著者

狩野 啓子

出版者

国文学研究資料館

雑誌

国際日本文学研究集会会議録 = PROCEEDINGS OF INTERNATIONAL CONFERENCE ON JAPANESE LITERATURE (ISSN:03877280)

巻号頁・発行日

no.9, pp.58-69, 1986-03-01

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Ishikawa Jun made his debut as a novelist in 1935 with "The Beauty", having already forged his own literary methods from the works of such writers as Valéry, Alain and Gide. Ever since, he has been known for his acute explorations at the frontiers of modern literature. An outline of Ishikawa's literary views and methodologies can be found in his 1942 Notes on Literature. In 1941 he published the study Mori Ogai, another representative work of the prewar years. In fiction, his "Fugen" of 1937 won the fourth Akutagawa Prize, establishing his fame as a novelist.It was around this time that Ishikawa developed a strong interest in Ota Nampo, and devised his own original interpretation to the "Temmei (1781-1789) kyōka Movement."Nampo's name comes up first in "The Song of Mars"of 1938. In this short story, famous for having been banned on account of its warweary tone, Ishikawa has the "I" narrator relate his intense feelings of envy for Neboke Sensei (Nampo), who was able to cloak his public capacities while engaging in elegant pursuits. In his 1943 essay "Styles of Thought of the Edoite," Ishikawa places the Temmei Kyōka Movement in the context of so-called "haikai-ization," to him the most significant literary process of the entire Edo period. He interprets kyōka ("mad waka"), the most typical example of this process, as a "haikai-ization"of the Kokin Wakashū. And on the other hand, if kyōka represents a "haikai-ized" Kokinshū, he writes, kyōshi ("mad" Chinese verse) makes up a "haikai-ized, T'ang Shih-hsuan. In both cases he claims Ota Nampo to be at the center of the "movement."Excellent studies by Noguchi Takehiko, Yoshida Seiichi and others have appeared on the connection between Temmei kyōka and Ishikawa Jun around the time of "The Song of Mars". Here I would suggest that external circumstances alone did not bring Ishikawa to Nampo, but that he possessed within him from the start, as a firm cultural grounding, the literatus (bunjin) consciousness of "madness" (kyō).We can find manifestations of this spirit of "madness" already in his statements from the late Taishō period. In the context of the transition from early-modern to modern literature, Ishikawa's sense of "madness" beCáme melted with the imported movements of Anarchism and Dadaism.How might we consider his strong interest in Temmei kyōka through the second decade of Shōwa ? One finds repeated in the early works, from Fugen, efforts to maintain a lofty perspective from within one's position in the vulgar world, rather acrobatic attempts of the spirit to fly at low levels just above the ground. These experiments in exploration set out to perform the heavenly progress of Fugen, moving freely between the vulgar world and the sublime one, in words. I have suggested elsewhere that Ishikawa aimed at an unemotive, anti-lyrical prose style, erasing the "I" ness within him. I would point out here, however, that the problem of the elimination of "I"-ness is related to his appreciation of the posed anonymity of the Temmei kyōka movement. Beyond this, Ishikawa may have been drawn to Nampo as the creator of a fictional topos joining the lofty and the popular; Ishikawa stood firmly on a tradition of literatus spirit supported by "kyō. " As the writing of gesaku passed from the hands of bushi authors down to townsmen, the "popular" gradually shaded into the vulgar. Temmei kyōka established a fictional world, located in a separate dimension from real life, just one step before this "vulgarness". Certainly it is no surprise that Ishikawa should have befriended Ota Nampo.The most pressing problem for Ishikawa Jun at the end of Taishō, when he had revealed his penchant for absolute freedom, was the "movement of the spirit". Hence he declined to consider Nampo, or specific works of Temmei kyōka, individually, proposing rather a "movement" in toto. Nampo, close in cultural grounding to Ishikawa, was to be discoverd as part of the active process of "realising a yearning for the past." "Kyo",which worked as an opportunity to fix the direction of the self in the late Taishō years, came to surface dynamically in this period, as a movement or literary function.

著者

鈴木 淳

出版者

国文学研究資料館

雑誌

国際日本文学研究集会会議録 = PROCEEDINGS OF INTERNATIONAL CONFERENCE ON JAPANESE LITERATURE (ISSN:03877280)

巻号頁・発行日

no.24, pp.85-103, 2001-03-01

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Takao-dayû, the original work of ukiyo-e in Freer Gallery of Art, is a picture of Takao-dayû drawn by Okumura Masanobu with a comment written by Hanaogi, the famous yûjo of Ôgiya in Yoshiwara imitating the Sawada Tôkô-style calligraphy. The content of the comments is a love letter including a hokku "Kimi ha ima komagata atari hototogisu" that is said Manji Takao, or Takao-dayû the Second of Miuraya sent to Date Tsunamune of the Sendai Clan. This letter was probably made up based on the legend of the love affair between them described in the documentary-like novel Sendai Hagi. Whether the story is true or not, the romantic atmosphere of Yoshiwara is promoted by the comments reminding readers Takao and Hanaôgi, and behind the comment of Hanaôgi, you can sense the attempt by Ôgiya Uemon or Bokuga, who was the employer of Hanôgi, to make her more famous together with Takigawa, who was also a famous yûjo, in the Tenmei period.

著者

項 青

出版者

国文学研究資料館

雑誌

国際日本文学研究集会会議録 = PROCEEDINGS OF INTERNATIONAL CONFERENCE ON JAPANESE LITERATURE (ISSN:03877280)

巻号頁・発行日

no.17, pp.9-23, 1994-10-01

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It is said that the question as to whether The Tale of Urashima is Chinese or Japanese arose from its similarity to the Tale of Yamasachi-Umisachi found in The Kojiki. Indeed they share a great many elements. However, the greatest basic difference between them is found in the theme of a time-slip in another world. Since no gap between the passage of time in the other world and the world of humans is visible in the Tale of Yamasachi-Umisachi found in The Kojiki we can perhaps conclude that this element is Chinese.By comparing The Tale Of Urashima with the Tang dynasty romance, Liu-yi-chuan, which it most closely resembles, I have pointed out all of the elements which they have in common in literary expression and god-like recluse Daoist thought and have also taken a look at all of the differences between the two. The Liu-yi-chuan, which was completed in China during the mid-Tang, is both a story of an extended stay in an enchanted garden and a tale of a water-god's home. However, The Tale of Urashima, while having the two above elements, is very different from the mid-Tang Liu-yi-chuan in that it also has a drifting-ashore motif like that of The Tale of Yamasachi-Umisachi in The Kojiki with the driftingashore motif. In addition, in the Liu-yi-chuan expressions concerning the recluse's elixir and immortality are very prominent while in contrast The Tale of Urashima has little to say about the recluse's elixir and brings up only the god-like recluse idea of immortality. I believe that this indicates that there is something of a difference between the understanding and reception of god-liki recluse Daoism in the two countries.Also, the Chinese conception of time often seen in a story of an extended stay in an enchanted garden as in the expression ,"A day in Heaven is like unto a year on earth,"is found in The Tale of Urashima as "three years is like unto three hundred years," or in expressions like "seventh-generation grandchildren," while in Liu-yi- chuan on the contrary such a view of time is not much touched upon. I have investigated the disparity in the use of such expressions.My conclusion is that ancient Japanese adapted the culture which they imported to their concerns, gradually absorbed it by means of their own peculiar method of digestion, and without being conscious of doing so transformed it into a literature written in classical Chinese peculiar to Japan, so that it went through a process of changing into culture or thought which has a thoroughly Japanese flavor.

著者

松尾 剛次

出版者

国文学研究資料館

雑誌

国際日本文学研究集会会議録 = PROCEEDINGS OF INTERNATIONAL CONFERENCE ON JAPANESE LITERATURE (ISSN:03877280)

巻号頁・発行日

no.24, pp.55-67, 2001-03-01

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It is well known that sekkyô-bushi is related to kanjin. Kanjin originally meant they promoted people to join Buddhism and do the good. It is also known that it changed to promote people to donate rice or money to build or restore temples, shrines and statues of Buddha around the end of Heian period.If so, there is a possibility that sekkyô-bushi Oguri Hangan was created relating to some temple's rebuilding. The temple should be Tôtakuzan shôjôkôji, which is given an important role in the story of Oguri Hangan.The story must have changed in many ways before it was printed as the authorized text in the Edo era, with the sekkyô-bushi one of spoken arts and literature performed by the troubadours who drifted through the nation. Therefore the point of this report is to reveal the mystery when and how the original story of Oguri Hangan was created by whom focusing the relationship between Shôjôkôji and kanjin. I refer to the picture scroll Yugyô-engi, Yugyô-keizu and the like as archives which have been hardly used before. The picture scroll Yugyô-engi is an ekotoba-den (picturized biography) created by Yugyôshônin, Sommyô the 13th, Taikû the 14th and Son'e the 15th in the early Muromachi era.In conclusion I think the original story of Oguri Hangan was created relating to a mass kanjin of reconstruction done by the Yugyôshônin, Taikû the 14th after the big fire in Ôei 33 (1426). Sekkyô-bushi were called oral literature and thought to be made by unknown singing poets so far. However, given the relationship between sekkyô-bushi and kanjin of temples, I think most sekkyô-bushi were created when occurred was kanjin of specific temple's reconstruction in terms of the original ones.

著者

中川 博夫

出版者

国文学研究資料館

雑誌

国文学研究資料館紀要 (ISSN:03873447)

巻号頁・発行日

no.22, pp.143-176, 1996-03

著者

福武 亨

出版者

国文学研究資料館

雑誌

国文学研究資料館紀要 アーカイブズ研究篇 = The Bulletin of The National Institure of Japanese Literature, Archival Studies (ISSN:18802249)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.51, no.16, pp.93-109, 2020-03-16

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本稿では、愛知医科大学の事例を中心に実務的な立場から私立医科大学の現状と課題を把握し、今後の私立医科大学における大学アーカイブズの展望を示すため,アンケート調査と取材を行い他大学との比較を通して考察を試みる。私立医科大学アーカイブズは,機関アーカイブズと収集アーカイブズの側面から課題がある。機関アーカイブズにおける課題は、アーカイブズが法人文書の廃棄、移管について関わっている大学が少ないことである。そこには大学アーカイブズ側と文書を流入させる側の課題がある。大学アーカイブズ側の課題は、大学アーカイブズが法人文書の評価選別を行う際の課題であり,大学内の特定の個人や集団に由来した偏りのある判断を避け,学内外に説得的であることが重要である。文書を流入させる側の課題は,各部署による大学アーカイブズへの移管がうまくいかず廃棄されるという課題であり、大学アーカイブズは、各部署に出向いて現物をみる、現況等を聞くといった各部署とのやりとりが重要である。次に、収集アーカイブズにおける課題は、所蔵点数が少ないことである。愛知医科大学アーカイブズの事例に加え、聖路加国際大学の事例では,学生への広報を取り上げ,金沢医科大学の事例では,所蔵点数の多さを裏付ける出版物、写真等の自動的収集について取り上げる。今後の展望として医科大学においてはカルテ等も大学アーカイブズの収集対象になりえることも触れる。

著者

白山 友里恵

出版者

国文学研究資料館

雑誌

国文学研究資料館紀要 アーカイブズ研究篇 = The Bulletin of The National Institure of Japanese Literature, Archival Studies (ISSN:18802249)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.51, no.16, pp.75-91, 2020-03-16

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本論文は、民間病院におけるアーカイブズ構築のために、記録のおかれている情況や特性を整理し、そのモデルを提示することを目的とする。私たちの多くが病院で誕生し、亡くなる今日の社会において、そこで生み出される記録は私たちの生活や人生に密接に関わる。しかし、医療アーカイブズのなかでも病院の記録はアーカイブズ構築が未発達な分野であることが指摘されているが、医療関係者の側に立ったプランの提案がなされてこなかった。よって本論文では、医療アーカイブズのなかでも病院の記録に焦点を当て、アーカイブズ構築のために何が必要であるのかを検討した。 具体的には、関連する法律やガイドラインから病院における管理の現状を確認し、併せて病院の記録の特性を整理する。次に個人情報保護法と密接に関連する点に着目し、それゆえ医療関係者との協力が他分野よりも必要とされることを指摘する。このときアーキビストと連携する存在として、診療情報管理士に注目する。この役職は病院の記録のなかで扱いに慎重さが要請される診療記録を管理する存在であり、病院における一種のレコードマネージャーの役割を担っている。最後にアーキビストと診療情報管理士との連携を前提とした民間病院におけるアーカイブズ構築のモデルプランを検討することで、病院アーカイブズ構築に向けた展望としたい。

著者

藤本 貴子

出版者

国文学研究資料館

雑誌

国文学研究資料館紀要 アーカイブズ研究篇 = The Bulletin of The National Institure of Japanese Literature, Archival Studies (ISSN:18802249)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.51, no.16, pp.57-73, 2020-03-16

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本稿では、文化庁国立近現代建築資料館(以下、建築資料館)で収蔵している大髙正人建築設計資料群を事例に、近現代建築資料の編成記述について検討する。大髙正人(1923−2010)は、建築のみならず都市計画の分野でも活躍した建築家である。当該資料群はその活動の幅広さを反映しており、建築設計図面に加えて、大判の都市計画図や大量の報告書等も含まれている。建築資料館は2013年の開館以来、近現代建築資料の収集や展覧会開催を通じての活用とともに、資料整理の方法についても検討を行ってきた。その過程を振り返り、整理方法の再検討を行ったうえで、早期の閲覧公開を実現することを目指す観点から、近現代建築資料の編成記述方法について考察し、今後の課題について述べる。

著者

Marginean Ruxandra

出版者

国文学研究資料館

雑誌

国際日本文学研究集会会議録 = PROCEEDINGS OF INTERNATIONAL CONFERENCE ON JAPANESE LITERATURE (ISSN:03877280)

巻号頁・発行日

no.22, pp.33-52, 1999-10-01

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It is usual practice in no studies to analyse no scripts as texts, from a literary point of view. In this paper I shall take Izutsu as an example and analyze its interpretations from the point of view of what is usually considered the social background to literature.To put it differently, I intend to reconsider the way interpretation is usually thought to reveal the "universal" meaning of a text―a meaning that would go beyond the interpreters' differences of gender, class and living epoch.First, I would like to have a look at interpretations of Izutsu in contemporary society. As opinion polls show, when Izutsu is performed at Nogakudo, the audience evaluates the leading character's attitude in various ways. This is related, I think, with the diversification of opinion towards the marriage system in nowadays Japan.I would like then to question the existence of multiple interpretations of Izutsu in medieval society. The story of Izutsu is based on Kamakura period commentaries on Ise Monogatari (as the well-known article "Yokyoku to Ise Monogatari no Hiden" by Ito Masayoshi has shown). Researchers do not agree whether the 24th dan of Ise Monogatari and its medieval commentaries are inserted or not in the text of Izutsu. If one takes into account medieval poetry treatises (such as Seiasho) about honkadori, one can say, I think, that the 24th dan of Ise Monogatari is not alluded to in Izutsu.I would like to consider the interpretation of the 24th dan of Ise Monogatari as seen in medieval commentaries, as well as its not being included in Izutsu from the point of view of the medieval marriage system. According to Tabata Yasuko, aristocrats (kuge) and warriors (buke) had rather different marriage systems. Would not this fact have had an influence on the way Izutsu was interpreted in the middle ages?The above analysis touches on the larger problem of the power-relationships that exist behind what is usually considered to be a unique "correct" interpretation of a text/play.

著者

加藤 周一 Keene Donald 小西 甚一 芳賀 徹

出版者

国文学研究資料館

雑誌

国際日本文学研究集会会議録 = PROCEEDINGS OF INTERNATIONAL CONFERENCE ON JAPANESE LITERATURE (ISSN:03877280)

巻号頁・発行日

no.10, pp.165-216, 1987-03-01

著者

松平 進

出版者

国文学研究資料館

雑誌

国際日本文学研究集会会議録 = PROCEEDINGS OF INTERNATIONAL CONFERENCE ON JAPANESE LITERATURE (ISSN:03877280)

巻号頁・発行日

no.19, pp.171-182, 1996-10-01

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Kamigata actor print seem to have been produced with a strong connection to hiiki-theatre supporters or fans. Three cities (Osaka, Kyoto and Edo) had many fans and fan clubs, but especially Osaka fans were very active. Among them, Teuchi renchū (clapping clubs) were top groups. Every winter, in kaomise performance (face showing performance), these clubs performed a ceremony of clapping to introduce actors to the public.One can see hiiki together with actor in Osaka theatre prints. For example, Seki Sanjūrō II came to Osaka, Kado theatre in 1826 from Edo. The artist Ashiyuki produced Sanjūrō's greeting from stage surrounded by many Sakura-ren hiiki in Sakura-ren uniforms. The space of the print is dominated not by Sanjūrō but by hiiki. I wonder if this kind of print could sell well as an actor print ?Not only ō-shibai but also chū-shibai had the custom of teuchi. There is a print in the same style of Ichikawa Morinosuke surrounded many hiiki in uniform. From the crest of hiiki-ren one cannot tell the name of the ren. In the print, there are two hiiki facing us. The faces are clearly drawn as portraits, but are not actors. I guess hiiki put their portrait in the actor print. There is a hiiki Rojū's print in the uniform of Sasase-ren. He was well known as the Sasase-ren's best clapper. Rojū must have subsidized this publication. Seeing this print helps us better understand the previous example.Let's examine the san(讃)-kyōka or kyōku (comic poems) found in actor prints. The composers of san can be divided into four types. (1) Actor himself composed the san. This is the most common case. (2) Hiiki composed the poem. Sometimes they are annonymous. but we can see the names such as Akatsuki Kanenari, Harunoya, Baikō, Toran, Shiinomoto-an and famous hiiki. (3) Artist composed the poem. Mainly the artist who drew the actor portrait composed the poem as well. But sometimes another artist offered the poem. (4) Publisher composed the poem. Naturally publisher can be a supporter of theatres or actors. Tenmaya Kihei and Tokuraya Shinbei often composed poems for prints. Let's examine carefully the artist Yoshikuni and his group. Members are mainly Yoshikuni's pupils. The names of them have -kuni at the end such as Kishikuni, Hashikuni. Chikakuni etc. Or Yoshi- at the top such as Yoshiyuki, Yoshinao. Most of members were not productive. Though I have seen about 200 prints by Yoshikuni. I only have seen less than 10 prints each of 16 out of 19 members of this group. This group produced many chū-shibai actor prints, so they must have been supporters of chūshibai. There are three materials published in 1815 other than actor prints concerning hiiki and artists. The single sheet "HIIKI" compares the list of Arashi Kichisaburō hiiki and Nakamura Utaemon hiiki. At the bottom of the sheet you can find name list of 44 Naniwa Nigao Eshi (Osaka actor portrait artists)."Hiiki no Hanamichi" is a hyōbanki (critique) of Utaemon's supporters. Among hiiki you find three artists Ashikuni. Shunkō and Shunyō. According to the critique, none of them were professional actor print artists. I guess they were rich merchants and dilettante theatre goers and amateur artist."Shikan Setsuyō Hyakke Tsū" is a kind of introductory encyclopedia of Utaemon's fan club. There is name list of hiiki in which you can find Shunyō, Shunkō and Utakuni. They were hiiki as well as artists.Kamigata actor prints were produced through a strong connection with hiiki. Publisher and artist were often hiiki. Before Hasegawa Sadanobu and Ryūsai Shigeharu, there were no professional artists. But it does not mean artistic inferiority. Many kamigata prints of this period are excecllent.

著者

景井 詳雅

出版者

国文学研究資料館

雑誌

国文学研究資料館紀要 = The Bulletin of The National Institure of Japanese Literature (ISSN:18802230)

巻号頁・発行日

no.43, pp.117-145, 2017-03-16

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平安時代には『萬葉集』を抄出した抄出本が存在し、萬葉歌享受において重要な位置を占めていたと考えられるのだが、古筆切のみの現存であるためその実態は不明な点が多い。そこで、抄出本『萬葉集』の古筆切の一つ久世切の本文を考察し、その性格の一端を明らかにすることを目的としたのが本稿である。久世切に見える抄出本『萬葉集』は、『萬葉集』の歌順に従って歌を抄出・配列し、歌は仮名でそれ以外の内容は漢字で表記する。その内容は概ね『萬葉集』と対応するが、『萬葉集』の左注や作者名の文言の簡略化、作者名の位置変更、巻に関する表示がないことが確認される。そして、久世切は写本と考えられるため、これらの変容は書承の際に生じたとも考えられる。ただし、以上の変容は平安和歌のありように通じ、他の抄出本『萬葉集』や『萬葉集』を意義分類した類聚古集にも見えることをふまえると、抄出本作成の際に『萬葉集』の内容を変質化しない程度で変更されたものと考えられる。つまり、久世切に見える抄出本『萬葉集』は、『萬葉集』の縮小化を意図した抄出本であり、『萬葉集』に従うことが原則であったと考えられる。その一方で、久世切には、現存の『萬葉集』伝本はもちろん平安和歌の影響や書承過程での変容とも思えない特異な本文も認められる。久世切に見える抄出本『萬葉集』が現存の『萬葉集』伝本とは異なる場で成立した可能性を視野に入れておくべきであろう。During the Heian period, a number of excepted editions of the Man’yōshū (Anthology of myriad leaves, later half of the 8th century) were produced. While it is thought that these excerpted editions played an important role in the anthology’s reception, the fact remains that all extant examples are mere fragments, for which reason a concrete understanding of their overall significance is difficult to obtain. This paper aims at elucidating one aspect of the so-called Kuze Fragment by offering a thorough reading of its text. The excerpted poems found in this fragment have been placed in the same order as they are found in the Man’yōshū. Poems are written in the cursive (kana) syllabary, while all other material is recorded in Sinitic graphs (kanji). While most of the fragment’s content corresponds more-or-less to that of the Man’yōshū, it nevertheless simplifies or alters certain elements found in the latter, such as commentaries, names of poets, omitting altogether any indication of fascicle number. Considering the Kuze Fragment is thought to be a copy of an earlier manuscript, it may be assumed that these alterations and omissions were brought about by the copyist. Considering, however, that similar alterations may also be found in other excerpted editions, as well as various reordered (categorized) editions of the Man’yōshū, it follows that the excerpted editions were altered only within certain limits, such that the content of the original poems would not actually be changed. That is to say, the Kuze Fragment may be understood as an abridged version of the Man’yōshū, one which sought not to manipulate but to faithfully reproduce the content of its base text. On the other hand, this Kuze Fragment does contain a number of very curious passages which cannot be attributed merely to later developments in Heian poetry or the error of a copyist. We must not rule out the possibility, then, that the Man’yōshū upon which this Kuze Fragment was based might have been produced under a different set of circumstances than those manuscripts extant today.

著者

国文学研究資料館

出版者

国文学研究資料館

雑誌

十年の歩み

巻号頁・発行日

pp.181-293, 1982-10-29

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本文は、冊子体の正誤表に基づく修正を行っております。

著者

国文学研究資料館

出版者

国文学研究資料館

雑誌

国文学研究資料館の20年

巻号頁・発行日

pp.152-186, 1992-11-06

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資料12 評議員・運営協議員・各種委員会委員資料13 国文学文献資料[特別]調査員・研究情報研究専門員資料14 客員・外国人研究員資料15 旧職員資料16 名誉教授資料17 現職員参考法令(抄)

著者

岩橋 清美

出版者

国文学研究資料館

雑誌

国文学研究資料館紀要 = The Bulletin of The National Institure of Japanese Literature (ISSN:18802230)

巻号頁・発行日

no.42, pp.61-90, 2016-03-12

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本論文は、一九世紀初頭における日光をめぐる歴史意識について、植田孟縉の『日光山志』と竹村立義の『日光巡拝図誌』をもとに論じるものである。『日光山志』は五巻五冊からなり、天保七年(一八三六)に刊行されたもので、日光に関する最もまとまった内容を持つ地誌である。その内容は中世以来の山岳霊場としての歴史から書きはじめられ、山内の景観・建物の構造・奥日光の動植物・日光周辺地域の人々の暮らしにまで及ぶ。孟縉は、東照宮だけではなく周辺地域を含めて「日光」であることを示し、江戸幕府の権威の象徴として描いている。こうした、彼の歴史意識は、八王子千人同心という身分集団に属していたことに規定されていると言える。これに対し竹村立義は、東照宮というこれまで秘匿されてきたものを、豊富な挿絵で視覚化し、自らの考証を加えて『日光巡拝図誌』を編纂した。特に注目されるのは、武家であっても容易に入ることができない奥院御廟を様子や東遊・延年之舞といった儀式を描いた挿絵である。『日光山志』が日光山全体を詳細に記述しているのに対し、『日光巡拝図誌』は参詣者の興味関心を中心にまとめられた書物と言えよう。両者の日光へのアプローチは非常に対照的ではあるが、二つの地誌に共通することは、日光に関するまとまった情報を読者に提供し、東照宮をより民衆に開かれた存在にしたことである。その背景には参詣者の増加や東照宮信仰の広がりがある。こうした東照宮をめぐる社会の変化が東照宮の書物化を可能にし、多くの読者を生み出したと言えよう。二つの地誌は、まさに一九世紀初頭の読者を意識したものであり、これらを通して日光の歴史化が図られたのである。This paper discusses historical perceptions of Nikko at the beginning of the 19th Century based on the "Nikko Sanshi Topography" by Moshin Ueda and the "Nikko Pilgrimage Topology" by Ritsugi Takemura. Consisting of five scrolls and five booklets, the "Nikko Sanshi Topography" was published in the seventh year of the Tenpo era (1836) and is the most coherent topography of the Nikko region. The work begins with a history of sacred places in the mountains existing from theMiddle Ages and goes on to describe and illustrate mountain scenery, the structure of buildings, the fauna and flora of the Nikko region and the daily lives of people in its environs. Moshin depicts Nikko as a symbol of the authority of the Edo Shogunate that comprises not only the Tosho-gu Shrine, but also the surrounding areas. Moshin's historical perceptions can be seen as deriving from the Hachioji Sennin Doshin (junior officials in Hachioji), the social rank to which he belonged.In contrast, the "Nikko Pilgrimage Topology" is a compilation by Ritsugi Takemura comprising visual illustrations of previously obscure aspects of the "Tosho-gu Shrine" with additional historical commentary by the author. One particular feature of note is the illustrations of the appearance of the "inner shrine," access to which was difficult even for members of the samurai class, and events such as the "Azuma Asobi," an ancient Japanese dance suite that originated in eastern Japan, as well as the "Ennen no Mai," or "longevity dance." In contrast with the "Nikko Sanshi Topography," the "Nikko Pilgrimage Topology" can be thought of as a work that focuses on the interests and concerns of pilgrims.While there is a sharp contrast between the approaches of the two authors, one element that their works share is that they both depict "Nikko," an area for which no topologies had previously been compiled, bringing the world of the Tosho-gu Shrine closer to the common people. In the background to this lie the growing numbers of pilgrims and the spread of the religion of the Tosho-gu Shrine. It is likely that it was such social changes as these revolving around the Tosho-gu Shrine that made it possible to present the shrine in book form and thus gave rise to a great many readers. Without a doubt, these two topologies were compiled with an awareness of readers at the beginning of the 19th Century and presented the historicization of Nikko in graphic form.

著者

今関 敏子

出版者

国文学研究資料館

雑誌

国際日本文学研究集会会議録 = PROCEEDINGS OF INTERNATIONAL CONFERENCE ON JAPANESE LITERATURE (ISSN:03877280)

巻号頁・発行日

no.26, pp.17-34, 2003-03-01

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I would like to discuss how travel was viewed and discussed in the Heian and Kamakura periods through examining the themes of the culture and literature of travel.Travel has been a reoccurring theme in literature throughout history and throughout the world. By travel one can mean that for business or errands, enjoyment or sightseeing: all indicating very different purposes. In any event, for us in the modem world, travel means getting away from our daily existence and, for a period of time, entering an environment different from our normal one. For us, travel sets our heart alight with anticipation, and offers an opportunity to renew ourselves.However, how travel is viewed differs greatly from culture to culture and era to era. For example, in Japan's classical and medieval period, travel was seen basically as leaving one's home, and traveler's rest (tabine) could be had staying the night even at a location relatively near to home. Also, a journey to a far off location was not necessarily a cause for joy.It goes without saying that how travel is viewed is reflected in how it is illustrated in words. In the Kamakura period, traffic and trade between the capitol and the East grow beyond what they were previously. In what ways does the depiction of travel change? Most of the authors of travel literature of this period are men. Women left memoirs detailing not individual journeys, but rather a broader scale of their lives including their travels. Women in Japan have from times of old traveled a great deal indeed, but what brought about this difference in expression?Also, H. E. Plutschow wrote “Tabi suru Nihonjin” (1983, Musashino Shoin), while discussing how different Japanese and Western travel logs are, that in Japan, even if one does not leave on an actual journey, if he makes his way down a series of Utamakura, he may write a travel diary from within his own home. I would also like to look at the unique culture of travel within Japan as seen through the use of typified expression.

著者

Bjoerk Tove

出版者

国文学研究資料館

雑誌

国際日本文学研究集会会議録 = PROCEEDINGS OF INTERNATIONAL CONFERENCE ON JAPANESE LITERATURE (ISSN:03877280)

巻号頁・発行日

no.34, pp.181-194, 2011-03-31

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The artistic expression of the formalized kata-acting in Kabuki is a medium transmitting Japanese cultural history to the present day. As any artistic media involuntarily or voluntarily does, it distorts and confiures a past reality. Therefore, we need to understand how and when kata-acting was created in order to understand what it really shows us.In this presentation, I will focus on the diary (destroyed in fire ca 1810, copies exist) of Ichikawa Danjûrô II (1688-1757), a central figure of the Edo Kabuki world and known as the creator of many of the katas still enacted today. From this diary we know that Danjûrô II was - not, in his opinion, at all contradictory to his health and diet interests - a passionate tobacco smoker, and I will show how this habit influenced his acting and how it came to be medialized into kata by looking especially at the displays of tobacco and smoking in the Sukeroku drama.After a brief introduction on the parallel development of a socially accepted smoking culture and acting using pipes as props and smoking as artistic expression, I will analyze Danjûrô II’s diary entries on smoking and compare them to records on his acting. As few written plays remain today, the Actors Reviews (Yakusha hyôban ki) and Ukiyo-es are our prime source for understanding the process of acting and directing of the mid-18th century.By focusing on Sukeroku, probably the most famous smoking character developed by Danjûrô II, it is possible to follow up how the usage of tobacco utensils and the smoking habits of the different characters in the act developed over time and came to be standardized into the format that we know today. From this perspective, I will lastly consider the manyfold reasons for this process and the potential meanings of institutionalizing a substance such as tobacco into a cultural medium.

著者

井内 美由起

出版者

国文学研究資料館

雑誌

国文学研究資料館紀要 = The Bulletin of The National Institure of Japanese Literature (ISSN:18802230)

巻号頁・発行日

no.43, pp.85-115, 2017-03-16

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本稿では、夏目漱石『彼岸過迄』の第四篇「雨の降る日」とイプセン原作「人形の家」の関係について考察する。なぜなら、女性の自覚を扱った劇として評判を呼んだ「人形の家」との一致と差異を明らかにすることによって、「雨の降る日」の同時代性を明らかにすることができるからである。「人形の家」のノラが子供たちを人形のように可愛がったように、「雨の降る日」の千代子も宵子を人形のように可愛がる。「人形の家」において、「人形」とは女が父や夫から愛されようとして、すすんで彼らの気に入る女らしさを内面化することを表すメタファーであった。千代子が宵子を人形のように扱う行為もまた、千代子自身の疎外を表すメタファーとして解釈することができる。宵子の死とは人形化されたことによる死、つまり女が自ら性的規範を内面化することの悲劇なのである。さらに、以上のような文脈は第三篇「停留所」に接続されることによって、消費社会における女性の地位への批判として読むことが可能である。しかし、ノラが疎外の現実を自覚するのに対して、千代子は自らが疎外されていることに気付かない。このことは二つのテクストにおける人称の差異に表れている。「人形の家」は女主人公が愛のために自らを犠牲にすることを美徳とする価値観をこそ批判したのであるが、「雨の降る日」は犠牲を美しい行為として語っており、結局は女性の従属を肯定している、と論じた。This paper examines the relationship between the fourth chapter of Natsume Sōseki ’ s (1867-1916) novel Higan sugi made (To the spring equinox and beyond, 1912) and Henrik Ibsen’s (1828-1906) play A Doll’s House (1879). Ibsen’s play is famous for its portrayal of a woman who has become conscious of her own womanhood. A discussion of similarities and differences between this play and the fourth chapter of Sōseki’s novel reveals the political import of the latter. Just as Nora, the protagonist of A Doll’s House, dearly loved her children, so, too, does Sōseki’s Chiyoko dearly love her uncle’s daughter, Yoiko. In Ibsen’s play, the doll is a metaphor for a girl or woman who, having become an object of affection for her father or husband, eventually internalizes the sort of femininity most pleasing to her male guardian. Chiyoko’s treatment of Yoiko as a sort of doll may be understood as a metaphor for her own sense of disconnectedness. Yoiko's death was the result of the child having been transformed into a doll - the tragedy, that is, of having willingly internalized a self-destructive image of femininity. Moreover, Sōseki’s fourth chapter, following as it does upon the third, may also be read as a criticism of a woman ’ s place in consumerist economy. Whereas Nora eventually became aware of her marginalized existence, Chiyoko remains ignorant of her own condition. This fact is revealed through the differing ways in which the two authors use personal pronouns. It was believed that the woman who sacrificed her own dreams for the sake of love was a paragon of virtue. While Nora openly repudiates such an ideal, Chiyoko readily embraces this same ideal. I argue, therefore, that Sōseki’s Chiyoko serves as a means of validating the subservient role of women.

著者

国文学研究資料館 編

出版者

国文学研究資料館

巻号頁・発行日

no.14, 1988-03

著者

小峯 和明

出版者

国文学研究資料館

雑誌

国文学研究資料館紀要 = The Bulletin of The National Institute of Japanese Literature (ISSN:03873447)

巻号頁・発行日

no.14, pp.31-62, 1988-03-30

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安居院流の唱導書の一である国文学研究資料館蔵『澄印草等』(鎌倉写)の紹介と翻刻。内容は安芸前司義盛逆修表白と養和二年二月の仁和寺宮五部大乗経供養(法会次第・表白)とからなる。前者は転法輪鈔(十二)密教上の一部に合致。台密の教義にもとづき、法華経と大日如来・両界曼陀羅との顕密不二を説く。後者は後白河院と守覚法親王が覚性法親王の菩提供養を仁和寺大聖院で行ったもの。吉記・玉葉によれば、講師は澄憲であり、この表白が彼の手になることが証明される。表白は対句の修辞を駆使した力作であり、院政期の法会文学として貴重であるばかりでなく、中世の文体形成の礎としても注目される資料である。 This is an introduction and a reprint of “Choin soto”(澄印草等)(reprinted in the Kamakura period) which is one of books of Agui school sermon stored in National Institute of Japanese literature. The contents consists of Hyobyaku (supplications) of gyakushu (holding a memorial service prior to one’s death) of Yoshimori, the former official of Aki Province and five teachings of Mahayana Buddhism memorial service in Ninnajinomiya (programs for the Buddhist mass・hyobyaku) in February, 1182. The former is equal to a part of “Tenborinsho”(転法輪鈔)(12) in esoteric Buddhism. Based on a doctrine of the esoteric Buddhism of the Tendai sect, it preached the nonduality of Kenmitsu between the Lotus Sutra and Dainichi Nyorai・Ryokai Mandara. Contents of the latter one is that Goshirakawa-in and Shukaku houshinno held a memorial service for Kakushohoushinno in Ninna-ji sanctuary. According to Kikki(吉記)・Gyokuyo(玉葉), a lecturer was Choken. It is proved that he wrote this hyobyaku. It is the masterpiece which made full use of the rhetoric of the couplet, and it is not only valuables as Buddhist ceremony literature of the Insei period, but also is the material which attracts attention as a foundation of the writing style formation of the Middle Ages.