著者

西野 正巳

出版者

日本中東学会

雑誌

日本中東学会年報 (ISSN:09137858)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.17, no.1, pp.97-121, 2002-03-31 (Released:2018-03-30)

---

The social theory of Sayyid Qutb Sayyid Qutb is one of the most famous Islamic thinkers of twentieth-century in Egypt. Because of Qutb's importance as an Islamic thinker, most researchers concern themselves with only his Islamic thought, despite the fact that he had already been a prolific writer before he became an Islamic thinker. As a result, a comprehensive picture of his ideas has not yet been fully drawn. In this paper I examine a series of articles on social problems that Qutb wrote in the first half of the nineteen-forties (that is, before he became an Islamic thinker), and clarify the three stages of his work: the non-Islamic stage, the early Islamic stage, and finally, the radical Islamic stage. As a result of this analysis, two points come to light. First, until he became an Islamic thinker, Qutb was a totalitarian rather than a liberalist as is generally believed. His discriminatory attitude toward the homeless, for example, suggests that he was not at all a liberal thinker. Second, although his ideas are often divided into his non-Islamic and Islamic periods, there are striking similarities between his non-Islamic and Islamic social thought. Furthermore, there are significant differences between his early Islamic thought and his radical Islamic thought, which suggests the need for a recategorization of his ideas.

著者

中野 さやか

出版者

日本中東学会

雑誌

日本中東学会年報 (ISSN:09137858)

巻号頁・発行日

no.28, pp.59-98, 2012

---

In this article, I will focus on 97 singers whose biographies are recorded in Kitab al-Aghani, written by Abu al-Faraj al-Isfahani. The aim is to analyze the parent-child and teacher-student relationships between the singers and the way in which the singers were connected with the courts of the Umayyad and Abbasid dynasties. In the first chapter, I will analyze the 97 singers appearing in the book according to the periods during which they lived and the social status they had, with reference to a list of the singers. Subsequently, I will attempt to identify a large faction of professional singers existing among the 97 singers. In the second chapter, I will analyze how this large group of singers was connected with the courts of the Umayyad dynasty and the Abbasid dynasty. Through this analysis, I would like to make clear the social role the singers took on and also the cultural continuity between the Umayyad court and the Abbasid court. In the third chapter, I will focus on 100 Songs, that were selected from those sung in the Abbasid court. Those songs were applied by the author, Abu al-Faraj al-Isfahani, as the first criteria in selecting songs for Kitab al-Aghani. Here, it should be noted that 100 Songs includes lyrics written by singers whose individual biographies and anecdotes are not recorded in the book. A comparison between such "anonymous" singers and the large faction of major singers whose information is recorded in the book in detail will reveal the way in which people from the ninth century through the tenth century adopted and rejected information concerning the court.

著者

幸加木 文

出版者

日本中東学会

雑誌

日本中東学会年報 (ISSN:09137858)

巻号頁・発行日

no.31, pp.377-382, 2016-03-15

著者

井上 貴恵

出版者

日本中東学会

雑誌

日本中東学会年報 = Annals of Japan Association for Middle East Studies (ISSN:09137858)

巻号頁・発行日

no.31, pp.183-206, 2015

---

Ruzbihan Baqli Shirazi (d. 1209) whose conception of prophets and saints is the subject of this paper was one of the leading representatives of Sufism in the 12th century. For a long time, Orientalists supposed that Ruzbihan's intellectual tendeancies were influenced by the anthropomorphic argument concerning love between God and Man. He was also, however, active in many other fields such as Quranic commentary, jurisprudence. In this paper I argue that his arguments are based primarily on the concept of prophethood and sainthood rather than divine love. The reason why the concept of prophethood and sainthood is so important for an understanding of Ruzbihan's thoughts is that he himself confesses that his aim of writing is to prevent Sufi saints from accusing him of being an infidel. Besides this, it seems clear that he intends to impute prophethood or sainthood to himself in his autobiographical work. In addition, Ruzbihan's theory of Spiritual Stations is distinguished by the special attention it pays to prophets and saints. In his Risala al-quds, Ruzbihan treats the classical theory of Spiritual Stations as an orthodox theory, even though in the Kashf al-asrdr, he calls his series of supernatural visions brilliant Spiritual Stations. This means that he borrowed the way of orthodox theory for the reconstitute of ecstatic sayings of Sufi saints in accordance with sober and permissible expression in official faith of Islam. This shows that to comprehend Ruzbihan's thoughts, we have to pay attention to the stress he places on prophets or saints. In this article, I focus on his concept of prophets and saints, and examine its impact on his work.

著者

山本 薫

出版者

日本中東学会

雑誌

日本中東学会年報 (ISSN:09137858)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.16, pp.111-138, 2001-03-31 (Released:2018-03-30)

---

This paper aims at tracing images of pre-Islamic brigand-poets called Sa'alik, as reflected in their akhbar-traditions or stories accompanied by poetic texts, which tell the life of poets and the situation in which their poetry was composed. In chapter I, after reviewing previous studies on Sa'alik literature, I will reaffirm the significance of further investigation of pre-Islamic Sa'alik for developing total understanding of the picaresque tradition in Arabic literary heritage. In chapter II, I will examine the nature of akhbar, concluding that they should be regarded not as incomplete/unreliable historical biographies, but as narratives which were formed through interpenetration with the poetic texts, interweaving facts with fictions within them. Then I will argue that those images of Sa'alik, as reflected in akhbar, indicate three different types according to their attitudes toward the tribal society: "anti-tribal", "cross-frontier", and "quasi-tribal". The "anti-tribal" type is represented by al-Shanfara who is the true vendettist to his own tribe; the "cross-frontier" type is represented by al-Sulayk bn al-Sulaka and Ta'abbata Sharran, whose arbitrary and also ambiguous character shows an interesting similarity to the mythological trickster; and the "quasi-tribal" type is represented by 'Urwa bn al-Ward, whose image of social bandit is unique among pre-Islamic Sa'alik in spite of his fame as "the father of Sa'alik". Despite these variations, they have "off-tribal" characters in common, being perceived as strangers both in their behavior and their existence, who depart from the society and disturb its public order.

著者

井上 貴恵

出版者

日本中東学会

雑誌

日本中東学会年報 (ISSN:09137858)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.30, no.1, pp.147-172, 2014-07-15 (Released:2018-03-30)

---

The book of Sharḥ-i Shaṭḥīyāt which will be treated in this article is one of the masterpieces of Rūzbihān Baqlī Shīrāzī (d. 1209), a prominent preacher of Shiraz in the 12th century. This book mainly consists of explanations of ecstatic sayings called “Shaṭaḥāt” a technical term used by Sufi masters from the 7th to 10th century. The main purpose of this paper is to examine this Rūzbihān’s annotations of ecstatic sayings of Sufi masters, especially those of Manṣūr al-Ḥallāj (d. 922). The reasons for this focus are that, among the various Sufi masters, Rūzbihān clearly indicates that elucidating the work of al-Ḥallāj is the main objective of his book; in fact, the portion devoted to al-Ḥallāj accounts for a third of the Sharḥ-i Shaṭḥīyāt. Most previous studies on the Rūzbihān’s ideas follow Corbin’s opinion that Rūzbihān is one of the typical Sufis who described a mystical love between God and man in Sufism. However, recent studies have defined the limits of this prior view and pointed out that the traditional interpretation of Rūzbihān reflects only one side of his thought. This is a very important suggestion for further research on Rūzbihān’s ideas and the practicality of this suggestion will also be considered in the present article. This study will clarify the role of the Sharḥ-i Shaṭḥīyāt within the whole corpus of Rūzbihān’s works. They will also help us to discover a new side of the ideas of Rūzbihān, who has typically been viewed as one of the re-interpreters of al-Ḥallāj’s heretical thinking, as well as to reconsider his position in the history of ideas within Sufism.

著者

阿部 哲

出版者

Japan Association for Middle East Studies (JAMES)

雑誌

日本中東学会年報 (ISSN:09137858)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.34, no.1, pp.35-62, 2018-07-15 (Released:2019-10-01)

---

本稿は、イラン都市部における環境問題に焦点を当て、近年同国で現出している環境をめぐる独自の環境言説およびその実践について人類学的考察を行うものである。具体的には、イランにおける近年の環境問題の傾向を明らかにするとともに、イラン人の環境問題へ対する多様なアプローチを検証することにより、現代イランの社会文化的様相を描き出すことを試みる。 イランはイスラーム革命(1979年)以後、米国との国交断絶、イラン・イラク戦争、欧米主導の経済制裁等により経済基盤を失い、1990年代以降は、経済の復興に傾注してきた。制裁下で、イラン政府は石油産業をはじめ、農業や製造業分野へ積極的な投資を行いながら一定の経済成長をおさめ、中東における軍事経済大国の地位を確立するに至った。経済発展は一方で、イラン国内でさまざまな二次的弊害を引き起こし、国民生活に多大な影響を及ぼしている。とりわけ、大気汚染や土壌汚染をはじめとする環境問題は近年深刻化の一途をたどり、環境対策の重要性が年々増している。 イラン政府による環境政策では、科学的手法で環境問題の原因を特定する環境科学が全国的に展開され、科学的アプローチが広く適用、実践されている。環境科学を通して拡張しているこの科学的パラダイムの興起は、イランにおける西洋近代科学知識の普及を意味する。特徴的であるのは、近代西洋の科学的パラダイムが同国の文化歴史的脈絡の中で独自に「翻訳(translation)」されている点である。すなわち、イラン人が環境問題に取り組む上で、科学的パラダイムとともに他の概念枠に基づいた環境アプローチが見られるのである。ナショナリスティックな情操を媒介させた環境言説や、昨今宗教指導者層によって奨励され始めたイスラーム教義に根ざした環境言説は、イランの環境運動における同国の文化歴史的脈絡をとくに反映させている。現代イランの環境問題をめぐる人類学的視座による考察は、同国の社会文化についての知見を深める上で示唆を与えるものである。

著者

篠田 知暁

出版者

日本中東学会

雑誌

日本中東学会年報 (ISSN:09137858)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.30, no.1, pp.33-60, 2014-07-15 (Released:2018-03-30)

---

This article examines a failed attempt by the Waṭṭāsid dynasty to recover domination over the southern part of al-Maġrib al-Aqṣā during the 1510s. Portuguese conquest of the Atlantic coastal cities of the Dukkālah plain, which had been freed from the direct control of Fez since the latter half of the 15th century, resulted in four expeditions by Sultan al-Burtuġālī, who waged jihad against the infidels. However, his army was confronted by resistance from Arab tribesmen who had made peace with Manuel I, King of Portugal. To cope with this difficulty, the sultan sought help from Muslim saints in his negotiations with Arabs, as he recognized their influence among the Arab population. He selected mausoleums of deceased saints as stages for political performances to justify integrating the region into his power base. Sa‘dian sharifs also participated in the affair as vassals of the dynasty, collaborating in securing the tribes’ submission to the sultan. In view of these alliances, the conventional theory that stresses cooperation between the Sa‘dians and saints in the jihad against the Portuguese on the one hand, and their opposition to the Waṭṭāsid dynasty and the Arabs on the other, should be reexamined. However, the limited effectiveness of the Waṭṭāsid strategy became clear when the dynasty’s presence in the region disappeared with the end of the expeditions caused by drought and pestilence.

著者

篠田 知暁

出版者

日本中東学会

雑誌

日本中東学会年報 (ISSN:09137858)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.31, no.1, pp.63-93, 2015-07-15 (Released:2018-03-30)

---

This study examines a dispute between the Waṭṭāsid dynasty and Kingdom of Portugal over the north area of al-Maghrib al-Aqṣā, as well as the relationships between the sultan and his vassals in the Northern Frontier, which bordered the Portuguese occupied territory in the late 15th century. Muḥammad al-Shaykh al-Waṭṭāsī, the first sultan of the dynasty, concluded a peace treaty with Afonso V of Portugal in 1471, one year before the dynasty was established, in which he recognized Portuguese possessions in North Africa. Despite the temporal suspension of this treaty between the death of Afonso V (1481) and the disaster of the Graciosa expedition (1489) by his successor João II, it established a semblance of peace in the area until its final expiration around 1500. During this period, the sultan organized defense structures against Portuguese raids by appointing influential persons as the local governors in important towns of the frontier and providing for them financial and military aid. Although they enjoyed a high degree of autonomy, there existed vertical relationships between them and the sultan, and when ‘Alīb. Rāshid, a frontier governor preached Jihād and revolted in Shafshāwun, the sultan succeeded in subjugating him. This success demonstrates that the royal authority of the dynasty was recognized to be legitimate in the country.

著者

太田 敬子

出版者

日本中東学会

雑誌

日本中東学会年報 (ISSN:09137858)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.19, no.2, pp.87-116, 2003

---

本稿の目的は、アッバース朝カリフ・マームーンの治世末期に起こった下エジプトのバシュムール地方の反乱に焦点を当てて、アッバース朝支配下のエジプトにおけるキリスト教徒社会の情況を検討し、エジプトにおけるイスラーム化の進行とキリスト教社会の衰退の歴史的展開について一考察を行うことにある。エジプトのキリスト教徒(コプト)社会に対するムスリム政権の統制が本格的に強化され始めたのはウマイヤ朝後半のことと考えられる。その後アッバース朝時代にかけて、政府の徴税強化と徴税官の圧迫に抵抗するコプト反乱が繰り返し記録に現れるようになる。その最後で最大の武力蜂起といわれるのがバシュムール反乱である。第1章では、バシュムール反乱に至る抗租運動の軌跡を辿り、ムスリム支配の強化に伴う抗租運動におけるコプトとアラブ・ムスリムの関係を分析した。第2章ではバシュムール反乱の原因とその経緯、反乱後の状況を史料に基づいて再現し、第3章においてこの時代のコプト社会の状況に関して、コプト社会内部の情況に注目して考察を行った。結論として、この時代に表面化してくるコプト教会と一般信徒との間の軋轢や利害の不一致が、コプト社会の変化と衰退を考察するに際して非常に重要な要因となっていることを検証した。コプト社会の内部変化という観点から、バシュムール反乱はエジプトのイスラーム化において1つの重要な転機であったいうことができると考えられる。

著者

吉村 慎太郎

出版者

日本中東学会

雑誌

日本中東学会年報 (ISSN:09137858)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.2, pp.342-362, 1987-03-31 (Released:2018-03-30)

---

Diverse analyses have been attempted to explain the causes and characteristics of the 1977-79 Iranian Revolution. Attention is often focused on the Shah's repressive policy accompanied by the failure of rapid modernization in the 1960-70s. The roles of oppositional forces and Shi'i Islam in the struggle of the Pahlavi dictatorship are said to have facilitated the revolutionary mobilization of the masses. Few, however, appreciate the significance of the weaknesses of the Pahlavi dynasty-those historically inherited, and those newly emerging from the regime's efforts to strengthen its own rule. This latter aspect is acquiring a great importance in sociological studies of revolution. This paper will highlight the weaknesses of the Pahlavi dynasty, surveying the modern history of Iran. Several issues pertaining to the historical conditions of the dynasty, such as the vulnerability of its political legitimacy, the survival of an ex-Qajar elite stratum latently hostile to the dynasty, and the dual vertical structure of Iranian society composed of factionalized "traditionalists" and "modernists" will be explored. These points are viewed as historical and indigenous difficulties the dynasty had to confront. Secondly, the paper examines significant changes inside the Shah regime after the riots referred to as "Rehearsing Revolution" of 1963. The alterations to be considered here are the alienation and weakening of some political elites along with a decided failure in organizing landed peasantry as a new social base. Both factors resulted from land reform in the 1960s. Other changes include power concentration in the Shah through a "divide et impera" policy, and excessive dependency upon inclusive aid from the U.S. government. In marked contrast to the opponents gradually strengthened in organizational and ideological development, the Shah regime evidently became paralyzed from inside. According to the above analysis, it can be said that revolutionary government established in February 1979 is not entirely free of the same weaknesses observed in the Pahlavid rule.

著者

飯野 りさ

出版者

日本中東学会

雑誌

日本中東学会年報 (ISSN:09137858)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.29, no.2, pp.37-65, 2014-01-15 (Released:2018-03-30)

---

This article deals with a socio-cultural structure of singing tradition in the historic city of Aleppo with a specific focus on singer-notable relations in the old city. This study explores the background for the continuity of this tradition by shedding light on two socio-cultural aspects; first the positioning of this tradition and singers in society and second their relations with the elite. In the Mashriq region, Cairo saw the rise of secular and new musical scenes in the 20th century, while in this tradition of Aleppo religious singers, munshid in Arabic, still played an important role. Firstly their quality of being religious singers gave them more freedom for activities in Muslim society, where the centrality of religion was highly respected. And the social norms put more emphasis not on music itself but on conditions such as time, place, and companion when listening to music. In this context talented singers used to sing at courtyard house of the elite in the old city and were able to identify themselves as companion to the elite due to their art as well as to their religious quality. All these factors helped them shape their distinct identity and create group cohesiveness to preserve the repertoire as well as musical knowledge, which have been passed down to date.

著者

林 佳世子

出版者

日本中東学会

雑誌

日本中東学会年報 (ISSN:09137858)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.3, no.2, pp.74-109, 1988-03-31 (Released:2018-03-30)

---

Immediately after the conquest of Byzantine Constantinople by the Ottomans in 1453, the city began to be developed as the Ottoman capital, Istanbul. In order to discover the remaking process of Istanbul as an Islamic city, the documents concerning vakif (pious endowment) by Sultan Mehmed the Conqueror have great importance, because his construction of some pious or charitable institutions (e.g. mosques, medreses and hospitals) and a number of markets were undertaken within the framework of the vakif system, which contributed remarkably to the reorganization of Istanbul. Therefore the study of vakfives (endowment deeds) and other account registers concerning his vakif should provide valuable information on the details of this process. It should be also noted that these documents contain valuable information about the topography of the city of that period, since vakif of Sultan Mehmed covered almost all the districts of walled Istanbul and Galata. In spite of their obvious significance, usage of these documents as historical sources has been quite limited up till now. One of the reasons for this condition must be the insufficiency of the textual critique of the documents, which appear in several manuscripts some of which show great differences. Since none of the vakfiye manuscripts has ever been investigated in detail, much less compared with each other, the relationship between these manuscripts has not been exactly explained, even though they have been used by many scholars without comprehending their real character. In this paper, I will attempt to compare these documents in detail and show how and when each vakfiye was compiled. This fundamental work should better enable them to be utilized as historical source materials. At present nine original or copied vakfiyes of Sultan Mehmed concerning with walled Istanbul and Galata are known in the archives in Turkey. These are; 1: Topukapi Sarayi Muzesi Kutuphanesi Hazine No.1808 (published by T. Oz in 1935) 2: Turk ve Islam Eserleri Muzesi No.2202-666 (published by O. Ergin in 1945) 3: Basbakanlik Osmanli Arsivi Ali Emiri Tasnifi Fatih No.63 4: Basbakanlik Osmanli Arsivi Ali Emiri Tasnifi Fatih No.71 5: Tapu ve Kadastro Genel Mudurlugu Yeni No.2199 6: Topukapi Sarayi Muzesi Arsivi E.7744-4 (published by T. Oz in 1935) 7: Turk ve Islam Eserleri Muzesi No.2182-646 8: Tapu ve Kadastro Genel Mudurlugu Yeni No.2166 9: Vakiflar Genel Mudurlugu Anadolu Defteri, Fatih Vakfiyesi (published by Vakiflar Umum Mudurlugu in 1938) As a result of the analysis of these vakfiyes and other registers of the vakif. the following points become clear. (1) The first assignment of Sultan Mehmed's vakif to the Ayasofya Mosque was made around 1456. It can be known that there were two groups of property assigned to that vakif. One group includes shops and kerbansarays, the construction of which began in 1456 according to Kritoboulos' chronicle. The other includes mukata'a (rent) of the houses which remained from the Byzantine period and were inhabited by immigrants into Istanbul. Examination of the vakif documents of Sultan Mehmed makes it clear that the assignment of the mukata'a of those houses to vakif is closely related to the survey of the city buildings carried out by Cubbe Ali in 1455 or 56. Although Dursun Bey and Asikpasazade wrote that the levy of mukata'a was given up immediately after the survey, vakfive No.2 and the register of 1489/90 show that a part of mukata'a remained in the vakif property. It should be noted, however, that the vakfiye made at the time of this assignment has not yet been found. (2) In 1463, construction of a new institutional complex called Fatih Imareti was begun. The complex contained a mosque, eight medreses, eight small medreses, a hospital and a traveler's hostel. Up to 1472-3, during the service of Grand Vezir Mahmud Pasa, only the great mosque (Fatih Cami'i) and the eight(View PDF for the rest of the abstract.)

著者

茂木 明石

出版者

日本中東学会

雑誌

日本中東学会年報 (ISSN:09137858)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.25, no.1, pp.113-139, 2009-07-15 (Released:2018-03-30)

---

The purpose of this paper is to examine the relationship that existed between the Mausoleum of al-Shafi'i and the ruling class in late eighteenth century Cairo, through ananalysis of the conflict among political and religious leaders with regard to the appointment of Shaykh al-Azhar in 1778. In this conflict, the Hanafi Shaykh al-'Arishi and the Shafi'i Shaykh al-'Arusi competed for Shaykh al-Azhar. And finally, at the Mausoleum of al-Shafi'i Shaykh al-'Arusi was appointed as Shaykh al-Azhar by Murad Bek. The question before us is why at the Mousoleum of Imam al-Shafi'i the appointment of 'Arusi as Shaykh al-Azhar was done. One reason is that the Mausoleum of al-Shafi'i was popular in Cairo at that time. Another reason was the peculiar position the Mausoleum of al-Shafi'i had possessed in Cairo historically. The Mausoleum of al-Shafi'i has been the place where rulers of Islamic Egypt have been fond of constructing their tombs. For example, the Ayyubid Sultans such as Malik al-Kamil and Malik al-'Aziz constructed their tombs near the Mausoleum of al-Shafi'i. And construction of the tombs of Murad Bek and Qazdhughri amirs such as Ibrahim Ketkhuda and 'Ali Bek at the district of the Mausoleum of al-Shafi'i were the traditional burial patterns of Muslim rulers in Egypt. This peculiar position of the Mausoleum of al-Shafi'i was one of the reasons why at this Mausoleum 'Arusi was appointed as Shaykh al-Azhar.

著者

カラカルタル オウズ 石丸 由美

出版者

日本中東学会

雑誌

日本中東学会年報 (ISSN:09137858)

巻号頁・発行日

no.6, pp.115-128, 1991-03-31

著者

ステケヴィチ スザンヌ・ピンクニー

出版者

日本中東学会

雑誌

日本中東学会年報 (ISSN:09137858)

巻号頁・発行日

no.29, pp.107-144, 2014-01-15

---

何世紀にもわたり、Araka 'asiyya al-dam'i〔あなたの涙がこぼれまいとすることを、私は知っている〕で始まるラーイイヤ(ラーによる押韻詩)は、戦士であり王子であったアブー・フィラース・アルハムダーニー(320/932-357/968)のもっとも名高い詩である。アレッポのハムダーン朝統治者であるサイフ・アッダウラの従兄弟であるアブー・フィラースは、サイフ・アッダウラに、直接または間接的に自らの釈放を保証する身代金を払うよう嘆願する詩を贈った。にもかかわらず、351/962年にビザンツ軍に捕らえられて以降、355/966年の一般捕虜交換までの4年間、アブー・フィラースは捕虜として留置されてしまう。彼はアッルーミイヤート(ビザンチンの詩)と呼ばれる複数の詩によって名声を得ており、ラーイイヤもそのひとつである。本研究ではこの詩の読解として、まずラーイイヤの説明に有用な解釈を示す。次に、さらに進んだ解釈のための再読解を行う。この再読解は、性愛的な導入部(ナシーブ)と自慢(ファフル)に認められる感情的な率直さと誠実さに依拠したロマン主義的な評価によるものではない。間接性と多義性に特徴づけられ、捕虜の身代金と釈放の保証を意図した、修辞的技巧によるスピーチ・アクトとして解釈する行為遂行的な面に依拠した再読解である。古典アラブ詩の分野では、この20年間、文学批評研究は傑出した詩の様式(genre)であるカシーダ(ode)の儀礼的、儀式的、行為遂行的(performative)な側面に着目してきた。これまでこれら遂行的研究のほとんどは、カシーダの主要な下位様式(sub-genre)である宮廷称賛詩(カシーダト・アルマドフ)と、比較的少数のヒジャーゥ(風刺あるいはののしり)に焦点をあててきた。本研究はむしろ下位様式であるファフル(個人のあるいは部族の自慢)の作品を検討し、行為遂行的もしくはスピーチ・アクト理論の見地から考察するものである。しかし、本研究はカシーダト・アルファフルが単に個人的、部族的栄光の詩的称賛ではなく、その姉妹ジャンルであるマドフとヒジャーゥのように、複合的な詩的儀式あるいはスピーチ・アクトであるということを論証するものである。この詩的儀式あるいはスピーチ・アクトは、地位、忠誠、政治的正当性を主張するとともに、義務的な道徳力を有し、詩人とその受け手の両方における道徳的で政治的な地位の変化をもたらすものである。先に触れたとおり、本研究ではふたつの読解を行う。第一の読解では、アブー・フィラースによる古典アラブ詩(カシーダ)における慣行のみごとな用法が示される。この用法は、ナシーブの性愛的な抒情とファフルの勇壮なヒロイズムが均衡した二部構成である。ナシーブにおける絶妙な言い回しと性愛的な苦悩を通して、詩人はアラブ伝統のなかでも最も知られた恋愛詩のひとつを作り上げた。第二の行為遂行的読解は、当時の政治・歴史的状況に基づいた解釈である。含意されたアレゴリーによって、ナシーブの伝統的要素である性愛的献身と裏切り、苦難、不確かさ、中傷者の悪意が、捕虜である詩人と、彼の身代金の支払いを避けようとする君主との間に横たわる緊張した政治的・道徳的な絆を暗示する。ナシーブの'スピーチ・アクト'力を通して、アブー・フィラースは忠節であり続けると自らを弁護し、同時にサイフ・アッダウラが約束を遵守せず、戦士・君主・臣下関係における責任を果たしていないと非難している。このナシーブの読解によれば、ファフルの「自慢」は利己的な大言壮語として解されるべきではない。むしろ捕えられた詩人が承認されたいがための窮余の嘆願であり、言葉には出さなくとも、戦士・貴族の倫理的制度のなかで、この承認がもたらす身代金の支払いを導くものとして読まれるべきである。したがって、詩人によるファフルの選択は、自らの釈放を希求する何らかの政治的・詩的策略であったと言える。つまり、詩人は、君主、親類、後援者に対するマディーフ(称賛)として訴えるのではなく、承認、そして身代金支払いの要求(あるいは哀願)を、より広範囲に彼のハムダーン朝親族に対して訴えることを選んだのである。本研究はアブー・フィラースのカシーダト・アルファフルが、階級の交渉、忠誠、道徳的状態の変化を伴う複合的なスピーチ・アクトまたは言葉による儀式であると結論づける。カシーダト・アルマドフにおいて、後援者への称賛は、それが成立し、確実なものであることを証明するために、後援者のほうび(ジャーイザ)あるいは返礼となる進物を必要とする。同様に、このカシーダト・アルファフルでは、自慢において、アブー・フィラースによる親類への称賛の道徳的美点が成立し、確証されるのである。アブー・フィラースはこの詩を通じて忠義を'遂行'したといえる。そして、それは彼の親族、ハムダーン家がこの詩的挑戦を受け入れるか否か、つまりその忠誠心の'契約'の目的を'遂行'するか否かに託されている。言外に込めた詩人の要求に対するハムダーン家の応諾は、詩人の政治的・道徳的な状況を拒まれた捕虜から認められた親族の一員へと変化させるものであろう。

著者

村田(澤柳) 奈々子

出版者

日本中東学会

雑誌

日本中東学会年報 (ISSN:09137858)

巻号頁・発行日

no.26, pp.151-184, 2011-01-05

---

20世紀初頭、排外的民族主義が興隆する中で、国民国家形成途上のバルカン諸国は対立を深めていた。1906年に勃発したブルガリア、東ルメリア、およびルーマニアでの、ギリシア系コミュニティに対する暴力事件・迫害行為の結果、大量のギリシア系住民が、難民としてギリシア王国に流入した。ギリシアは、これら難民にいかに対処するかという問題に、国家としてはじめて直面することになったのである。本論は、難民定住と土地分配に関する立法措置へと至る、1906年〜07年のギリシア議会の取り組みと、法案・法律の具体的内容を詳細に跡づけるとともに、ギリシア・ナショナリズムの政治言説において、国境外のギリシア系住民がどのように位置づけられ、いかにしてギリシア国民として受け入れられたかを検討する。ギリシア系難民の発生は、オスマン帝国領マケドニアの領土獲得めざすギリシアとブルガリアの武力衝突、マケドニアのヴラヒ人の民族帰属をめぐる、ギリシアとルーマニアの対立を背景としていた。ギリシア議会は、これら難民を、ギリシア愛国主義精神の体現者と見なし、国力増強の一助とすべく、市民権・国籍を付与する特別措置を講じた。さらに、政府との協調により、定住のための土地と資金の提供を可能とする法的枠組みづくりを急いだ。難民の定住地とされたテッサリア地方では、オスマン時代からの大土地所有(チフトリキ)制が維持されていた。難民の定住政策は、この大土地所有制下にあった地元の分益小作人を、小規模自作農に転換させる政策と連動することで、農業近代化の契機ともなった。1907年4月制定の法3202号は、困難な財政事情の下、新たなコミュニティ建設のための国家支援を保障する内容を含む点で評価できる。本論で考察する、難民問題解決にむけたギリシア議会での活発な議論と、早急かつ実効ある立法措置に向けての真摯な取り組みは、腐敗と無秩序に支配されたとされる20世紀初頭のギリシア政治にあって、特筆すべきものである。さらに、難民が領土拡張主義政策の「殉教者」と位置づけられ、彼らの国内定住に向けての現実的な施策が採られたことは、バルカン諸国のナショナリズムと対峙したギリシア国家が、自国領としての併合を目指していた地域の完全な獲得を、もはや困難なものと考えていたことを暗示する。オスマン帝国を特徴づけた、多民族共生の社会は終焉を迎えようとしていた。1906年に起こった、国境外のギリシア系コミュニティからの難民流入と、国内におけるコミュニティ再編は、その前奏に過ぎない。二度のバルカン戦争、第一次大戦、そして1922年の対トルコ戦争での敗北によって、ギリシアは、さらに大量のギリシア系難民を受け入れることになる。本論で論じた立法措置は、これら難民の受け入れに際し、ギリシア政府の基本方針として引き継がれてゆくことになる。

著者

貫井 万里

出版者

日本中東学会

雑誌

日本中東学会年報 (ISSN:09137858)

巻号頁・発行日

no.18, pp.159-185, 2003-02-28

---

The nationalization movement of oil industries was developed into a large-scale nationalization movement under Mohammad Mosadeq, a charismatic leader, by attracting most of Iranians who suffered during the depression after the WWII. The uprising on July 21, 1952 was caused the anti-Mosadeq alliance's attack on the Mosaddeq reformative policies. The anti-Mosadeq alliance consisted of the royalists, the pro-British faction and the pro-Qavam faction in Iran. On July 16, 1952, Anti-Mosadeq alliance and the British government maneuvered to make Mossadeq resign from office and Ahmad Qavam assume office as Prime Minister, in accordance with Loy Henderson, U.S. ambassador to Tehran. The Siom-e Tir (July 21) uprising was a historical incident that returned Mossadeq to the prime ministerial post again in consequence of national resistance. For a long time, the question of the main agent(s) behind the uprising has been a controversial focus reflected by actual politics, such as the cold war and the Islamic revolution in 1979. Some researchers believed that the main agent(s) was the Tudeh party (Iranian Communist Party). This opinion actually influenced the subsequent American diplomatic policy toward Iran. Some have insisted secular-nationalist leaders played an important role. Other have asserted that the famous political cleric, Ayatollah Kashani, performed a very significant role to mobilize Iranian people against Qavam and his patrons, the Foreign Powers. The aim of this paper is, therefore, to describe not the leader's role, but people's political action, especially the Tehran Bazzaris' one, during the uprising of July 21, 1952. The analysis employs mainly Qiyam-e Melli-ye Siom-e Tir compiled by Muhammad Torkaman. After observing the Bazaaris' collective action in detail, the study explains how the Bazaar people had a more significant role than previous researchers have suggested. To be more precise, they participated in the resistance in their own interests rather than under the unilateral order from religious or nationalist leaders

著者

Levent Sinan

出版者

日本中東学会

雑誌

日本中東学会年報 (ISSN:09137858)

巻号頁・発行日

no.26, pp.123-149, 2010

著者

黒木 英充

出版者

日本中東学会

雑誌

日本中東学会年報 (ISSN:09137858)

巻号頁・発行日

no.30, pp.137-144, 2015-01-15