus commits incest with la mar as his mother, using the fish as his genital organ, and is punished. On the other hand, Price's interpretation is that Santiago is Hemingway himself as a writer, the fish being his work, and the sharks are critics. In another interpretation, Hogge sees the realization of medieval chivalry in Santiago. The story has also often been taken as an allegory. Hemingway, however, denies his intention of symbolism, saying that the old man (in the work) is the old man, and the fish is the fish. Santiago has been decorated by many critics with such splendid tags as 'superhuman', 'medieval knight', 'King Oedipus', and 'Jesus Chirist'. The purpose of this paper is to take the tags off him for a while and to try to read Santiago as a fisherman pure and simple. To do this, I picked out three refrains in the novella as cues. (As is well known, Hemingway learned the technique of 'refrain' or 'repetition' from Gertrude Stein in his writer's apprenticeship in Paris.) The refrains I have selected are as follows: 'he [Santiago] went too far out', 'I [Santiago] wish I had the boy here', and 'You're my friend but I [Santiago] must kill you, fish'. The old man commits a lot of errors in his pursuit of the fish. First of all, he goes too far out, where he is alone with no sight of land, and of any other fishermen. The marlin he has hooked, when it comes out of the water for the first time, tells Santiago that it is two feet longer than the skiff. That is, it is impossible to take the fish aboard. Then why doesn't he realze that it is bound to be attacked by sharks on his long voyage home? His justifying excuse, 'I must kill you, fish, because I am afisherman', changes into an apology, 'I shouldn't have hooked you. I'm sorry, fish', when he is exposed to the shark's forays. The old man fails more than twice in judging when the fish will come up, so his fight with it actually takes much longer than he expected. He repeatedly wishes the boy were with him during his fight with the fish, and that with the sharks, and he confesses to him, 'I missed you', after he returns home. That is, the old man needs the boy not only as a helper but also as company. The old man, Santiago, is more convincing as a human being than as a superhuman being. He commits a lot of mistakes-as A. Pope says 'To err is human, to forgive, divine.'-, and, alone on the sea, he misses the boy. His being typically human endorses that he is a human fisherman, not a superhuman being, nor a legendary king, nor Christ. It is true that Santiago is not as ordinary as other fishermen. First of all he is more ambitious for honour and applause, and adventurous. With more gifts and faith he makes every effort to be an ideal fisherman, though he is not always successful. He tries to endure till he is on the point of collapse. His sportsmanship is without question here, and meaningful. The old man's manly, stoic attitude toward the tragic result is quite contrary to that of the nameless Cuban fisherman who was crying in the boat when he was picked up, half crazy from the loss of his great marlin, eaten up by sharks. Though the latter's experience was the source of this literary masterpiece, the author apparently idealized his fisherman. However much as he may have idealized Santiago, he did not go so far as to make him anything other than a human fisherman. The old man, Santiago, is undoubtedly no more than human being, but in extreme situations, he fights, as a representative human being with excellent gifts and human defects as well, to the extent of going beyond his limits. And he also accepts the result of his fight with both grace and pride as a man. These are what make Santiago as well as the story itself so charming, moving, and encouraging to us.
著者
富山大学人文学部文化人類学研究室 野澤 豊一 藤本 武
出版者
富山大学人文学部文化人類学研究室
雑誌
地域社会の文化人類学的調査
巻号頁・発行日
vol.23, pp.1-167, 2014-03-20

はじめに(野澤豊一、藤本武) ......................................................................... 11. 氷見市の概要 ............................................................................................... 32. 比美町商店街の継続性と観光事業との関連(西里紗) ............................. 213. 氷見市の「ご当地食」とそれに関わる地域の人々(村田葉月) ............... 384. 氷見の定置網漁とその漁師(檀野祐作) .................................................. 505. 氷見の八艘張網漁――後継者問題を中心に(中村春貴) ............................ 626. 山間地帯での農業形態について――一刎地区の事例から(木村綾) .......... 727. 氷見祇園祭(趙力鳴) ............................................................................... 828. 新保の秋祭りにおける獅子舞――今後への「継承」(南谷綾香) ............... 949. 一刎地区における獅子舞とその継承問題(上野成穂) ........................... 10910. 祭礼の運営と継承――一刎八幡宮奉拝三十三年式年大祭の事例より(横江彩香)....................................................................................................................... 12411. 氷見市の伝統的婚礼儀礼の変化と衰退――一刎地区を調査地として(伊藤綾奈)....................................................................................................................... 13712. 氷見市街地における子どもの遊びの変遷(山口佑介) ......................... 14713. 子どもの遊びの変化――氷見市一刎を調査地として(伊藤愛由美) ...... 159