著者
竹川 郁雄
出版者
社会学研究会
雑誌
ソシオロジ (ISSN:05841380)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.31, no.3, pp.105-127,185, 1987-01-31 (Released:2017-02-15)

In this paper it is argued that organizational characteristics of the class which permit a social interaction among the students affect the patterns of children's friendship structure, so that the Japanese bully behavior occurs in the classroom. The Japanese bully behavior is an unfair, aggressive action which the predominant students inflict on the inferior ones, and it is intended to cause mental or physical pain. The organizational characteristics of the Japanese traditional class are as follows : 1 ) The class is a functional group which has as a first collective aim the lear ning of various subjects. 2 ) The class is a socializing agency which is managed by a teacher. 3 ) Members must belong to the class for a certain limited time. 4) Esch one of the members is equal to the other in age, but unequal in capacity and character. 5 ) Members are in one place for a given time, so that they are subject to col lective feelings in the classroom. 6 ) Advancing in the classroom is essential to students. When the class system operates dysfunctionally as a result of failure of teaching or too rigid institutionalization, the above-mentioned organizational characteristics turn into the prerequisites of the Japanese bully behavior, and the collective feelings in the classroom turn into inter-aggressive emotions without the altruistic feelings. After that its emotions affect the patterns of children's friendship choices, and some sub-groups are generated in the classroom in behalf of selfdefense. At this same time the Japanese bully behavior occurs. What we have said id supported by data from 15 classes.
著者
杉浦 郁子
出版者
学術雑誌目次速報データベース由来
雑誌
ソシオロジ (ISSN:05841380)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.46, no.3, pp.73-90,222, 2002

Since Saitama Medical University applied to carry out a sex reassignment surgery (so called "sex change surgery") in 1995, medicalization of "gender identity disorder" is actively encouraged in Japan. There has been a corresponding increase in number of treatises on this mental disorder published by specialists. By analyzing those professional discourses, I will illustrate how a domain of "the sexual" is socially constructed.<br> The social constructionism has argued two important views: First, objects are produced in and through a series of linguistic practices of signification; second, some knowledge is cited/referred when the practices are intelligible. The question of how "the sexual" is constructed will not be limited to the work of showing the particular way of construction of "the sexual." I will also show how and what kind of knowledge is cited in the constructing process.<br> Having learned constructionism from Judith Butler, this paper keeps the interest of describing gaps and fissures that are produced in the very process of the constructing practices. Those gaps and fissures are observed as logical discontinuity, and are taken as the possibility to change the hegemonic meaning of "the sexual."<br> I hold the attention of its changeablity because I am anxious that the construct of "the sexual" by professionals becomes standard and legitimate knowledge. Examining carefully the practices, we will find cited knowledge there operates against not only other "sexual minorities" but also transsexuals themselves.
著者
磯 直樹
出版者
社会学研究会
雑誌
ソシオロジ (ISSN:05841380)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.53, no.1, pp.37-53,200, 2008

In this paper I will first introduce Bourdieu's idea of field, a network, or configuration, of objective relations between positions. Then I will show how it integrates theory and empirical research. In the history of Sociology, the relationship between theory and empirical research has been a grand theme, and Bourdieu was committed to integrating the two throughout his career. I will also examine the work of Blumer, an important predecessor to Bourdieu. While both his "sensitizing concept" and his "definitive concept" have limits, Bourdieu's "open concepts" which include habitus, capital and field have more possibilities and significances than Blumer's. The field is a social sphere which has a limit around itself and each has its own rules within. For Bourdieu, the field is considered together with habitus and capital, and also as a part of his theory of practice. The concept of field enables us to analyze social phenomena for which we have lacked a theoretical framework. We can also use the concept of field to relate and integrate differentempirical research. One example can be found in the study of social difference. Bourdieu's sociology makes sense in combination with the works of other sociologists because it owes so much to them. We should ask the question "Bourdieu and what else?" rather than think in terms of a dichotomy such as "Bourdieu or not." This will lead to a productive discussion.
著者
木本 玲一
出版者
社会学研究会
雑誌
ソシオロジ (ISSN:05841380)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.47, no.2, pp.88-88,176, 2002-10-31 (Released:2016-05-25)

This article explores local practices of Japanese rap, a musical genre originated in devastated U.S. inner-city communities. For a long time, globalization has been understood as processes of invasion, as posited by the "cultural imperialism" thesis. In recent years, however, many scholars have begun to argue that globalization and localization are not so much as opposed as interrelated. Their argument suggests that mutual interaction can be found not only in the political or economic fields, but also in the cultural fields, including that of popular music. Rap music spreads throughout the world as it is distributed by the record industries and has gradually been localized into various parts of the globe, including Japan. As this occurs, localization has aroused the desire to construct "Japanese" rap, -not an "imitation" of U.S. rap but an "original" form. In this article, I will explore and examine the desire through a discussion of the practices that constitute the main dimensions of rap: "sound", "language" and "ideology". In doing so, I shall also focus on the desire to localize rap, and pay particular attention to rap's global / local context.
著者
松村 淳
出版者
社会学研究会
雑誌
ソシオロジ (ISSN:05841380)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.60, no.3, pp.39-57, 2016-02-01 (Released:2020-06-20)
参考文献数
13

本稿の目的は近年の専門職研究において再び重視されつつある専門職とエートスの関わりを問い直すことである。ある職能に特有のエートスがそれを内面化した者に内発的な労働への意欲を駆動させるという側面だけではなく、それが業界全体に共有され内部文化を統制・再生産する機能を有するという側面についての研究はまだ不十分である。そこで本稿では建物の設計・監理を専門とする建築設計専門職を対象とし、職業実践におけるエートスの表れに触れつつ、とりわけその獲得過程について重点的に検討した。具体的にはエートスを涵養する場として大学に着目し、その教育実践を検討した。そこでは、職能の実践に必要な技術の獲得よりも﹁空間の質﹂や﹁美しさ﹂といった抽象的な語彙で形容される﹁作品﹂を作成できる能力の獲得が目指されている。それらは一定の訓練を経れば習得できる﹁標準化される技術﹂ではなく、合理的な訓練では習得できない﹁標準化されない技術﹂の涵養が必要であり、それを習得するためには教員=建築家の﹁指導﹂に従うしかない。つまり大学は、建築設計専門職業界が望むエートスを学生に内面化させるための﹁文化的社会化﹂の場として機能している。そうして獲得したエートスは個人の労働を内発的に駆動させるだけではなく、建築基準法の厳格化や設計施工を一貫して行う住宅産業の隆盛による相対的な地位低下など、様々な位相においてその存在意義が問われている建築設計専門職の長期的で安定的な存続に資する機能を有しているのである。
著者
岩脇 千裕
出版者
社会学研究会
雑誌
ソシオロジ (ISSN:05841380)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.53, no.3, pp.125-132, 2009-02-28 (Released:2015-06-06)
参考文献数
9
著者
富永 京子
出版者
社会学研究会
雑誌
ソシオロジ (ISSN:05841380)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.57, no.3, pp.109-126, 2013-02-28 (Released:2015-05-13)
参考文献数
22
著者
徳岡 秀雄
出版者
社会学研究会
雑誌
ソシオロジ (ISSN:05841380)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.25, no.3, pp.p108-117, 1981-03
著者
梅川 由紀
出版者
社会学研究会
雑誌
ソシオロジ (ISSN:05841380)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.62, no.1, pp.23-40, 2017-06-01 (Released:2021-06-04)
参考文献数
19

本稿の目的は、「ごみ屋敷」の当事者が溜め続けるモノの意味を明らかにし、人間にとってのごみやモノの概念を再考することである。これまで当事者は、社会的孤立/断絶状態にあるとみなされてきた。しかし本稿では、毎日スーパーに出かけ、多くの他者とコミュニケーションを図りながらごみ屋敷で暮らす、当事者Aさんを取り上げる。分析においてはモーリス・アルヴァックスの「モノと記憶」に関する議論に着目した。調査は、当事者Aさんへのインタビューと、片づけ作業およびその後の生活状況に関してフィールドワークを行った。 調査の結果、大きく二つの指摘を行った。第一に、モノを溜め込むことで構築されるアイデンティティを明らかにした。Aさんは他者と良好なコミュニケーションを図ることを「望ましい自己」の姿と捉えていた。そして家に溜め込むモノは「望ましい自己」を達成した「証」として理解されていた。ゆえにAさんがモノを溜め込む理由は、望ましい自己を実現した記憶を、モノという形ある対象に具現化し、記憶を保管するためであることを明らかにした。そして、ごみ屋敷に溜め込まれるモノには、「心情的価値」と名付けられる価値が存在する様子を示した。第二に、モノを捨てることで構築されるアイデンティティを明らかにした。Aさんはモノを捨てることでジレンマを解消でき、新たに望ましい自己の証を手に入れられる場合、モノをごみと捉え、捨てていた。「必要な存在」としてのごみの側面を明らかにした。 ごみ屋敷とは、単なるトラブルという側面を超えて、人間とごみ・モノとの関係性を私たちに問いかける事象であることを明らかにした。
著者
佐藤 成基
出版者
社会学研究会
雑誌
ソシオロジ (ISSN:05841380)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.46, no.3, pp.37-53,224, 2002-02-28 (Released:2016-11-02)

This paper attempts to explore the relationships between nationalism and fascism in historical contexts. Nationalism is political action seeking to represent the "wills " and "interests" of the "nation" as a political (imagined) community, also regarded as "us" or "a people." Forms of nationalism historically vary. Fascism could be regarded as a form of nationalism, which first emerged in Europe under the impacts of the First World War. This "total war" brought about dramatic changes in the relationships between "state" and "society": while the state expanded their ruling functions and came to penetrate civilian lives more deeply, various political groups in society began to claim more actively their interests to the state. State and society were thus "democratized." As a result of these changes, nationalism turned from an official, top-down movement, which had still been dominant in the prewar period, into a popular mass movement seeking to mobilize the "nation" as a whole. The First World War also transformed the idea of nationalism: strong solidarity under the "total mobilization" and "fraternity" in trenches were idealized as symbols of the nation. The idea of the nation came to be associated with the memory of the experiences of national solidarity during the war. "Front soldiers" coming back from the battlefields became active bearers of nationalism and developed militant "paramilitary" movements. Moreover, the idea of "national self-determination," which was officially recognized by world leaders as a principle of international politics in the Paris Conference, raised the moral and political legitimacy of nationalism, although the Versailles settlement could never fully realize this ideal and even engendered resentments in some "nations." All these changes contributed to the rise of the popularity and the intensity of nationalism in the postwar period, which fascism was able to utilize to gain mass support.
著者
青木 康容
出版者
社会学研究会
雑誌
ソシオロジ (ISSN:05841380)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.28, no.2, pp.59-67, 1983-09-30 (Released:2017-02-17)
著者
妻木 進吾
出版者
社会学研究会
雑誌
ソシオロジ (ISSN:05841380)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.48, no.1, pp.21-37,173, 2003-05-31 (Released:2016-05-25)

Recently, the Japanese authorities have been enforcing measures to support the societal reinsertion of Nojukusha (Japanese outdoor sleepers). "Support center" programs attempt to get them out of homelessness by giving them access to jobs or social welfare support, and giving them an "appropriate" place in Japanese society. These measures clearly show the existence of Nojukusha who reject this program and remain on the street. They are categorized as "people who refuse a decent civic life," and they become the targets of pressure and exclusion. If their "preference" is reasonable for them, what is the logic that sustains this choice? This paper attempts to examine the logic of their "preference. " For this purpose, I rely on the theory of "life structure" and adjust it to grasp Nojukusha street life. Based on survey data, I describe the process and state of Nojukusha street life. This data consists of survey data for 672 Nojukusha and life history data for 722 Nojukusha. I conclude that Nojukusha "preference" means "resistance" because their life structure is patterned both by the necessity to survive in the street and by an ethic: "we should live our lives by working for ourselves." Nojukusha, who have been excluded from the labor market, find that it is impossible for them to get away from homelessness by getting a job. For them, the support center program offered by the authorities means a whole life depending on social welfare services. The street life, then, is the only one they can choose to conform themselves to their ethic. It is then the only reasonable preference. This paper leads to a paradoxical conclusion. The "preference" for homeless life tends to be regarded as deviance from public opinion and the actions of "normal" citizens. However Nojukusha life is based on their own values.