著者
井上 眞理子
出版者
社会学研究会
雑誌
ソシオロジ (ISSN:05841380)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.27, no.2, pp.1-19,123, 1982

The concept of identity nowadays seems "unfashionable" in academic circles. But, for sociologists as well as psychologists, its meaning is yet ambiguous. The process in which the concept of identity has been formed by E.H. Erikson is explored in this paper in order to clarify what he means by "identity". Erikson's first concern was "How is the mutuality between ego and alter possible?" This question may be differently phrased as, "How can the self-expressions of ego and alter be compatible?"; or, "How is the adjustment between self-expression and self-control in an individual in society possible?"<br> This question has been the main subject of modern western social philosophers, for example, Hobbes, Locke, Roussau, Adam Smith and, though it may sound strange to call him a philosopher, Freud.<br> Erikson's concept of "mutuality" means functional mutuality, resembling the sociological concept of "complementarity of role-expectations".<br> But the next problem for Erikson was that an individual is divided among various roles. In other words, "inter-role conflict " which is experienced by that individual as "intra-role conflict" occurs. A clue to a solution was given by William James' concept of "personal identity in The Principles of Psychology (1890).<br> William James insisted that the personal identity is verified in "the stream of consciousness" But Erickson's "psycho-social identity" must in addition be verified in individual's actions. Thus the way in which an individual can achieve "role integration" becomes the main concern for Erikson at this stage. In this paper, we have decided to explore this concept of "role integration!' paying special consideration to the "adaptation" theory of H.Hartmann and its influence on Erickson's thought.

3 0 0 0 OA III ジェンダー

著者
柳原 佳子
出版者
社会学研究会
雑誌
ソシオロジ (ISSN:05841380)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.40, no.1, pp.28-36,196, 1995-05-31 (Released:2017-02-15)

Gender, this concept itself is a kind of institutional self-fulfilling prophecy. That is, the content of gender is a system, produced to divide human behaviors into some social flamework of "man" and "woman", on the basis of, or with reference to biologicalreproductive division of "male" and "female". But, the relation of "man" and "woman" is always constructed, deconstructed, and reconstructed as time goes by. Then, this paper examines the self-fulfilling process of gender, by defining gender relation as a realm constructing a ptoductive relation in a broad sense, and this realm is subdivided into <division of lavor> <power> <cathexis>. On its procedure, I would like to take notice of two vectors of "equalizationl" and "defferenciation" simultaneously.
著者
永吉 希久子
出版者
社会学研究会
雑誌
ソシオロジ (ISSN:05841380)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.61, no.1, pp.113-117, 2016-06
著者
田中 義久
出版者
社会学研究会
雑誌
ソシオロジ (ISSN:05841380)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.15, no.1, pp.128-131, 1969-07
著者
高橋 顕也
出版者
SHAKAIGAKU KENKYUKAI
雑誌
ソシオロジ (ISSN:05841380)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.56, no.3, pp.19-34,189, 2012

Dieser Aufsatz zielt darauf ab, die Position und die Entwicklungsmöglichkeit des Begriffes „ Medium" in der Gesellschaftstheorie Luhmanns darzustellen, die durch das Konzept eines geschlossenes Systems charakterisiert werden kann. Dazu verweisen wir auf das Problem, das System zu identifizieren, das wesentlich und entscheidend für seine heorie ist. Das hat zur Konsequenz, die Bedeutung von Luhmanns Theorie zu negieren, wenn das Ergebnis negativ ist. Wir argumentieren wie folgt. Die Aufsätze von SATO Toshiki nehmen wir erstens als eine typische Kritik daran auf, was das Problem der Systemidentifizierung aufwirft, und die darauf negativ antwortet. Wir formulieren ihre Argumentationen um, um ihre Annahmen deutlicher zu machen. Der Grund, warum der Begriff „ System" in Luhmanns Theorie postuliert wird, wird zweitens dort bestätigt, wo Luhmann den Aufbau seiner Theorie mit „ Kommunikation als Operation" beginnt. Die ablehnende Haltung zu dem Problem, die SATO einnimmt, wird drittens aus der Sicht der Theorie Luhmanns selbst überprüft, um einen Mangel seiner Theorie aufzuzeigen. Schließlich wollen wir beweisen, wie der Begriff „ Medium", den Luhmann in seine eigene Theorie eingeführt hat, zum Problem der Systemidentifizierung beiträgt, um einen Ansatz zu finden, der die Genese eben dieses Systems erklären kann. Die Folgerung ist, dass der von Luhmann aufgebaute konstruktivistische Ansatz der Theorie sozialer Systeme, der von vornherein Systemidentität annimmt, sich mit dem in diesem Aufsatz vorgeschlagenen generativen Ansatz ergänzen soll, der nicht von Systemidentität ausgeht, sondern von Medien, die immer im Sozialen gegeben sind.
著者
石田 淳
出版者
社会学研究会
雑誌
ソシオロジ (ISSN:05841380)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.52, no.1, pp.3-19,100, 2007

In this article, I would like to propose a new perspective in studies of the cognitive process of social categories, and then analyze the cognition of one particular social category, "Japanese," by applying that perspective. Social categories are socially constructed cognitive frameworks for identifying others (including observers themselves) and classifying them into social groups. Social categories are, as it were, "ethno methods" in the sense that we implicitly share them and use them to identify others in everyday life. However, there has been little use of rigorous analytical methods for understanding social categories. The cognitive process of social categories can be regarded as the process of reduction of information as to others. In this article, I will suggest that the cognitive process of social categories can be well described by Boolean analysis as the process of reduction of information. I will analyze the difference and distribution among people of the cognition of a social category, "Japanese." Of course, there is a legal definition of Japanese, that is, Japanese are people having Japanese nationality. However, there seems to be a gray zone in distinguishing between Japanese and non-Japanese at the cognitive level in everyday life. For example, are naturalized immigrants regarded as Japanese? How about non Japanese speakers? The question then becomes: what kind of person has what kind of definition of "Japanese," that is, cognition of "Japanese"? To answer this question, I will use Boolean analysis to analyze a data set taken from an exploratory survey of images of "Japanese."
著者
團 康晃
出版者
SHAKAIGAKU KENKYUKAI
雑誌
ソシオロジ (ISSN:05841380)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.58, no.2, pp.3-19,142, 2013

In the classroom, although students often laugh with friends, teachers cansometimes censure them for certain activities where laughter is unacceptablebehavior. This paper describes the structure of this type of hilarity, consideringinstances where teachers can disapprove, according to ethnomethodology andconversation analysis By analyzing two types of interaction, the author attempts to shed light onthe following main points. First, in terms of laughter produced during a groupinterview, two types of laughter exist. On the one hand, some jokes elicit laughterfrom every participant. On the other hand, some jokes are not funny for allparticipants. Some activities considered to be joking produce the latter kind oflaughter, and can be penalized by the teacher. This form of mockery differs incertain aspects from that examined in a preceding study by Drew. Second, ittends to be produced in a particular sequence organization. Three steps have beenobserved in such a sequence. First, a preceding actor acts in a certain manner so asto poke fun at a subsequent actor. Some actions tend to be utterances organized asfirst-pair part with some amusing components, or to be utterances with humorouscomponents dependent on a preceding utterance. Second, when the subsequentactor responds to the preceding action, the embedded comical component isimputed to him. Third, participants can laugh at the subsequent actor because ofthis imputation. In addition, if the subsequent actor does not respond to the preceding action,the preceding actor could repeat this action, that is, to tease, to laugh at him, or toimpose sanctions against the rejection of the preceding action. As a consequence of these structures, the subsequent actor is given a paradoxicalidentity different from those sharing co-membership.
著者
久保田 裕之
出版者
SHAKAIGAKU KENKYUKAI
雑誌
ソシオロジ (ISSN:05841380)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.55, no.1, pp.3-19,136, 2010

Within recent family sociology in Japan, it has been taken for granted that the family cannot and should not be defined by researchers, partly because of the negative effect of including various lifestyles. However, avoiding family definition can be harmful or even destructive, unless there is a clear-cut explanation of what exactly is meant by saying "family cannot and should not be defined". This paper, then, will argue that it is inevitable and even essential for every single piece of scientific research on families to define a concept of the family in some way, and, conversely, to define a concept of "non-family", according to the best interest of each research project. In this paper, we examine three famous studies in the history of family sociology in Japan which focused on the concept of "non-family": one by Teizō TODA ([1973] 1970), another by Kiyomi MORIOKA ([1981] 1987), and a third by Yoshitaka IKEOKA et al. (1999). By examining this tradition of "non-family" studies, the inevitability and necessity of definition can best be illustrated, as the borderline which is drawn between the concepts of family and of non-family. Firstly, we scrutinize Masahiro YAMADA (1986; 1992) and IKEOKA et al. (1999), dealing with the subjective family definitions of the parties involved, because these approaches sometimes seem to put overmuch emphasis not on the researchers' definition but on the parties' subjective image and discourse on family. Secondly, contentions over the constructionist approach follow, which have arisen within the Sociology of Social Problems under the name of Ontological Gerrymandering. Finally, we examine TODA ([1973] 1970) and MORIOKA ([1981] 1987), which explicitly define the concepts of family and non-family. In conclusion, it can be argued that it is inevitable and even essential to define concepts of the family and "non-family", according to the best interests of each research project. "Family" should be re-defined and up-dated in order to embrace the diverse lifestyles within and without those of traditional families.
著者
中河 伸俊
出版者
社会学研究会
雑誌
ソシオロジ (ISSN:05841380)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.27, no.1, pp.89-113,147, 1982-07-31 (Released:2017-02-28)

Of the 297 inmates studied, abut one fourth have engaged in prostitution. The aim of this paper is to illustrate and analyze the careers of these inmates. By a "career" we mean one of many components of a person's life history, such as school career, occupational career, and marriage career. Acts of prostitution are treated as a part of the process of a deviant career, "career of prostitution" First the career of the inmates who have engaged in prostitution are compared with the careers of those who have not, in order to illustrate the characteristics of the careers of the former. Some of the findings from the comparison are as follows: The inmates who have engaged in prostitution tend to have less education, are more likely to have run away fromhome and to have repeated marriage (namely common-law marriage ) more often. Also, there are more "mentally retarded" among the inmates who have committed prostitution. It is likely that inferior job opportunities due to lower educational achievement, "mental retardation" and running away are some of the "causes" of prostitution. In the latter part of the paper, we observe the sequential process of "career of prostitution" in detail. The initial act of prostitution was usually committed when the inmates lived apart from their "conventional significant others". Also, interestingly, a number of the inmates' "careers of prostitution" show intermittence. By employing the age at which the initial act was commited and two other features as criteria, a typology of the inmates' "career of prostitution" is developed. It contains four types --- "the early-quitter" "the intermittently down fallen" "the exploited" and "the destitute" We hope this typology, along with other findings in this paper, will facilitate further reseaches on prostitution and the careers of women who have committed prostitution.
著者
牟田 和恵
出版者
社会学研究会
雑誌
ソシオロジ (ISSN:05841380)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.30, no.3, pp.57-76,168, 1986-01-31 (Released:2017-02-15)
被引用文献数
1

First, I will make a brief survey of resource mobilization theory as it relates to the formation of social movements. Second I will discuss its main problematic point: because it tends to portray social movements as rational and non-emotional, resource mobilization theory reduces social movements to a form of collective action in which people act together organically in pursuit of their common interests. In my mind there is little doubt that social movements encompass larger and more dynamic concepts than those contained in collective action. Based on the work of the Italian sociologist, F. Alberoni, I introduce another theory of social movements. He defines a movement as a historical process which starts with the nacent state and ends with the re-establishment of the everyday institutionalized order within which social movements exist as the opposite of institutions. For Alberoni, movements can exist only as a temporary state. As a theory of social movements his opinion might be regaded as almost heretical. But I believe that his theory offers useful suggestions to supplement the theoretical weaknesses of the resource mobilization theory I described above. In short, by incorporating some parts of Alberoni's theory, this paper tries to develop resource mobilization theory and the theory of social movements in a wider perspective.