著者
石井 由香理
出版者
SHAKAIGAKU KENKYUKAI
雑誌
ソシオロジ (ISSN:05841380)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.58, no.1, pp.89-105,181, 2013

This paper examines the change in images of transgendered and on-transgendered people and their relationship to a Japanese transgender drama group by analyzing six scripts written between 2000 and 2011. In the early dramas, transgender characters whose gender identity was depicted to be clearly the opposite of their assigned identity were in the foreground. However, later on, people whose identities were unique, reflective and not ready-made social identities with essential qualities began attracting attention. This transformation of the transgender characters in the dramas also reflects changes in the relationship between transgendered and non-transgendered people. The early dramas emphasized that it is necessary for non-transgendered people to be considerate toward transgendered people. Therefore a non-transgendered person was under the impression that had to accept and understand transgendered people. However, transgendered people seemed to show consideration for other transgendered and non-transgendered people over time. And, non-transgendered people were depicted as having emotional scars or some stigma, and should receive consideration in later dramas. This gradually led to the concept of gender identity disorder becoming less important, and transgendered people were required to always be considerate toward all individuals.
著者
有本 尚央
出版者
社会学研究会
雑誌
ソシオロジ (ISSN:05841380)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.57, no.1, pp.21-39,181, 2012-06-30 (Released:2015-05-13)
参考文献数
21
被引用文献数
2

This article clarifies the “Figuration” (Elias 1969) of Kishiwada Danjiri Festival, focusing on its management by tracking competition within and around the organization, and the members’ career path in this festival. Kishiwada Danjiri Festival is one of the most famous float festivals in Japan, known for the danger inherent in its performance. Running in rhythm to the music of bells, flutes and drums, hundreds of people pull the 3 to 4 ton floats (named danjiri) as fast as possible. The highlight of the festival is called Yarimawashi, when a float turns a corner without slowing down. To achieve the perfect Yarimawashi, the members are required to have strong ties of solidarity and high-quality techniques. The festival’s organization consists of two groups, one whose members pull the floats, and another which controls the whole festival. The former is called cho-nai, and it recruits members from neighboring districts to perform Yarimawashi; the latter is called nen-ban, selecting and associating members from the cho-nai organizations to run the festival. Observing these two organizations, we see that the cho-nai organization is structured vertically based on seniority, while the nen-ban organization has a horizontal structure based on the members’ careers. In this article, we analyze every aspect of competition between organizations, groups and individuals. Since the festival is run by two organizations, a unique and original career path is created, which develops “festival-elites”. These elites alternate, and gain experience in both organizations to develop a network and skills by competing with others, in order to obtain “capital” to become the future leaders of the festival. In addition, we show that the mechanism of this festival has a nested structure, in which competition and solidarity coexist. This article points out the figuration of the festival as a complex and dynamic cultural event.
著者
井上 俊
出版者
社会学研究会
雑誌
ソシオロジ (ISSN:05841380)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.12, no.4, pp.77-99, 1966-06-30 (Released:2017-12-28)
著者
杉浦 郁子
出版者
社会学研究会
雑誌
ソシオロジ (ISSN:05841380)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.46, no.3, pp.73-90,222, 2002-02-28 (Released:2016-11-02)

Since Saitama Medical University applied to carry out a sex reassignment surgery (so called "sex change surgery") in 1995, medicalization of "gender identity disorder" is actively encouraged in Japan. There has been a corresponding increase in number of treatises on this mental disorder published by specialists. By analyzing those professional discourses, I will illustrate how a domain of "the sexual" is socially constructed. The social constructionism has argued two important views: First, objects are produced in and through a series of linguistic practices of signification; second, some knowledge is cited/referred when the practices are intelligible. The question of how "the sexual" is constructed will not be limited to the work of showing the particular way of construction of "the sexual." I will also show how and what kind of knowledge is cited in the constructing process. Having learned constructionism from Judith Butler, this paper keeps the interest of describing gaps and fissures that are produced in the very process of the constructing practices. Those gaps and fissures are observed as logical discontinuity, and are taken as the possibility to change the hegemonic meaning of "the sexual." I hold the attention of its changeablity because I am anxious that the construct of "the sexual" by professionals becomes standard and legitimate knowledge. Examining carefully the practices, we will find cited knowledge there operates against not only other "sexual minorities" but also transsexuals themselves.
著者
白烏 義彦
出版者
社会学研究会
雑誌
ソシオロジ (ISSN:05841380)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.37, no.2, pp.21-39,181, 1992-10-31 (Released:2017-02-15)

During the Third Republic, the problem of the Educational Reform was crucial. Nonetheless its resolution was indispensable for the modernization and creation of France as a substantial nation-state. At that time, the church was a powerful opponent of this Reform. On the one hand, the church's role as educator greatly influenced the French people; on the other hand, it also conspired with Royalists and resisting allegiance to the Republican Government. For these reasons, the Educational Reform necessarily implied the secularisation of the education. Under this Reform, henceforce French education became "secular, compulsory, free of charge," and thereby greatly reducing the power of the church. The main objective of this article is to show the relationship between the Educational Reform and Durkheim's theory of education. Émile Durkheim was one of the founders of sociology and a contemporary of this Reform. His wide field of research includes such problems as: the division of labor,suicide, methodology of sociology, etc.; moreover the question of education holds amost important position in his field. In his analysis of the problem of education, he grasped the system of education as a real social institution and emphasized the necessity for a historical approach to education. He argued the role of the State to the education, in the context of the "freedom of education". Through the development of his theories, he supported the reform movement. This article also focusses on the importance and the interest of studying the practical character of Durkheim's sociology and of Durkheim himself.
著者
石井 由香理
出版者
SHAKAIGAKU KENKYUKAI
雑誌
ソシオロジ (ISSN:05841380)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.58, no.1, pp.89-105,181, 2013

This paper examines the change in images of transgendered and on-transgendered people and their relationship to a Japanese transgender drama group by analyzing six scripts written between 2000 and 2011. In the early dramas, transgender characters whose gender identity was depicted to be clearly the opposite of their assigned identity were in the foreground. However, later on, people whose identities were unique, reflective and not ready-made social identities with essential qualities began attracting attention. This transformation of the transgender characters in the dramas also reflects changes in the relationship between transgendered and non-transgendered people. The early dramas emphasized that it is necessary for non-transgendered people to be considerate toward transgendered people. Therefore a non-transgendered person was under the impression that had to accept and understand transgendered people. However, transgendered people seemed to show consideration for other transgendered and non-transgendered people over time. And, non-transgendered people were depicted as having emotional scars or some stigma, and should receive consideration in later dramas. This gradually led to the concept of gender identity disorder becoming less important, and transgendered people were required to always be considerate toward all individuals.
著者
朴 沙羅
出版者
社会学研究会
雑誌
ソシオロジ (ISSN:05841380)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.54, no.3, pp.89-104,173, 2010-02-28 (Released:2015-05-20)
参考文献数
18

The purpose of this article is to examine what actually happened in the Suita incident, a well-known political riot in postwar Japan, and how the incident was told and reconstructed after it took place. The Suita incident is famous in the history of Japanese social and political movements for its nonviolence, cooperation with Korean Japanese, and the victory in a trial which lasted for 20 years. However, even though this incident is well known and often recounted, and although it critically influenced the Japanese Communist Party, which organized the incident, there are few studies which clarify “what happened”, and “how events are narrated” by whom, how and why. Therefore, using documentary resources and interviews with the participants, this article first looks at “what happened” in the Suita and Hirakata incidents, and then examines how these two incidents have been recounted and their images have been molded by three component entities, namely the Japanese Communist Party, Korean Japanese, and the Japanese government. The “Suita incident” was, in a sense, very useful for all three, and all three profited from it by making partisan speeches on this political riot, slanted in a particularly favorable way for each.
著者
鈴木 彩加
出版者
SHAKAIGAKU KENKYUKAI
雑誌
ソシオロジ (ISSN:05841380)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.56, no.1, pp.21-37,95, 2011

Conservatives and conservative associations have attacked the 1999 Basic Law for aGender-equal Society, whose aim was to correct gender discrimination and the gendergap from 2000. Today, this force is called "Backlash", and is supported by housewivesat the grassroots. Are these women opposed to gender equality, and if so, why? Thispaper explores the reason why some housewives join the backlash, and examinesgender politics in that backlash. For this purpose, we analyze conservative discoursein magazines, newsletters of various associations, and communication magazines ofgrassroots movements. As a result of the analysis, we find the following two points. Firstly, while abstractarguments that regard the family as the foundation of society and of the state accountfor the vast majority of articles, housewives however emphasize individual experiences,such as communication among family members, housekeeping and child-raising.Secondly, conservative female intellectuals are observed to have two facets, that ofthe intellectual, and that of the housewife. They describe the stories of their ownexperiences in the family as a housewife, and also discuss their value from the point ofview of society and state. In conclusion, we examine the internal politics of the backlash. There are conflictingopinions between housewives and the mainstream of the backlash about the familymodel. However, the two facets of conservative female intellectuals conceal the conflict,and assume a pseudo-continuity between housewives' individual experiences andconservative discourse.
著者
永瀬 圭 太郎丸 博
出版者
社会学研究会
雑誌
ソシオロジ (ISSN:05841380)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.58, no.3, pp.19-33,129, 2014-02-28 (Released:2015-04-10)
参考文献数
29
被引用文献数
1

Gender role attitudes are one of the factors hindering gender equality, thus inspiring many studies throughout the world. In Japan, however, little analysis has been done on the factors involved in gender role attitude changes, and most previous studies have focused on short-term trends. Therefore, using data from the Survey on Japanese Value Orientations from 1973 to 2008 conducted by NHK, Japan Broadcasting Corporation, we examined how and why gender role attitudes in Japan have changed, and whether younger cohorts have become more conservative. To understand the factors involved in changes in gender role attitudes, especially how cohort replacement and individual change contributed to aggregate trends, we used a linear decomposition method. We obtained the following results. First, both men and women became more egalitarian between 1973 and 2003, but since then, gender role attitudes have little changed or have been traditionalized. The gender role attitude change in the 2000s is mainly attributable to individual change, and there is no evidence that more recent cohorts are more conservative. In addition, the stagnation or conservative shift after 2003 cannot be explained by social changes in educational level, labor force participation rate, rate of unmarried people, and so on. We propose that the recent trend in gender role attitudes is a consequence of uncertainty in people's daily life, for example decreasing wages and more competitive working conditions, caused by sweeping reforms based on neo-liberalism.
著者
太郎丸 博
出版者
京都大学文学部社会学研究会
雑誌
ソシオロジ (ISSN:05841380)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.48, no.3, pp.53-66,143, 2004

Some authors assert that the digital divide is a serious social problem and the government must improve the situation. The digital divide theorists often rely on the data showing that the internet-use rate of higher-income group is much higher than that of lower-income group. They, however, don't examine the relationship between the internet-use rate and income, controlling any related variables. Therefore, the aim of this paper is to examine whether the digital divide really exists and whether it is a serious social problem, from a social-stratification perspective with multivariate analyses. We consider the characteristics of the digital divide studies and derive the three tasks of our data analyses: the trend of the digital divide, the causal effect of income on internet use, and that of internet use on income. Our analyses show,1) the digital divide decreased from 2000 to 2002 but still exists,2) household income has a significant effect on internet use even after controlling related variables, but 3) internet use doesn't have a significant effect on personal income. From the results, we conclude that the digital divide exists but it is not a serious social problem, because internet use cannot reproduce social stratification and it still doesn't make a serious inequality of life chance in Japan.
著者
奥村 隆
出版者
社会学研究会
雑誌
ソシオロジ (ISSN:05841380)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.63, no.2, pp.127-129, 2018-10-01 (Released:2021-07-10)
参考文献数
5