著者

森 一平

出版者

日本教育社会学会

雑誌

教育社会学研究 (ISSN:03873145)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.85, pp.71-91, 2009-11-30

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This paper elucidates the process of socialization in a class of three-year-old children in a kindergarten as a local practice performed by class members. Classical studies of socialization have examined the process of socialization only based on the simplified logic that "learning norms". This paper reveals the process of "school socialization" as detailed everyday practices. By analyzing the interaction between the members in a kindergarten class, this paper reveals four things, as follows. First, adjacency pair, a form of "repetition pair," is used for accomplishing the task of transmitting propositional knowledge and maintaining classroom order. Second, DRE (direction/response/evaluation), a adjacency triple, is used for accomplishing the task of transmitting school norms such as "sitting looking toward the blackboard" and producing-maintaining classroom order to facilitate the later work of knowledge production. Third, the school norm of "sitting looking toward the blackboard" transmitted through the DRE method is constituted by a "blend" of propositional and know-how knowledge. Fourth, DRE is used in situations that involve all the kindergartners, and thus differs from QRE (question/response/evaluation), which is frequently used toward a single learner. These procedures of "repetition pair" and "DRE" provide important insights for studies of socialization because they demonstrate one of the root aspects of socialization, "scholastic socialization" as "socialization toward socialization," and simultaneously, these procedures provide suggestions for studies of classroom practices that are not revealed by capturing classroom interactions only as QRE and adjacency triple.

著者

宇野 登

出版者

日本教育社会学会

雑誌

教育社会学研究

巻号頁・発行日

vol.11, pp.28-47, 1957

著者

辻 功 山村 賢明 武藤 孝典

出版者

日本教育社会学会

雑誌

教育社会学研究

巻号頁・発行日

vol.11, pp.48-68, 1957

著者

鶴田 真紀

出版者

日本教育社会学会

雑誌

教育社会学研究 (ISSN:03873145)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.80, pp.269-289, 2007-05-31

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In recent years, as the demand for research on special education has risen, various researches have been accumulated in a wide range of areas. Studies have also been performed from a point of view of the sociology of education. However, the existence of "children with disabilities" still assumed as axiomatic, and there have been few studies examining how this is achieved in interactions. Therefore, this article investigates the forms of interaction through which a child comes to be regarded as "child with disability" through an examination of audiovisual data showing educational practices in a school for children with mental disabilities. The author's concern about forms of interaction does not aim to formulate principles which are not in touch with the realities in special educational practices, but rather to offer an effective viewpoint about "educating children with disabilities." The article consists of five sections. The first section describes the contemporary situation of special education, and shows the concern of this article. The second section points out that "doing be a child with disabilities" is first created by interactions with asymmetric characteristics, and then reviews some studies which can be seen as discussing the style of behavior or forms of interaction in the category of disability. Concretely, the author surveys the arguments of "stigma" (E. Goffman), "cutting out operation" (D. Smith) and "assumption of individual reality" (K. Sakamoto). In particular, this article is heavily influenced by the formulation offered by Sakamoto. The third section provides a concrete analysis. It deals with two scenes from a second-grade art class. When the class comes to an end, one child begins to cry, beating his face. According to the homeroom teacher, the child has autism and intellectual disabilities, and has not yet acquired language. The author examines two scenes, paying attentions to how the participants perform description practices and how teacher will be "doing teacher in school for children with mental retardation." The analysis clarifies the following. From the analysis of scene 1, (1) the teachers assumes an "assumption of individual reality" for the child by achieving his "intention" through the description practices, (2) at the same time they achieve the reality that the child cannot acquire language, (3) they display "main teacher" or "assistant teacher" though a distribution of the rights and duties tied to their utterances. In the analysis of scene 2, (1) though child is performing self-description practices with physical techniques, the teacher approves of the description of another teacher by ignoring him indirectly, (2) while the teachers accomplish "the end of the class" collaboratively, they also achieve "doing be a teacher" and "performing a class scene." The fourth section discusses forms of interaction about "doing be a child with disabilities." From knowledge in analysis, it becomes clear that teachers organize the description of others with precedence in various ways. And this article concludes in a form that achieves "the assumption of individual reality" operationally. Furthermore, "educating a child with disability" is a practice which separate the child's inability, and joins his abilities together. The final section describes some problems encountered in the article.

著者

白石 義郎

出版者

THE JAPAN SOCIETY OF EDUCATIONAL SOCIOLOGY

雑誌

教育社会学研究 (ISSN:03873145)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.31, pp.153-162,en220, 1976

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It is my purpose to reconsider several researches on student subculture in the U.S.A. and Britain. Through this reconsideration, I will get some useful scheme of analysis to do researches on student subculture in Japan. Especially I will analyze them with reference to achievement orientation.<BR>I would point out two following approaches in those researches. One is "school culture" approach advocated by R. Lambert, which is taken from the view point of the school organizational theory, and the other is "adolescent subculture" one advocated by J. S. Coleman, which is taken from the "youth culture" theory.<BR>In this study, I proposed some shortcomings in those two approaches. Students are expected in the school setting to play two roles, that is, "pupil roles" and "teenager roles" suggested by B. Sugarman. But, R. Lambert has been proceeding his research, making much emphasis on "pupil roles", and J.S. Coleman has been doing his research, making much emphasis on "teenager roles". In addition to those shortcomings, oth approaches have overlooked "students' valueorientations" inbt heir subculture.<BR>Therefore, it is better to adopt T. Parsons' viewpoint, i.e. "action frame of reference" called "analytical realism" in order to overcome those shortcomings mentioned above. By doing so, we are faced to resolve two following problems ; one connected with the cultural systems in wider society, and the other connected with the student status in school organization.

著者

鶴田 真紀

出版者

日本教育社会学会

雑誌

教育社会学研究 (ISSN:03873145)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.82, pp.205-225, 2008-06-15

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It is generally pointed out that some children with autistic spectrum disorder have problems in language acquisition and operation. Many of these children receive clinical care at special facilities. If we tried to understand their linguistic competence from a psychological, medical viewpoint, we could deal with their competences objectively as measurable and appraisable ones. We may discover a relationship between their linguistic competence and cognitive function defects. As long as we follow this perspective, we would say that "the linguistic problems of some children with autistic spectrum disorder" exist objectively. However, first of all, It is thought that managing the way of competences is the problems for the participants in the setting. On the basis of this kind of concern, this article explores how participants focus and manage the linguistic competences of such children, paying special attention to interactional sequences during the clinical care. This article consists of four parts. In the first, I present the aim of the article and some advanced researches. In the second chapter I give a summary of the investigation, and make a preliminary examination of the interactional sequences in clinical care. Further developing the IRE (initiation-reply-evaluation) sequence described by H. Mehan, I present those special sequences as an IRQAE (initiation-reply-question-answer-evaluation) sequence. In the third part I present a concrete analysis. I describe a setting in which a therapist tries to help a child with autistic spectrum disorder with language acquisition. The child, a 7-year-old boy, has an intellectual disability and has difficulty understanding conversation smoothly. He is unable to answer properly the therapist's questions. The therapist gives a negative evaluation to that answer, and asks the same thing repeatedly. In this interaction, IRQAE sequences recur many times. The analysis clarifies the following things. (1) Participants (especially therapists) regard the IRQAE sequence as a kind of procedure for instructing new methods of language operation. By using such sequence, the therapist tries to improve the child's understanding capacity. (2) In the setting, the therapist commits two failures. One is that he is wrong about the child's competence. The task which the therapist assigns to the child is too difficult. Another is related to their participation frames. This has been pointed out by other therapists during data-sessions. During the session, many therapists claim that the participant's body arrangement makes it difficult for that child to understand the situation. (3) By examining conversational sequences in detail, it becomes clear that the therapist uses various devices. Through such devices, he somehow tries to instruct appropriate word usage to the child. In the fourth chapter I discuss the meaning of the setting for language acquisition by children with autistic spectrum disorder and clinical care. In this article I conclude that the reason why the therapist requires the child to be "able" to answer appropriately is related to three factors: (1) the situational organization for the participants (i.e., the place is meant for training), (2) the therapist has some instructions for improving the child's competence, and (3) the therapist believes in the child's future developmental potential.

著者

森 一平

出版者

THE JAPAN SOCIETY OF EDUCATIONAL SOCIOLOGY

雑誌

教育社会学研究 (ISSN:03873145)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.94, pp.153-172, 2014

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本稿の目的は,授業会話における順番交替組織の一側面を明らかにすることである。小学校の授業会話においては,教師から児童たちへと発言の順番が移行するさい,主に一斉発話と挙手によってこれが成し遂げられる。しかし両者は,ともに同じく教師の質問によって児童たちに要求される。では,授業会話の参与者たちはいかにしてこの2種類の要求を区別し,またいかにしてそれに応えているのだろうか。本稿はこの問いを解くことを通して,上記の目的を果たそうとするものである。<BR> 分析の結果明らかになったのは次のことである。第1に教師は,基本的にはsK+質問と sK+/K-質問という2種類の質問を使い分けることによって,一斉発話と挙手の要求をそれぞれ区別していた。第2に児童たちは,事前の発言をきちんと聞いていたことを示しうるような適切なタイミングで挙手を開始していた。第3に,教師の要求に対して児童たちが誤った,あるいは分散した反応を示してしまった場合には,これを事後的に適切な反応へと方向づける付加的な技法が用いられていた。<BR> 一斉発話と挙手は授業会話において,その限られた発言の機会を児童たちへとなるべく公平に行き渡るよう分配するための,あるいは授業全体をより効果的なしかたで組織するための,有益な道具として用いることができる。本稿の知見は,この2つの道具を区別し使い分けるための,基礎的な技法を明らかにしたものである。

著者

阿形 健司

出版者

日本教育社会学会

雑誌

教育社会学研究 (ISSN:03873145)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.63, pp.177-197, 1998-10-20 (Released:2011-03-18)

参考文献数

20

被引用文献数

1 6

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These days there seems to be a “qualification fad” with the publication of many books that encourage the obtainment of occupational qualifications and the trend in which university students attend vocational training school in addition to their university courses in order to get qualifications.In Japan, it has been shown that there has been different access to social resources depending on socioeconomic status or educational career.Then does the obtainment of occupational qualifications result in the successful attainment of social status? If they do, in which strata does this occur? Or do these qualifications have no effect on one's social status? Using data from the 1995 SSM Survey, this paper investigates whether occupational qualifications increase an individual's chances of acquiring social resources, such as income and occupational prestige.Independent of the factors of academic career or socioeconomic status, some analyses suggest that these qualifications are profitable for women but not for men.This is partly because of the difference in jobs available to men and women. Although it is taken for granted that men should work, women have limited opportunities to get jobs. This difference between men and women also occurs due to the nature of the qualifications themselves. In other words, some of the qualifications are necessary for continuing to work in some “male-dominated” occupations, and thus, such qualifications do not have any effect on one's income or social status.

著者

森 一平

出版者

東洋館出版社

雑誌

教育社会学研究 (ISSN:03873145)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.89, pp.5-25, 2011

著者

菊池 城司

出版者

日本教育社会学会

雑誌

教育社会学研究 (ISSN:03873145)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.20, pp.141-155, 1965-10-01

著者

穂坂 明徳

出版者

東洋館

雑誌

教育社会学研究 (ISSN:03873145)

巻号頁・発行日

no.65, pp.96-98, 1999-10

著者

天野 郁夫

出版者

日本教育社会学会

雑誌

教育社会学研究 (ISSN:03873145)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.41, pp.5-23, 1986-10-15 (Released:2011-03-18)

参考文献数

32

著者

玉井 眞理子

出版者

東洋館出版社

雑誌

教育社会学研究 (ISSN:03873145)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.92, pp.65-82, 2013

著者

川嶋 太津夫

出版者

日本教育社会学会

雑誌

教育社会学研究 (ISSN:03873145)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.58, pp.158-161, 1996-05-20

著者

米村 明夫

出版者

日本教育社会学会

雑誌

教育社会学研究 (ISSN:03873145)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.32, pp.104-117, 1977-09-30

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The Coleman Report (1966) was published in an atmosphere in which ideas and policies were based on the belief that education and public schooling could be one of the main means by which social inequality could be reduced. But this assumption came to be discredited with the findings of the Coleman Report. Since then, several empirical and statistical studies on the ineffectiveness or insignificance of education or educational policies were carried out and challenged the liberal ideology of social reform by education. One example is the papers presented at The Seminar for Re-examination of the Coleman Report in which D.P. Moynihan, M.S. Smith, D.J. Armor, C.S. Jencks, and others participated, and another example is Jencks' INEQUALITY. Against these "school-incompetence" theories, this paper sets forth a hyposesis that education or schooling plays an important part in the reproduction of social class stratification, and that it is the close relationship between education and social class that minimizes the net effect of schooling independent from social class. From this viewpoint. this paper deals with, in turn, the relationship between scholastic achievement and social class, the relationship between educational attainment and social class, the role of educational attainment in the reproduction of social class stratification, and finally the role or substance of education or educational process in the reproduction or hereditary continuation of social class stratification. In conclusion, this paper agrees with and supports the classical and orthodox proposition in the field of the sociology of education, that social classes influence education and that education contributes to the hereditary reproduction of social class stratification.

著者

上床 弥生

出版者

THE JAPAN SOCIETY OF EDUCATIONAL SOCIOLOGY

雑誌

教育社会学研究 (ISSN:03873145)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.89, pp.27-48, 2011

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本稿の目的は,中学校における生徒文化とジェンダーの関係に注目し,ジェンダーを軸としたピア・グループの分化とそれによる秩序形成・維持のメカニズムを明らかにすることである。<BR> その際,本稿では Wieder の「コード」概念を援用し,中学校での学級観察と生徒へのインタビュー調査から,生徒同士が共有するジェンダーに関するコードを「ジェンダー・コード」として抽出し,分析に用いた。<BR> 分析の結果明らかとなったのは,中学校の教室では,生徒の行動をコントロールするコードとして,男子と女子との間の距離化や男子優位の上下関係で行為を説明するジェンダー・コードが,圧倒的に重要なものとして存在していたことであった。フォーマルな学校教育においてはジェンダーが回避されているにも関わらず,生徒たち自身が,行為解釈のなかでジェンダー秩序を維持していたのである。<BR> もちろん本調査でも,ある場面をめぐって男子と女子で解釈に用いるコードが対立し,ジェンダー・コード自体が揺らぐこともあった。しかし,その場合でも,生徒による再解釈過程を経て,ジェンダー・コードはさらに修復・維持されていった。<BR> このように,本稿ではジェンダー・コードが,特に中学校の教室においてはいかに秩序維持と分かちがたく結び付き,また生徒同士の関係性においても重要なものとして機能しているのかが示されたのである。

著者

中村 高康

出版者

日本教育社会学会

雑誌

教育社会学研究 (ISSN:03873145)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.53, pp.111-130, 1993-10-15

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In this paper, we suggest a new viewpoint for research on college graduates' recruitment. This approach analyzes qualitative changes in competitive society by analyzing changing rules of recruitment and changing logic of regulation. "Shushoku Kyotei" is a Japanese rule for recruiting and regulating recruitment activities. We analyze the history of this rule in order to answer : 1) What was the aim of constructing "Shushoku Kyotei"? ; 2) What is the logic underlying change? ; and 3) How did changing rules influence the role of credentialism in the recruitment process? "Shushoku Kyotei" has changed to solve a series of problems. In 1973, it was changed in order to allow students to study in the last year of college. In 1975, it was changed in order to prevent firms from canceling the promise of employment. In 1987, it was changed in order to establish a better job-matching process. In other words, "Shushoku Kyotei" has been formed as solutions to emerging problems. "Shushoku Kyotei" has changed due to the logic of "protecting higher education" or "protecting students." The logic of "protecting students" is ambiguous and incapable of expressing various intentions. However, it is given as the primary rationale of change. "Shushoku Kyotei" is seen as a rule for fair competition. Hence, its changes express people's changing conceptions of "fairness." Furthermore, it may not only influence job-search process but people's view of "fairness" as well. Therefore, "Shushoku Kyotei" is an important area of research in the study of college graduates' recruitment process.

著者

井上 好人

出版者

東洋館出版社

雑誌

教育社会学研究 (ISSN:03873145)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.74, pp.229-247, 2004

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A "boom" among upper-middle-class families of sending their girls to junior high school began after the establishment of an education law for girls' junior high schools in 1899. During this boom, a considerable number of female students left their schools before graduation. This paper presents further research on this phenomenon. The factors that caused female students to leave high school before graduation are analyzed using the data (school register) of students at Ishikawa Prefectural Daiichi Girls Middle High School. The school register lists students who left school before graduation and who came to the school from other schools. Below are some of the concrete points that were found. 1. The students were classified by class background (such as nobility, samurai, and commoner), hometowns and parents' occupations, and analysis was conducted on the reason they left their high schools before graduation. The answers were divided into insufficient family income, lack of family interest in education, low academic grades, and evaluation of school behavior, for each family class. It is discovered that for each of the major classes, behavior evaluations were responsible for the greatest number of female students leaving high school early. This implies that they withdrew early due to their inability to adapt to the school's policy of conduct and behavior, leading them to give up on their studies. In other words, their withdrawals were caused by the relationship between the students and school regulations, teachers and classmates. 2. The behaviors or habits that the schools evaluated as improper were analyzed to look at differences in student adjustments among family classes. It was discovered that the needlework course was an important factor in connecting school lives to family lives. It also allowed the students to validate their own ideas of education in their families and to reconfirm their identities. At that time, perspectives on education varied among family classes. Samurai families and typical new middle-class families placed heavy emphasis on studies and education. The students from these families found the needlework course discouraging, and it made them feel insecure about their abilities in their school lives. Students from commoner families, whose families mainly ran businesses in commerce and industry, possessed a cultural ethos that placed an emphasis on home economics, as well as education. For these students, the needlework course was meaningful in helping them to adapt to their school lives. They had the greatest adaptability in dealing with school life.

著者

酒井 実

出版者

日本教育社会学会

雑誌

教育社会学研究 (ISSN:03873145)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.8, pp.13-32, 1955-11-05

著者

末冨 芳

出版者

日本教育社会学会

雑誌

教育社会学研究 (ISSN:03873145)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.77, pp.5-25, 2005-11-15

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Why do parents pay to have their children educated? The aim of this article is to clarify parental awareness and motives for paying for their children's education, focusing on the parents of high school and college students. Firstly, a theoretical framework is proposed for parental fund-injection behavior into their children's education. This behavior can be defined using two criteria. The first is Investment, Consumption or Gift, and the other is Child-Oriented or Parent-Oriented. Secondly, a statistical analysis is performed using survey questionnaires targeting parents of high school and college students, and the following results are obtained. 1. Over 50% of parents agree with the two statements, "College life is valuable for acquiring life knowledge, " and "Studying at university will improve a child's ability and skills." Many parents have a strong awareness toward their children finding employment and making progress. These results demonstrate that a relatively high rate of parents have the awareness of "Child-Oriented Consumption" and "Child-Oriented Investment." 2. The results of the factor analyses are as follows. Four factors are derived from high school student's parent data : "producer of child's ability, ""gift inter vivos, ""necessary costs, ""expectation of returns, " and three factors are derived from college student's parent data : "producer of child's ability, ""assessment of profitability, " and "gift inter vivos." 3. The model of parents as sponsors of educational expenses can be determined from the positive and negative signs of the factor scores. The largest group of parents of high school students is the "Living Wallet"(16.1%) whose factor scores are all negative. The second largest group is the "Devoted Self-seeker"(15.4%) whose factor scores are all positive. Looking at parents of college students, the largest group is the "Devoted Self-seeker"(31.2%), and the second largest group the "Living Wallet"(29.4%). Finally, based on these findings, parents as the sponsors of educational expense can be separated into two types. One fits the theoretical framework of this article and the other does not. The motives and awareness of the first type can be explained as Investment, Consumption or Gift. However, we cannot explain the latter type, or "Living Wallet." The motives of the "Living Wallet" do not fit within the framework developed in this paper. It is likely that they have extremely negative motivations, such as risk aversion strategies or educational expenses as insurance. Further research is necessary to clarify this issue.