著者
シム チュン キャット
出版者
日本教育社会学会
雑誌
教育社会学研究 (ISSN:03873145)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.76, pp.169-186, 2005-05-30

This paper compares the characteristics of meritocracy in the Japanese and Singapore education systems, by analyzing the input, throughput and output of education at post-secondary schools with low prestige. Based on survey data gathered from students studying at low-ranked post-secondary schools in both Japan and Singapore, this study first illustrates the fact that most students from these schools belong to low social strata and have low academic achievement. However, as Singapore schools provide low-performing students with access to not only good jobs but also to higher education, Singapore students who are given such double chances show more positive attitudes and expectations upon admission to these schools, when compared to their Japanese counterparts who are given no such chances at all. Data from the survey also bring up an image of lively schools in Singapore, with interesting lessons and competent teachers, who emphasize the importance of study and encourage students to perform well. Japanese schools, however, are dull, with none of these features. This study further demonstrates that while the aspirations of students in Singapore are increased during their course of study, those of Japanese students remain low throughout. Nevertheless, some Japanese students from low-ranked schools also do spend time on study, and the more they find their lessons interesting or their teachers competent, the longer they study. It is thus concluded that while Japanese students are 'left out' to fend for themselves, the output of their education can be maximized by enriching the throughput at schools. To date, many research findings have indicated a decline in meritocracy and an expansion of inequity in Japanese society, but few have ventured into the epicenter of the issue, i.e., schools with students who are poor and who do not study. This comparative study shows the plight of low-ranked Japanese schools and advocates the urgent need for more research and reform efforts.
著者
天野 郁夫
出版者
日本教育社会学会
雑誌
教育社会学研究 (ISSN:03873145)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.38, pp.44-49, 1983-10-20
著者
広田 照幸
出版者
日本教育社会学会
雑誌
教育社会学研究 (ISSN:03873145)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.47, pp.76-88, 1990-10-05

This paper surveys the historical research on modern Japan that has been conducted in Sociology of Education since 1960. Following many pioneering studies in 1960s, five kinds of research trends can be observed since 1970s. The author first reviews and assesses three major trends on teacher, aspiration and women. Then, the other two important trends are focused : elite and credentialism. Mdkoto Aso's "Kindaika to Kyoiku" (Modernization and Education) and Ikuo Amano's "Kyoiku to Senbatsu" (Education and Selection) are examined as representatives of these two trends. The author makes it clear that Aso's functional approach has a theoretical limit in light of contemporary research concerns - a limit that the institutional approach taken by Amano has been able to overcome. Amano and his group have focused on the process of institutionalization of modern educational systems. Consequently, their perspective is getting close to that of the one in the French social history. As a conclusion, the authors insists that any new approaches are required in order to grasp totally the diversity of the transition of the traditional daily-life world to a modern one, and the relation between modern educational systems and traditional ones.
著者
井上 正志
出版者
日本教育社会学会
雑誌
教育社会学研究 (ISSN:03873145)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.41, pp.166-181, 1986-10-15

The aim of this paper is to examine the dominant role of educational system in the modern society by clarifying the concept of "cultural capital" proposed by Pierre Bourdieu. For this purpose, we firstly made clear how the "cultural capital" is formed from ordinary "pratique" by analyszing four aspects of "habitus". We then described three states of specific cultural capitals, and we argued that each of these capitals is based on "value of rarity" and becomes more or less a cultural capital in the institutionalized state (or, alchimie proprement sociale). And finally, we made clear a mechanism by which the distribution of cultural capital is controlled through a state-regulated examination system.
著者
住田 正樹
出版者
日本教育社会学会
雑誌
教育社会学研究 (ISSN:03873145)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.74, pp.93-109, 2004-05-20
被引用文献数
1

The aim of this paper is to provide an outline of the clinical sociology of education, with the aim of solving educational problems and to think about the effectiveness of "belonging" for problems involving children. The author takes up children's problems as one example of educational problems, from the viewpoint of the clinical sociology of education. In recent years, many difficult educational problems have arisen, and the sociology of education needs to carry out useful studies for solving these problem. Consequently, the clinical sociology of education has attracted the attention of many researchers. This is because it aims to actually solve educational problems in a different from the sociology of education, which aims to acquire scientific knowledge. The sociology of education focuses on science, while the clinical sociology of education places weight on practice. Therefore research from the perspective of the clinical sociology of education should be useful for solving actual educational problems. The defining characteristic of the methodology of the clinical sociology of education is intervention in actual educational problems. It attempts to solve actual educational problems through interventions. Therefore, the author argues that it is necessary to limit the object of the clinical sociology of education to fields where the scientist and practitioner can actually intervene. In other words, the field of the clinical sociology of education should be limited to the dimensions of interpersonal relations and groups. This means that the clinical sociology of education takes the individual in social context as the unit of analysis. There are various patterns of problem behavior among children. Whatever form it takes, however, negative self-definition is a common feature. Therefore, such children always suffer from undefined anxieties about themselves. Children adopt problem behavior as means to escape from these anxieties. Children must redefine themselves in order to overcome such problem behavior. The negative self-definition of the child is changed into an active, affirmative one. That is the intervention of the researcher and practitioner. Here, it is "belonging" that prompts the beginning of the child's self redefinition. "Belonging" means a gathering of similar children. Therefore, it indicates a place where the child can feel at ease, relaxed, free and can become calm. Therefore, (1) "belonging" acts as a self-help group and (2) "belonging" refers to a place where children can speak freely. Therefore, it is a clinical place where the researcher and practitioner can actually intervene. Children redefine themselves in the place where they belong, and can experience self-reconfirmation and rediscovery. This self-redefinition is the solution to children's problems, and it is the goal of the clinical sociology of education.
著者
山本 雄二
出版者
日本教育社会学会
雑誌
教育社会学研究 (ISSN:03873145)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.59, pp.69-88, 1996-10-15

"Ijime" has been one of the most serious problems in the field of primary and secondary education in Japan since late 1970s. "Ijime" is generally thought of as continual acts of violence including insulting words on victims by their classmates which sometimes force the victims to kill themselves. But the arguments have often suffered from the following question : how do we distinguish it from other similar acts? Ijime was defined by physical and mental pain of victims and this definition made it logically invisible. This paper focuses the arguments around the logically invisible ijime and discusses what effects the arguments have actually had on school management and the general concept of education. For this purpose, I analyzed the discursive formations of ijime-discourse from the view point of "articulation" which was introduced into the field of cultural studies by Stuart Hall et al. It sees a discursive formation as complex processes of articulation, de-articulation and re-articulation of discursive elements. Ijime-discourse consists of various elements, for instance, victims' deaths which made ijime a serious problem, the attitude of the audience and other indifferent classmates, the responsibility of teachers or school boards, and the school system itself. Ijime-discourse is not just unity but a compound of contradictory discourses. All the elements in it echo, confront or reinforce each other and ijime-discourse can be transformed beyond the control of discourse-makers. It also makes ijime-discourse open to possibilities for de-construction of itself. One of them is to put it into wider educational context which demands a charmge of the concept of education itself. Another one is de-construction of ijime-discourse into political discourse. Both examples of de-construction show that any one of the practices of discursive formation is political. Most ijime-discourses, however, have concealed their political character and have tried to fill every school with a psychological perspective which is, in itself, a very political way of management of schools. To know that any practice of discursive formation is political may lead us onto new horizons where we can see our education in a different way.
著者
耳塚 寛明
出版者
日本教育社会学会
雑誌
教育社会学研究 (ISSN:03873145)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.35, pp.111-122, 1980-09-20

Studies of student subcultures in high school have contributed to the development of studies in this field by discovering a variety of subcultures such as an anti-school subculture. These studies, however, have several problems. Amongst others, we need theories and methods which make it possible to explain the polarization of student subcultures as well as to describe the distribution of them among students. For this purpose, I clarified three theories that may explain the polarization between pro-school and anti-school subcultures, and applied them to two sets of research data. Clarified theories in this paper are following; (1) culture clash, (2) status frustration and (3) school organization. The result showed the possibility that the status frustration model would fit in with facts, and that this would explain the polarization of subcultures. But we have too restricted information about school organization to identify the effect of it on the polarization. We have to pay attention to school organization more systematically. Furthermore, we have not analyzed the micro-sociological process of differentiation of students by teachers. On the basis of a status frustration model, we need to explore the school organization, and especially the process of differentiation of students. This process will be explained fully by regarding it as a labelling process.
著者
井上 好人
出版者
日本教育社会学会
雑誌
教育社会学研究 (ISSN:03873145)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.73, pp.5-24, 2003-10-31

The purpose of this research is to determine which samurai classes among the graduates of Kanazawa I Middle School in the old Kaga domain successfully entered new careers as elites in school education. The data for the research was gathered from a list of Kanazawa I Middle School graduates for the middle and final part of the Meiji Era. In recent years, research on the samurai classes that dealt with reorganizations of the old social standing into new class systems did not observe the classes as a single group, but examined them according to their property, social awareness and cultural ethos, which were divided unequally under the old social class system. In this thesis, I choose to focus my analysis on social awareness and cultural ethos in the middle and final part of the Meiji Era, a time in which models of people who moved ahead in society were spreading among ordinary people. Below are the outcomes of my research : 1. There was one specific condition that significantly improved the prospects of a family producing an elite. The families that succeeded in producing elites were ranked yoriki and kyunin or higher. My calculations on the number of elites produced show that there were significant differences between families in these ranks or higher and those that were not. It was found that the families in the higher ranks produced elites four to five times as often than the lower families, which makes it clear that higher ranked families produced more elites in school education. Of the families lower than the two above-mentioned ranks, there were some whose ranks had risen due to promotion within the clan. Although such promoted families were a minority under the strict class system, it seems that they were regarded favorably in the society after the Meiji Restoration, which set a greater value on academic background. By contrast, I found that the ratio of production of elites from kachi and ashigaru ranks was very low. 2. Why is the percentage of elites produced in school education high in the yoriki and kyunin ranks? It seems that the reason is that the members of these ranks internalized the original attitudes of the samurai toward "duty" and studying. After the Meiji Restoration, they did not find value in studying due to its merits, but naturally entered into schools of higher grade under the modern system under their attitude that samurai should have "a homeless mind." They tried hard to make themselves into a functional group by educating their children and by marriage strategies.
著者
山本 雄二
出版者
日本教育社会学会
雑誌
教育社会学研究 (ISSN:03873145)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.84, pp.65-81, 2009-05-31

The purpose of this paper is to apply text theory to the reading of documents and to show an example of how the theory is applied. In the field of cultural studies, there has been an accumulation of attempts to read texts. Among texts, a document is a special text, since it is written to be read from the beginning and therefore requires a particular way of reading. One method of analysis is to locate a document in different discourses in which some words gain meanings and others lose them. This paper examines a judicial ruling as an example of a document and attempts to show how to read it. The judicial ruling taken here is a decision on a lawsuit seeking compensation for a suicide caused by bullying in Iwaki City (1990). The victim was a third-year male junior high school student. It attracted considerable attention because it was the first case in Japan in which a court accepted professional negligence by school teachers as the cause for the suicide of a student. Three different meanings in three different discourses, that is, judicial, sociological, and educational radiate from this decision. First, in the judicial discourse, it is seen as quite senseless since it accepts the negligence of school teachers who could not foresee the suicide of the victim. This senseless decision, however, may be understandable in a sociological discourse. For, as Durkheim states in The Suicide, people tend to commit suicide for reasons of trifling matters when they cannot feel any bond with their society. If people accept the thought that ijime bullying breaks the feelings of a bond with society, and if they recognize the maliciousness of this, school officials can be seen as responsible for preventing the worst possible outcome, even if the particular direct causes of a suicide are not necessarily identified. This is the logic of the ruling. At the same time, the ruling placed 40 percent of the negligence on the victim himself. This 40 percent acknowledges his will and reason, in other words, his personality until immediately before death. This indicates that other people can work with a victim as long as he is alive. There is no education without a personality. This is none other than to read the ruling as an educational discourse. As I have shown in the example above, reading a document in different discourses gives us opportunities to consider the many possible issues it potentially entails.
著者
太田 拓紀
出版者
日本教育社会学会
雑誌
教育社会学研究 (ISSN:03873145)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.78, pp.169-189, 2006-05-31

This article aims to clarify the position of graduates of private schools in the hierarchy of secondary school teachers and their self-images, by means of a case study involving graduates of Waseda University Higher Normal School (Waseda Daigaku Koto Shihanbu). Prior to World War II, a hierarchy existed among secondary school teachers, based on their educational backgrounds. Preceding studies have mainly focused on teachers who graduated from national schools (e.g., Imperial Universities and National Higher Normal Schools). Those studies clarified the fact that graduates from national schools were highly privileged among secondary school teachers. Graduates of private schools played an important role as teachers in secondary schools, especially in terms of their number. However, their stature and cultural background have not yet been examined in detail. This article focuses on their position and their self-images in comparison with teachers who graduated from Tokyo National Higher Normal School (Tokyo Koto Shihan Gakko, Tokyo Koshi). First, the author examines private schools that trained secondary school teachers and evaluates the career paths of the teachers. The result may be summarized as follows. The entrance exam of Waseda University Higher Normal School was not as competitive as that for Tokyo National Higher Normal School (a rate of 1-2 versus 5-17) and had fewer candidates. Private schools were regarded as undesirable, and graduates from these schools had less successful careers than those from national schools. Graduates from Waseda usually remained at the secondary school level and only very rarely became teachers of higher education (in 1930, 2.1%). In contrast, graduates from Tokyo National Higher Normal School had better opportunities to become professors (in 1930, 9.8%). Furthermore, graduates from Waseda often taught in vocational secondary schools, which were considered inferior. The possibility of Waseda graduates becoming principals of secondary schools was also much lower than that of graduates from national schools. In 1930, only 2.3% of all teachers who graduated from Waseda were able to become principals (in the case of Tokyo Koshi, 17.9%). Moreover, the schools in which Waseda graduates did get such opportunities were newly founded and small in scale. In other words, they were not prestigious schools. Next, the author examines the self-image of Waseda graduates with respect to their position. The result may be summarized as follows. Waseda graduates perceived themselves as teachers with "autonomy and independence" or "freedom." Although graduates from both Waseda and the National Higher Normal School were trained to be secondary school teachers, their statuses differed considerably. Therefore, it is presumed that in order to uplift their status and alleviate their dissatisfaction, Waseda graduates capitalized on the ideologies of Waseda ("autonomy and independence" and "freedom") and strategically used it to improve their situation.
著者
山田 浩之
出版者
日本教育社会学会
雑誌
教育社会学研究 (ISSN:03873145)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.50, pp.308-324, 1992-08-07

The purpose of this article is to clarify the pre-World War II status differences among secondary school teachers through examining their educational background. Secondary school teachers before the War have not been examined in detail. As well, status differences and their influences on professional activity and culture have not yet been clarified. These two topics are discussed. First, changes in teachers' social status and differences in their salary as influenced by educational background are examined. Second, among the graduates of Teikoku-daigaku (Teidai, Imperial Universities) and Koto-Shihan (Koshi, Higher Normal Schools) and others, differences in salary and types of secondary school to which they belonged are analyzed, using Yamaguchi prefecture as a case study. The results may be summarized as follows ; 1) Social status of secondary school teachers before the War was high, and declined until the mid-Taisho era and then rose in the Showa era. It also differed due to their educational background. 2) In Yamaguchi prefecture, the status of graduates of Teidai and Koshi as secondary school teachers was superior to others. And it was supposed that teachers qualified by Bunken (examination by the Department of Education) and graduated from Senmon-Gakko (special schools) were inferior to those graduated from Teidai and Koshi. That is, a hierarchy existed as follows, Teidai, Koshi, Senmon-Gakko and those qualified by Bunken. 3) In particular, graduates of Teidai held dominant positions, and they were superior to those of Koshi in salary and promotion, and more often occupied the positions of principal of prestigious secondary schools, etc. Finally, based on these findings, hierarchical influences on secondary school teachers' life are discussed.
著者
古川 千絵
出版者
日本教育社会学会
雑誌
教育社会学研究 (ISSN:03873145)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.77, pp.27-46, 2005-11-15 (Released:2011-03-18)
参考文献数
14

Many people living in advanced countries have sympathy for the desire for self-realization or self-discovery. However, particularly in Japan, society does not provide any support for the process of jibun-sagashi (finding oneself) or the negative consequences of the process. Given this situation, the purpose of this paper is to investigate the possibility of institutional support for jibun-sagashi. For this purpose, the gapyear in the U. K. is chosen as a subject of a case study, since it is an institutionalized support system that allows mainly young people to take time off for a process of self-discovery, with a time limit. The contents of newspaper articles during the past fifteen years are used to examine the social awareness that is said to be the basis for the popularity of the gapyear.From an analysis of the contents of newspapers, it is clear that positive expectations have long been placed on the gapyear, although many problems, which in some cases threatened its viability, have also been revealed during these fifteen years. These problems have included a deterioration of the financial situation of students led by the introduction of university tuition, and the excessive institutionalization and commercialization of the gapyear. There are two aspects of the expectations toward the gapyear: it is seen as a period for finding oneself, and as a period for learning new skills and gaining new experiences. The two are not separate, but rather are related to each other.These findings confirm the fact that it is important for society to support people in taking a gapyear or similar period in response to these expectations. Yet, on the other hand, it seems that expectations are thrown at the gapyear in an uncritical manner, and there is a need to accurately grasp this situation. How do people experience the gapyear or other similar self-discovery, what needs do they feel that makes such a period necessary, and how do these experiences bring actual benefits in their future careers? It is critical to find answers to these questions. In addition, it is possible that the gapyear has resolved the problems resulting from the distortions of the educational system or employment situation, rather than rectifying these systems themselves. These points are essential when thinking about the possibility of institutional support for jibun-sagashi in Japan as well.
著者
海後 宗臣
出版者
日本教育社会学会
雑誌
教育社会学研究 (ISSN:03873145)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.1, pp.5-13, 1951-05-30
著者
粒来 香
出版者
日本教育社会学会
雑誌
教育社会学研究 (ISSN:03873145)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.61, pp.185-209, 1997

Recently youth unemployment has been rising, which means the number of MUGYO-SHA is increasing in newly graduated students. MUGYO-SHA is a person who is not going to enter higher education, or get a job. This article aims to explore the following, focusing on MUGYO-SHA in high school. 1. What kind of mechanism is it that produces MUGYO-SHA ? 2. How does it relate to the mechanism and the hierarchical structure of high school in Japan ? 3. How will educational reform in high school influence the MUGYO-SHA problem ? Since the 80's the condition of the labor market into which high school graduates enter has become worse, and fewer students obtain jobs immediately. The change in the labor market has been more serious for graduates from general courses than from vocational courses, and more MUGYO-SHA are produced from the general courses. According to our investigation on high school students, the findings are as follows. If students delay the decision on their future, they tend to become MUGYO-SHA. General course students delay making a decision about their future as opposed to the vocational students. This is because there is no clear derection throughout the general course syllabus. They are not so much unemployed as temporarily suspended and are at a disadvantage in starting their career. Because of the difference between the counseling on the general courses and the vocational courses, it is more difficult for students of general courses to decide their future. Many of the vocational courses, however, are now under educational reform. As the result of the reform action, especially forming the "subject with distinguished features", it is supposed that vocational courses will face an unclear and uncertain direction and produce more MUGYO-SHA. If we approve an unclear direction in every high school, we should discuss how high school students can decide their future course.