著者
鵜飼 正樹
出版者
社会学研究会
雑誌
ソシオロジ (ISSN:05841380)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.30, no.1, pp.95-124,191, 1985-05-31 (Released:2017-02-15)

This paper is based on participant-observation of a travelling theater troupe (taishu gekidan), the Ichikawa H. Gekidan. This kind of troupe has its orign in Kabuki, Shinpa, and Kengeki, and the elements from each of these traditions are mixed. An actor may be known by any one of three different kinds of names : his real name, his stage name, and the name of the character he is portraying. The Ichikawa H. Gekidan can thus be analyzed at each of these levels. At the level of the real name, family relationships are recognized. There are two families in the troupe, in addition to individual members. Each actor also has a stage name. The stage name reflects the teacher-pupil relationship, which is a psuede-familial one. Seniority and ability determine those who are called “older brother (nisan)” and “Older sister (nesan)”. Within each play, new relationships are formed that are different from these at the levels of real and stage names. Parts are divided into the “good guys (tachiyaku)” and the “bad guys (katakiyaku)” and the good never fail to defeat the bad. These three levels are distinguished according to time and place. For instance, the name of the character is used on stage, while the stage name is used backstage. However “Nisan-Nesan” relationships are preserved in every day life, which also functions to conceal family relationships from outsiders. Sometime family relationships come into conflict its stage-name relationships. Each actor has a reputation for virtuosity in certain type of roles (yakugara) such as lover (nimaime), “good guy (tachiyaku)” etc. Ideally an actor is cast in a role (haiyaku) that matches his strength (yakudokoro), but sometimes this cannot be achieved because of unavoidable factors such as limited personel.
著者
乾 順子
出版者
社会学研究会
雑誌
ソシオロジ (ISSN:05841380)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.59, no.2, pp.39-56, 2014-10-31 (Released:2019-05-24)
参考文献数
33

The purpose of this article is to clarify the changes in the division of household labor and the structure of housework between husbands and wives in Japan using nationwide survey data. In recent years, work-life balance policies have been promoted in Japan and men’s working hours have been reduced. Therefore, it is believed that the division of housework between husband and wife has become more equal. To ensure gender equality in the future, it is important to understand the factors encouraging or preventing equality in the division of household labor. In previous studies, several theories, which can be described as the demands hypothesis, relative resources hypothesis, time constraints hypothesis, and gender ideology hypothesis, have been presented as explaining the determinants of who does housework. In this study, I explore two factors—women’s work outside their home and gender role attitudes—and their relationship with the division of housework. This is intended to test the hypothesis derived from feminism and proposed by the dual labor market theory. Through analyses using the second and third Japanese national family surveys (NFRJ03 and 08), we find that gender equality in the home has advanced slightly. The increased number of wives with regular employment appears to have caused the proportion housework done by husbands to increase by 2003. However, by 2008 the gender role attitudes of wives appeared to have a greater effect on the division of housework.In summary, the position of men and women in the labor market has been made equal as a result of social change, but because of the continuing influence of gender role attitudes, it seems that equality of housework burdens does not yet accompany this gender equality in the workforce.
著者
永井 純一
出版者
社会学研究会
雑誌
ソシオロジ (ISSN:05841380)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.46, no.3, pp.109-125,220, 2002-02-28 (Released:2016-11-02)

This article is an ethnographical study of amateur comic writers. It is also a reconsideration of "otaku" as an audience of media from the perspective of Cultural Studies. "Otaku" is the name given to those who are self-absorbed in media-culture, such as animation, comics, video games, etc. They first appeared Japan in the late 1970's, increasing notably since the 1980's. This corresponds with the beginning of the information-oriented society. "Otaku" are frequently considered to be a pathological person who inhabits virtual reality. However, I treat "otaku" here as an active audience. The activity of an audience has been discussed in "Encoding and Decoding in Television Discourse" by Stuart Hall. We can encode a message in media and this can be read by an audience through the process of decoding. The message read can be diverse as a message encoded may be interpreted in a different way at the time of decoding. Hall suggests that the meaning of the message is decided at the point of decoding. "Otaku" is an audience of media-communication that receives a media message by alternative readings. For instance, amateur comic writers of home-grown publications write stories by appropriating a character and story from mainstream media and then, for example, reproduce this as a homosexual story. If they had read the original text in the way intended by the author then it would impossible for them to produce such an alternative story. This argument leads us to the next issue. Such readings are communicated and shared by others through the media of the widely read home-produced comics exchanged at over 1000 events held annually. The readers treat this media-communication as one experience. Considering the large number of "otaku" in Japan (estimated at some 100's of 1000's) , an understanding of their communication style is not only important but also necessary.
著者
直江 清隆
出版者
社会学研究会
雑誌
ソシオロジ (ISSN:05841380)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.35, no.2, pp.61-78,211, 1990-10-31 (Released:2017-02-15)

In diesem Aufsatz wird gezeigt, Mannheims "Relationismus" als eine Ausdruckweise von "Seinsverbundenhiet" zu interpretieren und dadurch es von dem sogenannten "kulturellen Relativismus" zu unterscheiden. 1 . Seine in 1920-22 geschriebene Aufsätze und Schriften zeigen, daß Mannheim kulturelle Gebilde überhaupt (also auch Wissen) als eine spezifische Objektivität auffaßte. Sie sind, nach ihm, weder dinghaftig noch bloß subjektiv, sondern sinnhaftig. Diese Auffassung, die offensichtlich vom Neukantianismus stark beeinflußt wird, weist seinen nicht-psychologistischen Standpunkt. 2 . (1) Im einen nachläßigen Schrift (,Eine soziologische Theorie der Kultur und ihre Erkennbarkeit, 1924?) kann man seine Wendung zum Historismus sehen. Kulturgebilde werden nicht mehr, wie beim Neukantianismus, als absolut gültig gesehen. Mannheim sagt, daß die Behauptung von der absoluten Gültigkeit der Kulturformen einen künstlichen Produkt der Aufklärung ist. Aus der Kritik vom Neukantianismus also gelangt er zu dem Schluß, daß es nicht absoute Gültigkeit der kulturellen Gebilden gibt und diese immer als Funktion jeweilliger Gemeinschaft oder Gemeinschaftserlebnisse aufgefaßt werden müssen. (2) Aus diesen Schrift kann man auch seinen "Perspektivismus" tiefer verstehen. Nach ihm sind kulturelle Gebilde (als soziale Realität) und ihre Erkenntnis zwei verschiedenen Typus von kulturellen Gebilden überhaupt (oder Kollektivvorstellungen) und man kann sie als Momente von demselben Erfahrungsraum verstehen. Das bedeutet, daß der Gegensatz von an sich seienden objektiven Kulturgebilden zu subjektiven (und aus irgendwelcher soziologischen Gründe beschränkten) Gesichtpunkten für Mannheim nicht mehr Problem ist. "Perspektivismus" ist nicht ein Ausdruck von diesem Gegensatz, sondern er drückt seine eigentliche Behauptung aus, daß Erkenntnis (oder Wissen) ein Glied der Sozialen- "totalität" sei. Folglich können wir seine These von "Seinsverbundenheit", einerseits als Ablehnung der absolute Gültigkeit der Kulturformen (insbesondere Wissensformen), anderseits als Ausdruck der Beziehung der Erkenntnis zur Sozialentotalität, interpretieren. 3 . Das bedeutet nicht einfach die Relativität der Erkenntnis auf dem Sozialensein. Mannheim erblickt soziale Differenzierung der Wissensformen innerhalb einer Gemeinschaft und ihre gegenseitigen Bestimmungs- und Bedingungsverhältnisse. Er versucht, durch die Auffassung von diesen Verhältnisse, Relativismus zu überwinden. "Dynamische Relationismus" ist nicht mehr wertfreie Vergleichung mehrere Wissensformen, sondern er versucht, aufgrund der durch dieser Vergleichung gewonenne Totalität, sie zu werten. Mannheims Relationismus daher eröffnet den Weg zur kritische Vergleichung der Wissensformen und zu ihre Vereinigung in der mannigfaltig gespalteten Gegenwart.
著者
鍵本 優
出版者
社会学研究会
雑誌
ソシオロジ (ISSN:05841380)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.60, no.2, pp.39-56, 2015

<p>本稿では、「個人的主体が自分自身を突き放すかのように対象化して、それを観念的に破壊・消去・無化・無意味化・空虚化・無価値化していこうとすること」を「脱・自分」と呼ぶ。そのさい具体的・実質的な自己同一化対象をもたないものに限定する。また、自己に関するメタレヴェルの認知が充分可能な状態のものにも限定する。 本稿の目的は、社会学的な「脱・自分」論の理論的可能性を社会学的アイデンティティ論・自己論にそくして模索しつつ、その可能性が阻まれてきた要因をそれらの批判的検討によって指摘することである。 本稿の結論は次のようになる。従来の議論が「脱・自分」を扱えなかった要因には四つある。第一に、想像的な同一化を内的実践の基本論点としたことである。第二に、トータルな自己観念への視点が弱かったことである。第三に、内的実践の機能が自己や社会的秩序の構成・維持に限定されてきたことである。第四に、アイデンティティや自己を扱うさいに社会学が準拠してきた「自己の(再)構成や安定的維持を欲する」という人間像があまりに強固なことである。 本稿の構成は以下のようになる。まず問題提起を行い(第1節)、「脱・自分」という用語の定義と具体的事例とを示す(第2節)。そして、それに着眼する本稿の社会学的意義を論じたうえで(第3節)、従来の社会学的アイデンティティ論・自己論に組み込まれた前提を批判的に検討する(第4節・第5節)。最後に、それらが「脱・自分」を問題化できなかった理論的諸要因を指摘し、その限界を乗り越えるべく「特定の社会状況下での『脱・自分』の欲望の発動」という論点とそれへの知識社会学的アプローチとを提案する(第6節)。 </p>
著者
細辻 恵子
出版者
社会学研究会
雑誌
ソシオロジ (ISSN:05841380)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.28, no.1, pp.97-117,163, 1983-05-31 (Released:2017-02-17)

A good deal of observtional data on socialization in various societies is now available, but these has been little cross-cultural analysis, particularly of child-rearing manuals. In this paper we try to analyze such books from Japan and the U.S.A. and point out the differences between them. Child-rearing manuals were chosen as the data source because, since most families are now nuclear, there is less chance for practical skills and knowledges on child rearing to be handed down from grandmothers to mothers. Of the other sources of infomation mothers are most likely to rely on child-rearing manuals, which seem to fill the communication gap between generations. We chose Baby and Child Care by Benjamin Spock and Ikuji-no-hyakka (Encyclopedia on Child Rearing) by Michio Matsuda, which are supposed to be the most widely read in each society. A Japanese translation of Dr.Spock is also available in Japan. The points of comparison are as follows: (1) the goal of child rearing and its social background, (2) child rearing practices, (3) the author's conception of children, values, and world views. The practices discussed in the books are the means of achieving the goal which is to be regulated by the ideas of the author. Though Japanese culture has been westernized since Meiji Era (especially Americanized after the defeat in World War II), the basic features of child rearing remain in contrast to those in U.S.A. Spock advises parents to control their children rigidly according to rules akd not to allow them to diverge from a normative course of development so that they will develop into independent persons. On the other hand, Matsuda believes that every child will arrive at adulthood sooner or later, regardless of disciplinary planning. Then he tells mothers that they need not seriously concern themselves about whether or not their children reach a given developmental level at a certain age. In a word, Spock emphasises a monopolized control of children and shows an individual-centered orientation. On the contrary, Matsuda stresses the acceptance of the "nature" of children and shows a group-centered orientation. In this case the term "natures" means what children are invested with when they come into existence. He expects children to grow up naturally without severe control by parents. The principles advocated by the two authors reflect their cultural backgrounds. For Matsuda, such basic concepts or values of the Japanese as "Hito-to-hito-tono-aida" (the midle ground between two persons) by Bin Kimura and/or "Kanjinshugi" (Contextualism) by Esyun Hamaguchi will correlate with his principle. Finally I must mention that this comparative research has led us to discover that the concept of "socialization" itstlf is rooted in the Western climate of thought like the individualism upon which Spock's principles are based.
著者
久木元 真吾
出版者
社会学研究会
雑誌
ソシオロジ (ISSN:05841380)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.48, no.2, pp.73-89,154, 2003

This paper aims to analyze the narratives of so-called "freeters" and their unintended consequences. Freeters are young people who work on a part-time basis without securing a permanent job. They are currently the focus of much discussion in Japan and their way of life is often associated with laziness, irresponsibility, and daydreaming. To avoid ascribing the entire problem to freeters' nature, I point out the significance of a social discourse that leads them to their unique lifestyle. Freeters often emphasize that they are doing (or trying to find) what they really want to do. Their choice of work is based on their belief that having an enjoyable job will prevent them from quitting. They evaluate freeters who have or are trying to find their dream job as "good" and freeters who do not have such a motivation as "bad." It is, however, ironic that their obsession with "what I want to do" makes it more difficult for them to achieve their goals.This unintended consequence is a result of three factors. The more they are fascinated with the idea of "what I want to do," the more it becomes difficult a) for them to identify what their goals really are, b) for them to change their lifestyle, and c) for others to suggest different ways of life.The narratives of freeters, and especially their stress on "what I want to do," imply that they have no other choice than to find it, facing the fact that the working conditions in Japanese society are severe and that there is little variety in the jobs that are available to them.
著者
シャール サンドラ
出版者
社会学研究会
雑誌
ソシオロジ (ISSN:05841380)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.48, no.2, pp.3-21,158, 2003-10-31 (Released:2016-05-25)
参考文献数
21

At first glance, it looks as if we know a lot about the lives of the women who, born in needy rural areas, worked in the silk spinning industry in prewar Japan. Many researchers have described their poor working and living conditions in the silk spinning mills, giving us a hint of what the reality of their lives might have been. Still, because they almost systematically investigated this topic in the macroeconomic context of the Japanese industrialization, they mainly criticized its negative consequences and argued that these workers, exploited and oppressed, led a horrendous life in these mills. Therefore, most people remember them as victims and commonly refer to the history of their lives as "the pitiful history of women workers" (jokou aishi). But what do the women who worked in the silk spinning industry in prewar Japan have to tell us about their own version of their past? Did they consider themselves as victims and describe their experience in pitiful terms at all? Very few scholars have looked for some answers to these questions. In this respect, this study, which is based on the analysis of oral testimonies by ex-spinning mills' operatives, aims at reexamining this "pitiful history of women workers" through the lens of life history, so as to try and get, a fuller understanding of how these workers perceived their experience at the factory. This study revealed that a positive representation of these women workers is indeed possible. If the informants often described their work as "hard", they did not go as far as presenting themselves as exploited victims of the factory system. On the contrary, many of them insisted on the numerous sources of joy and content, not to mention a certain "window on modernity" factory life offered their workers. In this perspective, one can think that, for most of these women, "the factory experience" may at least have been a lesser evil than the life they led at their parents' home.
著者
樋口 耕一
出版者
社会学研究会
雑誌
ソシオロジ (ISSN:05841380)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.57, no.3, pp.39-55,196, 2013-02-28 (Released:2015-05-13)
参考文献数
26

This paper investigates the effect of the wealth factor in Japan on the adoption of ICT innovations such as the World Wide Web. Diffusion studies suggest that wealth and attitudes are both important determinants of interactive communication technology adoption. However, little is known about which has a stronger effect, and at what point wealth shows a relatively strong effect in the diffusion process. To answer these questions, the author conducted an exploratory analysis of data from nationwide surveys (JIS2001 and JIS2004). The results indicate the following: (i) Education rather than wealth has a remarkably strong effect on adoption likelihood in the early stage of diffusion. Highly educated people have an understanding of information manipulation on the WWW, and tend to evaluate such information-related behavior positively. It is clear that education encourages individuals to adopt the WWW by engendering a positive attitude toward sit. (ii) As diffusion proceeds, the effect of wealth becomes relatively stronger, although it is never as strong as the education effect in the early stage. (iii) The more people that adopt the WWW, the wider the difference in usage between light and heavy users. Females tend to be light users, and have both positive evaluations of the convenience of the WWW and negative thoughts such as fear of crimes or other trouble. On the other hand, males, who typically have an enthusiastic attitude towards technologies, tend to be heavy users. The author concludes that wealth has a very limited effect on adoption throughout the diffusion process of ICT. Differences in attitude have a stronger effect on both the initial adoption and the amount of usage.
著者
竹内 洋
出版者
社会学研究会
雑誌
ソシオロジ (ISSN:05841380)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.16, no.3, pp.45-66, 1971-05-31 (Released:2017-12-28)
被引用文献数
5
著者
團 康晃
出版者
SHAKAIGAKU KENKYUKAI
雑誌
ソシオロジ (ISSN:05841380)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.58, no.2, pp.3-19,142, 2013

In the classroom, although students often laugh with friends, teachers cansometimes censure them for certain activities where laughter is unacceptablebehavior. This paper describes the structure of this type of hilarity, consideringinstances where teachers can disapprove, according to ethnomethodology andconversation analysis By analyzing two types of interaction, the author attempts to shed light onthe following main points. First, in terms of laughter produced during a groupinterview, two types of laughter exist. On the one hand, some jokes elicit laughterfrom every participant. On the other hand, some jokes are not funny for allparticipants. Some activities considered to be joking produce the latter kind oflaughter, and can be penalized by the teacher. This form of mockery differs incertain aspects from that examined in a preceding study by Drew. Second, ittends to be produced in a particular sequence organization. Three steps have beenobserved in such a sequence. First, a preceding actor acts in a certain manner so asto poke fun at a subsequent actor. Some actions tend to be utterances organized asfirst-pair part with some amusing components, or to be utterances with humorouscomponents dependent on a preceding utterance. Second, when the subsequentactor responds to the preceding action, the embedded comical component isimputed to him. Third, participants can laugh at the subsequent actor because ofthis imputation. In addition, if the subsequent actor does not respond to the preceding action,the preceding actor could repeat this action, that is, to tease, to laugh at him, or toimpose sanctions against the rejection of the preceding action. As a consequence of these structures, the subsequent actor is given a paradoxicalidentity different from those sharing co-membership.
著者
多田 哲久
出版者
社会学研究会
雑誌
ソシオロジ (ISSN:05841380)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.45, no.1, pp.55-71, 2000-05-31 (Released:2016-11-02)

This paper examines branches (non-kin) of the Mitsui, a big Merchant Dozoku in urban areas in the early modem era. Dozoku is a wider institution composed of a main ie and its branches. In Sociology,this is placed as a fundamental project in dealing with the generation process of the family enterprise. The argument of ie in sociology has been developed on the basis of certain rural areas. Consequently, ie in urban areas have been neglected in such arguments. Some studies point out that ie in urban areas is different from that of rural areas, but characteristics of urban ie itself have not yet been investigated. It will be examined which of the following three main concepts of ie is the most appropriate framework to investigate the branches (non-kin) of Mitsui. They are concepts of “Ie=family” by KITANO Seiichi, “ie=management” by ARUGA Kizaemon, and “Ie=Kabu” by HASEGAWA Yoshikazu. The characteristics of a big Merchant Dozoku in urban areas are also looked into. In conclusion, it is found that only adjusted “Ie=Kabu” concept, which is a social unit with certain rights and duties based on the external system,is capable of explaining a big Merchant Dozoku in urban areas as a whole. Merchant Dozoku is characterized by its mobility--the formation and the cancellation of the genealogy between the main ie and its branches (non-kin). The “Ie=Kabu” concept can capture these characteristics in its entirety.
著者
久保田 裕之
出版者
社会学研究会
雑誌
ソシオロジ (ISSN:05841380)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.55, no.1, pp.3-19,136, 2010-05-31 (Released:2015-05-13)
参考文献数
38
被引用文献数
3

Within recent family sociology in Japan, it has been taken for granted that the family cannot and should not be defined by researchers, partly because of the negative effect of including various lifestyles. However, avoiding family definition can be harmful or even destructive, unless there is a clear-cut explanation of what exactly is meant by saying “family cannot and should not be defined”. This paper, then, will argue that it is inevitable and even essential for every single piece of scientific research on families to define a concept of the family in some way, and, conversely, to define a concept of “non-family”, according to the best interest of each research project. In this paper, we examine three famous studies in the history of family sociology in Japan which focused on the concept of “non-family”: one by Teizō TODA ([1973] 1970), another by Kiyomi MORIOKA ([1981] 1987), and a third by Yoshitaka IKEOKA et al. (1999). By examining this tradition of “non-family” studies, the inevitability and necessity of definition can best be illustrated, as the borderline which is drawn between the concepts of family and of non-family. Firstly, we scrutinize Masahiro YAMADA (1986; 1992) and IKEOKA et al. (1999), dealing with the subjective family definitions of the parties involved, because these approaches sometimes seem to put overmuch emphasis not on the researchers’ definition but on the parties’ subjective image and discourse on family. Secondly, contentions over the constructionist approach follow, which have arisen within the Sociology of Social Problems under the name of Ontological Gerrymandering. Finally, we examine TODA ([1973] 1970) and MORIOKA ([1981] 1987), which explicitly define the concepts of family and non-family. In conclusion, it can be argued that it is inevitable and even essential to define concepts of the family and “non-family”, according to the best interests of each research project. “Family” should be re-defined and up-dated in order to embrace the diverse lifestyles within and without those of traditional families.
著者
筒井 清忠
出版者
社会学研究会
雑誌
ソシオロジ (ISSN:05841380)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.20, no.1, pp.1-33, 1975-07-31 (Released:2017-06-14)