著者

井上 眞理子 上野 千鶴子

出版者

社会学研究会

雑誌

ソシオロジ (ISSN:05841380)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.36, no.2, pp.146-154, 1991-10-31 (Released:2017-02-15)

著者

山本 めゆ

出版者

社会学研究会

雑誌

ソシオロジ (ISSN:05841380)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.56, no.3, pp.103-119,184, 2012-02-29 (Released:2015-05-13)

参考文献数

22

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There were at most 800 Japanese residents living in South Africa during the era of apartheid. They were predominantly expatriate employees sent from Japan who were permitted to reside in white residential areas. The existence of this resident population group who would normally have been classified as “non-white” in terms of South Africa’s race categories under apartheid led to the Japanese being described as ‘honorary whites’. In this paper, the ‘honorary white’ status will be discussed, with a focus on what is called the ‘looping effect’ (Hacking), or interactions between a concept that classifies people and those who are classified. For this study, 15 Japanese people who had resided in South Africa under apartheid were interviewed, and documentary materials were also collected both in Japan and in South Africa. These data were used, first, to create a general history of the status of the Japanese in South Africa from the beginning of the 20th century. The study follows the genesis of the title ‘honorary white’ in the early 1960s, and considers the influence of the concept on the Japanese and Chinese communities at that time. Finally it describes the way in which the title ‘honorary white’ affected the identities and actions of the Japanese residents in South Africa, and at the same time how their actions in turn constructed the image of ‘honorary whites’.

著者

磯 直樹

出版者

社会学研究会

雑誌

ソシオロジ (ISSN:05841380)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.53, no.1, pp.37-53,200, 2008-05-31 (Released:2015-06-06)

参考文献数

32

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In this paper I will first introduce Bourdieu’s idea of field, a network, or configuration, of objective relations between positions. Then I will show how it integrates theory and empirical research. In the history of Sociology, the relationship between theory and empirical research has been a grand theme, and Bourdieu was committed to integrating the two throughout his career. I will also examine the work of Blumer, an important predecessor to Bourdieu. While both his “sensitizing concept” and his “definitive concept” have limits, Bourdieu’s “open concepts” which include habitus, capital and field have more possibilities and significances than Blumer’s. The field is a social sphere which has a limit around itself and each has its own rules within. For Bourdieu, the field is considered together with habitus and capital, and also as a part of his theory of practice. The concept of field enables us to analyze social phenomena for which we have lacked a theoretical framework. We can also use the concept of field to relate and integrate differentempirical research. One example can be found in the study of social difference. Bourdieu’s sociology makes sense in combination with the works of other sociologists because it owes so much to them. We should ask the question “Bourdieu and what else?” rather than think in terms of a dichotomy such as “Bourdieu or not.” This will lead to a productive discussion.

著者

馬場 靖雄 小宮 友根

出版者

社会学研究会

雑誌

ソシオロジ (ISSN:05841380)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.57, no.3, pp.167-175, 2013-02-28 (Released:2015-05-13)

著者

川田 耕

出版者

社会学研究会

雑誌

ソシオロジ (ISSN:05841380)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.39, no.2, pp.97-113,189, 1994

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Morality is generally something more than traditional practices. M.Foucault distinguishes the moralities between the "code-oriented" moralities, which have a system of traditonal practices and rules of behavior in detail, and the "ethics -oriented" moralities, in which such system and rulues are rather rudimentary and leave their function to each individual's retlective consciousness. In the latter case, each individual is required not only to have self-awareness but to make self-formation as "ethical subject".<br> I think "the popular morality "in Japan which was named and investigated by Yasumaru Yoshio can be called ethics-oriennted morality, because this morality demands people should reform traditional practices and have reflective consciousness. The popular morality is ethical because of its great interest in each individual's consciousness and it is popular because of its premise that establishment of proper consciousness may bring some social profit. The popular morality depends on smooth circle of the moral doctrine, each individual's consciousness and the social profit. When this circle is not satisfactory, the existence of ethical subject is threatend,and the effects of morality tend to be code-oriented.<br> I investigate such structure of this morality in early modern Japan (especially in the discourse of the "Rono" in the late Edo period and the "Hotokushugi" in the Meiji period), and search the transformation of it in the Meiji period and the possibility of creating new ethics.

著者

永田 大輔

出版者

社会学研究会

雑誌

ソシオロジ (ISSN:05841380)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.61, no.3, pp.41-58, 2017-02-01 (Released:2020-06-27)

参考文献数

8

被引用文献数

1

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本稿は、オタク文化を社会学的に考察するために、OVA(オリジナル・ビデオ・アニメーション)の使用実践に着目する。中でも一九八〇年代のOVAの言説的な特徴を詳らかにするために、OVAが“第三のメディア”とアニメファンの間で呼ばれていたことに着目する。 言説を検討する際に、二つの構造的な条件が重要である。一つ目は一九八〇年代中盤のビデオの急速な普及であり、二つ目はアニメーター数が、作品数が増加し質の向上が求められる中で、増加していなかった点である。そうした条件を元に、OVAというメディアをめぐる言説を検討する。 まず第三のメディアの言葉の含意を考えるために、第一のメディア(テレビアニメ)と第二のメディア(劇場版アニメ)の移行関係に着目する。その移行は一九七〇年代後半頃に起こった。テレビアニメは子供むけのものとされてきたが、一九七〇年代後半に子供だけではないファンが発見される。ファンの存在を背景とし、アニメ制作者の側も作家性を発揮することを求めるようになる。しかし、当時のテレビアニメは作家性を発揮するには制約が多かった。そこで注目されるのが劇場版アニメであった。しかし、こうした移行の段階で「作家性の発揮」と「万人に受容されること」の競合関係が存在し、両者の議論の制約としてクリエーターの人数が存在した。 本稿では、OVAが上記の論点を引き継いで語られた媒体であることに着目する。その中で制作者人口が限られた中での「商業の論理」と「作品の論理」のせめぎあいを編集者・消費者・制作者がそれぞれどのように意味づけていくのかという点からその歴史を検討し、様々なアクターの論理のせめぎあいのダイナミズムの中での歴史性を検討する。

著者

中西 尋子

出版者

社会学研究会

雑誌

ソシオロジ (ISSN:05841380)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.51, no.1, pp.103-118,208, 2006-05-31 (Released:2016-03-23)

参考文献数

16

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A striking number of Japanese women now live in rural Korea. They are Japanese wives who have married Korean men in mass weddings held by the Unification Church.In these mass weddings, followers marry partners who have been chosen by the founder, making use of only a curriculum vitae and a photo, and without dating or any feelings of love. This paper explores why so many Japanese women have joined the Unification Church, undergone mass weddings, and now continue their married lives with Korean men. Their narratives about marriage, work and sexuality show that they have had negative feelings with regard to being female. The following are the findings: (1) marriage and child-rearing are no longer the "must" lifestyle for women and therefore there they have fewer dreams/hopes regarding marriage; (2) working women have more opportunities but still are in a disadvantageous position with a glass ceiling where promotions is concerned; and (3) serious women dislike the disorderly nature of sexual norms in Japan. In response to this situation, (1) in the Unification Church, women have an inherent role and meaning in marriage, to tie a knot in their mass wedding and to give birth to "the child of God," and help to establish the ideal world of "Heaven on Earth." (2) women followers are able to find a positive meaning in being female through the bearing of "the child of God." and (3) the Unification Church emphasizes "purity" for both women and men. Therefore, the women who dislike the disorder or sexual behavior in Japan have been attracted to the beliefs of the Unification Church. Marriage in the Unification Church goes beyond the secular, and is meant for the establishment of "Heaven on Earth." For the Japanese wives of the Unification Church, their daily practices as women and wives are directly related to the holy pursuit of "Heaven on Earth," which also motivates them to continue their "meaningful" lives in Korea.

著者

岸 政彦

出版者

社会学研究会

雑誌

ソシオロジ (ISSN:05841380)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.41, no.2, pp.37-53,138, 1996-10-31 (Released:2016-12-22)

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The purpose of this paper is to argue how labeling and learning of a social agent are generated and function within the situation of interaction. The agents inevitably participate in the given communities in which diverse interactions occur, and every interaction is a kind of game including specific interest and honor rather than a mere interchange of symbols. We must acquire practical knowledge and skill in order to carry out the game. To acquire the practical knowledge and skill is to acquire the matrix of activity and cognition that mediates between several action and social order. Every social activity has its specific function by which each agent is related to the broader social structure and its reproduction. More precisely, as J. Lave pointed out, through the process of participation in on-going collective practice in which a learner gradually becomes an expert, the specific modes of representation and activity are to be reproduced. Therefore we can place the process of learning in the very center of the process of reproduction of social order. Furthermore, labeling process is the most important factor on the process of learning and perticipation in a given community. Labeling functions as a "screening" and a phisical enviroment of learning. I worked as a construction laborer for two months to observe practical learning and "how to become and live as a manual worker". I will examine the structure and distribution of work, the task and problem a worker must solve, the practical and flexible ways of instruction, and the process of labeling.

著者

竹内 里欧

出版者

社会学研究会

雑誌

ソシオロジ (ISSN:05841380)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.46, no.3, pp.127-143,219, 2002-02-28 (Released:2016-11-02)

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In this paper, I examine strategies which were used to adjust conflicts between Wa (和, Japanese style) and Yô (洋, Western style) in the discourse on manners. This research helps illuminate the character of Japanese modernization and "civilization". My research covers the period from the Meiji Restoration to the end of World War II. (The simple dichotomy of Wa and Yô is adopted since it can be seen in the discourse on manners in this period.) 4 strategies are examined: "A. Elimination Strategy I ――Westernization――", "B. Separation Strategy", "C. Elimination Strategy II――return to 'Japan'――", and "D. Reconciliation (via a third factor) Strategy". Among those strategies, I pay particular attention to the "D. Reconciliation (via a third factor) Strategy". This strategy distinguishes "civilization" and "westernization", judges "Japanese" and "Western" manners by means of "universal" criteria, and guides them towards reconciliation. This strategy makes it possible to claim that "essentially, East and West are in harmony" or that they compete in regard to "universal" criteria. However, the claim that "originally, Japan was also a civilized nation" and the respect for "rationality" and "hygiene" seen in the "D. Reconciliation (via a third factor) Strategy" were modeled on concepts and ideas brought from "the West". Therefore, one can view the "D. Reconciliation (via a third factor) Strategy" as a mimicry of "A. Elimination Strategy I――Westernization――". This analysis leads to the conclusion that Westernization creeps into Japanese "civilization", despite seeming reconciliation. This point was not grasped by the well known harmonizing theories, such as Wakonyousai (和魂洋才, Japanese spirit and Western knowledge).

著者

秋風 千恵

出版者

社会学研究会

雑誌

ソシオロジ (ISSN:05841380)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.52, no.3, pp.53-69,235, 2008-02-29 (Released:2015-06-06)

参考文献数

19

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This paper discusses whether it is true that a person’s distress in life is proportionate to the severity of a person’s disability, by analyzing the meaning-world of mild disabled persons. Robert F. Murphy wrote “Some disabilities disturb the able-bodied more than others. There is a hierarchy of devaluation that varies with the severity and type of disability. At the bottom of the scale are persons with facial disfigurement or marked body distortion.” This is to say that the more different a body is from the norm, the more people dislike it. It is also commonly accepted that severely disabled persons are more distressed in life than mild disabled persons. But it would appear that mild disabled persons’ perceptions do not agree with Murphy’s hierarchy, or with these commonly accepted ideas. The results of this research make it clear that the situation for mild disabled persons is very different from that for the severely disabled. Mild disabled persons cannot decide whether they belong in the group of the able-bodied or in the group of disabled persons. They live in limbo, and tend to be isolated. For this reason, they do their best to enhance their value and try to compensate for their disabilities by making a great effort to acquire recognition. However, occasionally their disabilities prevent them from achieving what they have set out to do, thus proving that they are disabled. But even if they are able to prove this, they find themselves isolated once again. Their difficult situation describes a circle, like a Möbius strip.

著者

東 園子

出版者

社会学研究会

雑誌

ソシオロジ (ISSN:05841380)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.51, no.2, pp.91-107,145, 2006-10-31 (Released:2016-03-23)

参考文献数

19

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This paper looks at female homosocial relationships, that is to say, the social bonds between women, by considering the meaning of the fact that the Takarazuka Revue is performed exclusively by women for fans who are mostly women as well. In male-dominated society where heterosexuality is compulsory, relations between women are either persecuted as homosexual relationships that go against heterosexuality, or they are perceived to be inferior to heterosexual relationships and regarded as trivial. Therefore, it is difficult to find representations of strong female homosocial bonds in society. To enable female homosociality, the influence of heterosexuality must be controlled. In the case of 'Takarazuka', there are two worlds of stories. One world is the stage, where the stories of love between women and men and of male friendship without sexual desire are played by "otoko-yaku" playing male roles and "musume-yaku" playing female roles who neither have sexual bodies. The other world is the backstage sphere open to fans through the media, where friendships within the 'Takarazuka' company are emphasized within the framework of a girls school in which students are exempted from any of the obligations of heterosexuality. So, 'Takarazuka' performers known as 'Takara-siennes' have two faces. First, they are the "otoko-yaku" and "musume-yaku" on stage, and second, they are "students" in the backstage sphere, girls who are indifferent to heterosexuality. By superimposing the backstage sphere on the world on stage, through 'Takara-siennes' who have duplicity, fans of 'Takarazuka' can read the bonds of the performers backstage into heterosexual relations and the relations between the men they play on stage. Therefore, 'Takarazuka' becomes an unusual sphere in which it is possible to have a realistic sense of female homosociality. 'Takarazuka' shows us both the possibility of the representation of female homosociality, and the difficulty of representing it in elsewhere in the contemporary society.

著者

鶴田 幸恵 小宮 友根

出版者

社会学研究会

雑誌

ソシオロジ (ISSN:05841380)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.52, no.1, pp.21-36,159, 2007

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Recently, it has become a new methodological agenda to discuss the methodologies of interviews which could be collected under the rubric of "interview as interaction." But it seems that such discussions do not make clearer the sociological status of the description which is produced by that method.The task of this paper is to point out some confusion in such discussions, and make the viewpoint of "interview as interaction" into a methodological discussion which can thoroughly describe "peoples lives." Methodologies that emphasize the view of "interview as interaction" often differentiate themselves from the standpoint which emphasizes "the facticity of data" or "the pattern of narrative." But apart from facticity or pattern, it is unclear what becomes the value of the data.There are two confusions concerning the view of "interaction." First concerns the usage of the two terms, "construction" and "interpretation." By virtue of the confused usage of these terms in such methodology, our understanding of others conduct is reduced to the activity of "interpretation." The second confusion concerns the claim that they describe not "fact" or "pattern of narrative" but "the mode (or form) of narrative." But in such a claim, "the mode (or form) of narrative" becomes a "model" prepared on the researchers side.Both miss the difference of the various actions and activities in actual interaction and do not make clear the implication of the term "interaction" within the methodology of interviews. But, for the interviewee, the interview is one scene of his/her life in a literal sense.If this is so, the behavior and the activity which appear there must be the part of his/her life and describing them must be directly describing his/her life.Here, using particular data, we present that proposition and argue the importance of the viewpoint of "interview as interaction."

著者

赤川 学 佐藤 哲彦

出版者

社会学研究会

雑誌

ソシオロジ (ISSN:05841380)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.52, no.2, pp.151-160, 2007-10-31 (Released:2016-03-23)

著者

大和 礼子

出版者

社会学研究会

雑誌

ソシオロジ (ISSN:05841380)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.40, no.1, pp.109-126,192, 1995-05-31 (Released:2017-02-15)

被引用文献数

9

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The present study identifies two crucial factors which appear to determine the attitudes of Japanese middle-aged women toward 'sexual-division-of-labor'. Factor 1 reflects the following attitude: 'while men should be responsible for the household incomes, women should be responsible for the domestic chores'. This attitude seems to have a root in the idea that roles should be assigned to persons on the basis of their sexes. Therefore, Factor 1 is labelled 'Role-assignment on the basis of sexes'. Factor 2 reflects the following attitude: 'women should take reproductive roles because they have instinctive affection to their children and family'. Therefore, Factor 2 is labelled 'Women 's reproductive roles on the basis of their instinctive affection'. Although both factors influence the Japanese middle-aged women to accept their 'domestic roles', they are different each other in the following points. Fisrtly, while Factor 1 can not be compatible with the egalitarian attitude toward sex, Factor 2 can be compatible with it. Secondly, while Factor 1 has correlation with women's educational level, Factor 2 has correlation with their employment. This outlook suggests that these two factors are formed through different ways; Factor 1 is formed through education and Factor 2 is through employment.

著者

鶴田 幸恵 小宮 友根

出版者

社会学研究会

雑誌

ソシオロジ (ISSN:05841380)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.52, no.1, pp.21-36,159, 2007-05-31 (Released:2016-03-23)

参考文献数

23

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Recently, it has become a new methodological agenda to discuss the methodologies of interviews which could be collected under the rubric of "interview as interaction." But it seems that such discussions do not make clearer the sociological status of the description which is produced by that method.The task of this paper is to point out some confusion in such discussions, and make the viewpoint of "interview as interaction" into a methodological discussion which can thoroughly describe "people's lives." Methodologies that emphasize the view of "interview as interaction" often differentiate themselves from the standpoint which emphasizes "the facticity of data" or "the pattern of narrative." But apart from facticity or pattern, it is unclear what becomes the value of the data.There are two confusions concerning the view of "interaction." First concerns the usage of the two terms, "construction" and "interpretation." By virtue of the confused usage of these terms in such methodology, our understanding of other's conduct is reduced to the activity of "interpretation." The second confusion concerns the claim that they describe not "fact" or "pattern of narrative" but "the mode (or form) of narrative." But in such a claim, "the mode (or form) of narrative" becomes a "model" prepared on the researcher's side.Both miss the difference of the various actions and activities in actual interaction and do not make clear the implication of the term "interaction" within the methodology of interviews. But, for the interviewee, the interview is one scene of his/her life in a literal sense.If this is so, the behavior and the activity which appear there must be the part of his/her life and describing them must be directly describing his/her life.Here, using particular data, we present that proposition and argue the importance of the viewpoint of "interview as interaction."

著者

落合 恵美子 江原 由美子

出版者

社会学研究会

雑誌

ソシオロジ (ISSN:05841380)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.37, no.1, pp.105-113, 1992-05-31 (Released:2017-02-15)

著者

太郎丸 博

出版者

京都大学文学部社会学研究会

雑誌

ソシオロジ (ISSN:05841380)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.54, no.3, pp.121-126, 2010-02

著者

鈴木 彩加

出版者

社会学研究会

雑誌

ソシオロジ (ISSN:05841380)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.56, no.1, pp.21-37,95, 2011-06-30 (Released:2015-05-13)

参考文献数

19

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Conservatives and conservative associations have attacked the 1999 Basic Law for aGender-equal Society, whose aim was to correct gender discrimination and the gendergap from 2000. Today, this force is called “Backlash”, and is supported by housewivesat the grassroots. Are these women opposed to gender equality, and if so, why? Thispaper explores the reason why some housewives join the backlash, and examinesgender politics in that backlash. For this purpose, we analyze conservative discoursein magazines, newsletters of various associations, and communication magazines ofgrassroots movements. As a result of the analysis, we find the following two points. Firstly, while abstractarguments that regard the family as the foundation of society and of the state accountfor the vast majority of articles, housewives however emphasize individual experiences,such as communication among family members, housekeeping and child-raising.Secondly, conservative female intellectuals are observed to have two facets, that ofthe intellectual, and that of the housewife. They describe the stories of their ownexperiences in the family as a housewife, and also discuss their value from the point ofview of society and state. In conclusion, we examine the internal politics of the backlash. There are conflictingopinions between housewives and the mainstream of the backlash about the familymodel. However, the two facets of conservative female intellectuals conceal the conflict,and assume a pseudo-continuity between housewives’ individual experiences andconservative discourse.

著者

千葉 モト子 牟田 和恵

出版者

社会学研究会

雑誌

ソシオロジ (ISSN:05841380)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.47, no.3, pp.151-158, 2003-02-28 (Released:2016-05-25)

著者

雪村 まゆみ

出版者

社会学研究会

雑誌

ソシオロジ (ISSN:05841380)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.52, no.1, pp.87-102,155, 2007-05-31 (Released:2016-03-23)

参考文献数

40

被引用文献数

1

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In recent years, commercial animated films have been produced in large quantities through a specialized production system. However, in the early days of making animations, only a limited number of cartoonists were engaged in producing animated films on a small scale and as a secondjob. Through an analysis of interviews, as well as articles appearing in movie magazines between 1928 and 1945 (with a collection of notes written by animators), the present study aims at clarifying the relationship between the war and animation by considering the purposes and subjects of animated films, and the process whereby the actual production system was established for animation-making. Special attention is given to clarifying the birth of the animator as a professional, which made the production system possible. The results of my investigation show that in pre-war Japan - just as in the case of other traditional arts or jobs - animation production took place within a simple apprenticeship system. In wartime Japan, the military press officer Tadao Yoneyama realized the efficiency of animated films in enhancing the appeal among the common people of National Mobilization and the idea of the Greater East Asia Co-Prosperity Sphere, by eliminating a sort of language barrier. The military thus produced numerous animated films with a propaganda purpose. As a result, the basis of the current production system was established. Numerous animated films were created to help in military training, such as aircraft maneuvers and bomb release. Since animation-making for this purpose requires a high degree of technical knowledge, animators were no longer simple cartoonists but rather experts who knew how to draw animation figures according to the movement of objects. In this way, the actual production system established by the military meant that animation was connected with the state, and institutionalized. This paper also suggests the aspect of media whereby animation films are used for a national policy.