著者
上田 哲司
出版者
国文学研究資料館
雑誌
特別研究員奨励費
巻号頁・発行日
2020-04-24

本研究は、江戸幕府による蝦夷地直轄に関する史料や、東北諸藩による蝦夷地警備に関する史料、場所請負商人に関する史料などを収集し、そこよりアイヌ社会に関する情報を抜粋し、その実態を細かく追及しようとするものである。検討時期としては、特に蝦夷地一次幕領期(1799~1821)を中心にする。この調査を通して明らかになったアイヌ社会のあり様が、アイヌ側の主体性によって構成されたのか、場所請負商人などの介在や幕藩制国家の支配が及び始めてきたことが関係するのかを考察する。それによって、アイヌ社会の歴史像を描くとともに、国家がアイヌ社会へと支配を及ぼしていった過程を精緻に考察する。
著者
ミヒールセン エドウィン
出版者
国文学研究資料館
雑誌
国文学研究資料館紀要 文学研究篇 = The Bulletin of The National Institure of Japanese Literature (ISSN:24363316)
巻号頁・発行日
no.48, pp.259-288, 2022-03-18

一九二〇年代に女性権利を代表する運動が登場すると同時に、女性のリプロダクティブ・ライツの闘争が始まった。その中、最も活躍していたプロレタリア婦人運動家たちは、階級闘争を女性権利と結び付け、女性の生殖権利を要求する無産者産児制限同盟(プロBC)を結成した。本稿では、無産者産児制限の言説と歴史背景を分析しながら、階級支配と性支配の統合を含めてプロレタリア作家平林たい子の「施療室にて」という短編を考察する。そうすること、産児制限とプロレタリア文学との相互関係を検討する。また、「施療室にて」をプロレタリア産児制限論と併読しながら、プロレタリア作家たちは、どのようにジェンダーの搾取と資本主義において唯一生産できない商品である労働力の再生産の必要性を結びつけたかを示したい。 In the 1920s, the struggle surrounding women’s reproductive rights started intandem with the appearance of women rights movements. Among these movements,the ardent proletarian women activists connected class struggle with women rights andestablished the Proletarian Birth Control Movement (ProBC), which advocated forwomen’s reproductive rights. This article examines Hirabayashi Taiko’s “At the CharityWard,” published in the ninth issue of Literary Front in 1927, against the historicalbackdrop of proletarian birth control politics to elucidate the mutual relation betweenbirth control politics and proletarian literature. Furthermore, reading “At the CharityWard” together with discussions on proletarian birth control, this article demonstrateshow proletarian writers like Hirabayashi Taiko connected gender exploitation with thenecessity of the reproduction of labor power, the only commodity capitalism cannotproduce.
著者
顧 姍姍
出版者
国文学研究資料館
雑誌
国際日本文学研究集会会議録 = PROCEEDINGS OF INTERNATIONAL CONFERENCE ON JAPANESE LITERATURE (ISSN:03877280)
巻号頁・発行日
no.34, pp.39-53, 2011-03-31

Couplet expressions are the most prominent rhetorical feature in Chinese poetry literature. They frame poems. As Chinese poetry literature developed, different variations of couplet appeared. Among them, Kakku-tsui (couplet of every other line) is a relatively unique pattern. Usually, couplet consists of two consecutive lines, but Kakku-tsui is formed as follows; one by the first line and the third line, or by the second line and the fourth line. The origin can be traced to ‘Shi Jing’ and Kakku-tsui is also used frequently in ‘Pianli wen’ as well as in Chinese poetry in the Chinese oldest anthology ‘Wen Xuan’ compiled during Liù Cháo. At the beginning of the Tong Dynasty, it’s regarded as an important formality and manner by several reviews of Shangguan Yi. ‘Shi Jing’ and ‘Wen Xuan’ were introduced to Japan in an earlier time and were textbooks for Daigaku-ryo designated by Yourou Code. Moreover, Shangguan Yi’s book is quoted by Kukai and the form of ‘Kakku-tsui’ is found in ‘Bunkyohifuron’ (before 820). Descriptions of Kakku-tsui are found in other books. Though we can see a lot of Kakku-tsui in ‘Pianli wen’ compiled in anthologies of Chinese poetry in the first half of the 9th century (‘Ryoun-syu’, ‘Bunka-syurei-syu’ and ‘Keikoku-syu’), it has never been used in Chinese poems.Kakku-tsui was finally begun to use as an expression method of Archaistic Poetry in the latter half of the 9th century when Sugawara-no-Michizane and Shimada- Tadaomi were on active. This is attributed to the frequent use by Bai Juyi and the popularity of ‘Hakushi-monjyu (bunsyu)’ after Jouwa period, so we can presume the strong influence of Bai Juyi. However, if we compare the Kakku-tsui written by Michizane and Bai Juyi, there is similarity but also there is notable difference. In this presentation, I want to explain how Japanese poets in the 9th century absorbed the formality and manner of Chinese poetry through Chinese books and shaped Japanese style Chinese poetry by investigating the reality of Kakku-tsui.
著者
古川 清彦
出版者
国文学研究資料館
雑誌
国文学研究資料館紀要 = The Bulletin of The National Institute of Japanese Literature (ISSN:03873447)
巻号頁・発行日
no.7, pp.33-44, 1981-03-30

飯田武郷は『日本書紀通釈』の著者として有名であるが、幕末期の国学者としての地位は必らずしも明らかではなく、地味な存在である。しかし国学の実践活動においては権田直助・落合直亮・相楽総三らと結んで多面的であり、岩倉具視との関係も興味深いものがある。そして権田・落合・相楽と異なる学者としての道を歩んで、明治維新後の時代に身を処した点に特色があるが、詩歌の道にも優れていた。最近、幕末の志士における詩歌の重要性が説かれるが、武郷はそうした面で志士としての活動とともに詩歌文章によって歴史の変革期の記録を行った文人としての面も備えている。本稿においては、家系・学統・国学活動などを周辺の情況・人物などに触れながら考察した。そして文人としての意味からは『蓬室集』に注目したのである。 Ida Takesato was famous as an author of "Nihonshoki-tsushaku" (the explanation of the oldest chronicles of Japan), however the position as a Japanese classical scholar of the end of the Edo period was not necessarily clear and had a simple existence. In the practice activity of the study of Japanese classical literature, he multilaterally allied with Gonda Naosuke, Ochiai Naoaki and Sagara Sozo, the relations with Iwakura Tomomi is also interesting. There is characteristic at the point that he followed a different paths as a scholar from Gonda, Ochiai, Sagara and behaved in the times of the Meiji Restoration. He was also superior in the way of the poetry. Importance of the poetry written by Shishi (a historical term describing a commoner in the late Edo period who actively contributed to the country) was explained recently. In such a behavioral aspect, he possessed a side as a literati who recorded the revolutionary period of the history by a poetry sentence with the activity as Shishi. In this article, family lineage, academic lineage, activity of a study of Japanese classical literature were considered while mentioning neighboring situation and people. From the meaning as a literati "Hoshitsu-shu"(蓬室集) was noteworthy.
著者
兪 三善
出版者
国文学研究資料館
雑誌
国際日本文学研究集会会議録 = PROCEEDINGS OF INTERNATIONAL CONFERENCE ON JAPANESE LITERATURE (ISSN:03877280)
巻号頁・発行日
no.19, pp.111-124, 1996-10-01

The purpose of this paper is to investigate words of mimicry and sound effects which appear in the joruri drama of Chikamatsu and the pansori plays of the Korean dramatist Shinzehyo, with particular attention to the characteristics of words which express "crying." Here is a summary of the results of my investigations. Firstly, it is clear that words reproducing emotion occur far more frequently in joruri than in pansori. The fixed facial expressions of joruri puppets mean that free expression of psychological shifts is impossible, and consequently this has to be expressed to the audience directly through words. Another reason is that the chief interest of the sewamono plays lies in the depiction of the characters' psychological changes, rather than the details of the background incidents. As a result. joruri requires a more emotionally descriptive language. By contrast, the scarcity of such languag in pansori can be attributed to the following three points: a) pansori is an art form which expresses by music a narrative poem. The author's personal feelings or thoughts are never expressed. Individual expression is denied, and in its place these epic poems aspire to a manner of thought that will be universally understood. b) emphasis is on depiction of the progression of events within the narrative rather than personal characterisation, so pansori lacks emotional or passionate language c) emotional swings are often indicated by varying the jandan (rhythm). These three factors reduce the necessity for emotional or passionate language. Secondly, I examined how often phrases depicting lamentation or crying in both materials, and whether the frequency of crying varied. I found that crying (including the crying voice itself) is by far the most important, presumably because the central aim of the dramatic works of both countries is naturally to express "yû" (grief). In addition, most of the characters are lower-class citizens, peasants, oppressed people, much given to lamentation and crying. Furthermore, the frequency of the use of words reproducing lamentation was lower in joruri than in pansori. The scarcity of such words in joruri can be attributed to the seriousness of tragedy. The author has tried to express emotion by using various kinds of words, together with words of mimicry and sound effects. Pansori on the other hand, is tragic. The emotion of crying could even be expressed by words of mimicry and sound effects without the help of other expressions.Thirdly, I compared the expressions of crying, and found that, in joruri, these are generally limited to sudden cries of "watto!", whereas in pansori the commonest phrase is "ægoægo" which simulates sustained crying. Both employ sudden, loud shouts to express crying, but this suddenness and timing is rather different. "Watto" normally expresses grief when a sudden misfortune befalls the speaker or the speaker's family. "ægoægo" expresses grief when the speaker suffers continual misfortune, so to speak, a fatal one.
著者
Arntzen Sonja
出版者
国文学研究資料館
雑誌
国際日本文学研究集会会議録 = PROCEEDINGS OF INTERNATIONAL CONFERENCE ON JAPANESE LITERATURE (ISSN:03877280)
巻号頁・発行日
no.23, pp.80-93, 2000-03-01

No matter whether into modem Japanese or into foreign languages, the problem of translating the dinstinctiveness of the narrative voice in Genji Monogatari is a difficult one. In my opinion that difficulty originates with the female character of the narrative style. The female character of the narrative voice is apparent in many facets of the text. In this presentation, taking one passage of the "Wakamurasaki"chapter as a focus, I will do a comparative analysis of how the four main translations into modem Japanese, (Yosano Akiko, Tanizaki Jun'ichiro, Enchi Fumiko and Setouchi Jakucho) have dealt with this problem. On the basis of this, I will further compare the two major translations into English (Arthur Waley and Edward Seidensticker) to show that this kind of female narrative voice has not been sufficiently taken into consideration in the translation process.
著者
洪 晟準
出版者
国文学研究資料館
雑誌
国際日本文学研究集会会議録 = PROCEEDINGS OF INTERNATIONAL CONFERENCE ON JAPANESE LITERATURE (ISSN:03877280)
巻号頁・発行日
no.37, pp.65-79, 2014-03-31

“Raigōajarikaisoden” is a story in which Shimizu no kanja Yoshitaka seeks revenge on Minamoto no Yoritomo by practicing magic using rats based on Raigōajari’s consuming grudge. According to previous studies, this story consists of two stories of vengeance. One is a story about Yoshitaka who seeks revenge on Minamoto no Yoritomo for his father Kiso no Yoshinaka. The other is a story about Nekoma Shintarō Mitsuzane who seeks revenge on Kiso no Yoshinaka and Yoshinaka’s elder son Yoshitaka for his elder brother Nekoma no chūnagon Mitsutaka. Karaito, who is the wife of Yoshinaka’s retainer Tezuka no Tarō Mitsumori and also Yoshitaka’s nanny, is praised as ‘retsujo (an outstanding woman)” in Ichiyōken Gyokuzan’s “Gedaikagami” and Tamenaga Shunsui’s “Zōho Gedaikagami”. Both writers consider “Raigōajarikaisoden” as the story which describes Karaito’s loyalty and mental suffering. The author Takizawa Bakin gives a low valuation to “Raigōajarikaisoden” in “Chosakudō kyūsaku ryakujihyō tekiyō” (owned by Sekisui Museum) which is a collection of his critical essays on his own works. It seems that this low valuation is caused by his regret of not being able to give the faithful woman Karaito’s death any merits. However, both Ichiyōken Gyokuzan and Tamenaga Shunsui mention Karaito’s story. It is clear that Karaito is one of the main characters in “Raigōajarikaisoden” and her revenge on Yoritomo should be regarded as the third story of vengeance which follows the above-mentioned two stories. The otogizōshi “Karaitozōshi” is the story about Karaito’s daughter Manju no hime’s filial piety. Although “Raigōajarikaisoden” is based on “Karaitozōshi”, Bakin let appear Karaito as Mitsumori’s wife. Karaito is Mitsumori’s daughter in “Karaitozōshi”. As Karaito appears as Mitsumori’s wife in “Raigōajarikaisoden”, Yoritomo is changed from her father’s revenge to her husband’s revenge and as such the tale describes Karaito’s ‘tei (chastity)’. Karaito’s ‘kō (filial duty)’ towards her father is one of important virtues in “Karaitozōshi”. Her ‘chū (loyalty)’ to Yoshinaka and Yoshitaka and her ‘tei (chastity)’ to her husband Mitsumori become important virtues in “Raigōajarikaisoden”. In this presentation, I am going to explain that Karaito’s story works as the third story of vengeance besides stories of Yoshitaka and Mitsuzane’s vengeance and I would like to point out how Karaito’s chast ity is especially emphasized in “Raigōajarikaisoden”.
著者
熊 慧蘇
出版者
国文学研究資料館
雑誌
国際日本文学研究集会会議録 = PROCEEDINGS OF INTERNATIONAL CONFERENCE ON JAPANESE LITERATURE (ISSN:03877280)
巻号頁・発行日
no.23, pp.47-65, 2000-03-01

Tsûzoku Tô Gensô Gundan (hereafter abbreviated Gundan) is one of the popular military tales, dating from the first half of the early modern period, that are considered to be the forerunners of the genre known as yomihon (books for reading) . According to Tokuda Takeshi, Gundan is based on such histories as Shiji Tsugan (A history of China) but the origins of the work and the various sources on which it draws have not been elucidated at all. [Nihon Koten Bungaku Kenkyûshi Daijiten, Ed. Nishizawa Masafumi, Tokuda Takeshi, Bensei Shuppan, reprinted March, 1999.]However, the present investigation reveals that a principal source for the text is Shiji Tsugan Kômoku, and that other sources include such poems and stories as: Kutôjo, Shintôjo, Chôgonka, Chôgonka-den, Yôtaishin Gaiden, Baihiden, and Kaigen Tenpô Iji. In this study, I clarify which parts of Gundan come from classical Chinese texts and which parts are adaptations on the part of the author. Further, I also point out places in the text where the author has inserted his own interpretations even as he is quoting from classical Chinese sources. In doing so, I try to show how authorial design has shaped the creation of the text--in other words, I try to make clear the methods of translation used in the text.I begin with a discussion of the evidence for the argument that Shiji Tsugan Kômoku is a principal source for the Gundan text. In the first place, there is the fact that Gundan, published in Hôei 2 (1705), appeared after Shiji Tsugan Kômoku (published during the Kanbun era, 1661-1673), and before Shiji Tsugan (published in Kansei 2, 1790). In the second place, of the one hundred forty-eight tales within the complete twenty-volume text of Gundan, there are seventy tales whose titles either exactly mirror, or are made up of partial quotations from, the layout (kô) of Shiji Tsugan Kômoku. In contrast, there are only a few headings in Shiji Tsugan that are similar to those of Gundan, and even those phrases that are similar are usually incorporated into the body of the text. It is thus difficult to imagine that Gundan was extracted from Shiji Tsugan.Next, there is the story of Yô Kihi (Yang Guifei), which appears more often in literary works and unofficial histories than in the official histories of China. Gundan is no exception. In Gundan, the section pertaining to Yô Kihi differs considerably from that found in the historiographical text Shiji Tsugan Kômoku. Rather, it makes use of classical Chinese works such as those listed above, with the further addition of various authorial adaptations. Consequently, the story has been changed from a serious historiographical work to a fictionalized romance.In this way, by skillful arrangement, the author of Gundan has taken classical Chinese histories--which the ordinary person would have found difficult to read--and turned them into entertaining, easy-to-read stories. The prose of doing so, as stated in the preface, is to educate the people in the lessons and “connect benevolence” (seichoku jinjo) of history.
著者
王 暁瑞
出版者
国文学研究資料館
雑誌
国際日本文学研究集会会議録 = PROCEEDINGS OF INTERNATIONAL CONFERENCE ON JAPANESE LITERATURE (ISSN:03877280)
巻号頁・発行日
no.33, pp.187-199, 2010-03-31

In the late Edo period, Tachibana No Akemi made a linked poem; Dokurakugin. It had a unique form of expression, starting upper phrase with "tanoshimiha" (The moment I feel pleasure is ... ) and concluding lower phrase with "toki" ( when ... ). This form was followed by Masaoka Shiki, including Matsudaira Shungaku, the lord of the Fukui, giving great influences on many other poets. Dokurakugin consists of linked 52 poems, which is in the third volume, Haruakekusa, of Tachibana No Akemi's anthology Shinobunoyakasyū. He lived in voluntary poverty but that environment inspired some of his most endearing poems, those describing the little pleasures of a poor scholar's life. Concerning the unique form, "tanoshimi ha ... no toki" (The moment I feel pleasure is ... when... ), several studies had been done; some researchers said that "kutsukamuri" form gave the poet the idea to create the unique form and others said that the poem was influenced by Haikai or Kyōka, mad poem. However, all of which are not that convincing.Therefore I would like to look at this subject from a different point of view, considering the influence of "Syubigin" form in Chinese poetry on Dokurakugin. "Syubigin" form is a form found first in the anthology, Isengekijōsyū, by neo-Confucianist, Syōyō (1011-1077) in the Northern Song Dynasty. It consists of linked poems and each upper and lower phrase goes "Gyofu ha kore shi wo ginzuru wo aisuru ni arazu". (I make a poem because I want to enjoy life, not because I love making a poem)Also as to contents, Dokurakugin includes some examples of ideas derived from Syubigin. For example, one phrase meaning 'The moment I feel pleasure is when I am doing meditation sitting on a straw mat, the scent of the grass." seems to be influenced by a poem, which expresses relaxed feelings in serene atmosphere, meaning "I like to make a poem when I am doing meditation in a little drunk." In addition, the conception of naming the title, Dokurakugin, seemed to have originated from Syōyō's "anrakukacyūgin" and Shibakō's "dokurakuenki".In this paper, I would like to consider the development of Tachibana No Akemi's unique form of expression in Dokurakugin, focusing on its receptive connection with Syōyō's Syubigin.
著者
相田 満
出版者
国文学研究資料館
雑誌
国文学研究資料館紀要. 文学研究篇 = The bulletin of the National Institute of Japanese Literature. Japanese literature (ISSN:18802230)
巻号頁・発行日
no.36, pp.65-96, 2010-03

編年体である六国史の記載を中国の類書にならい分類再編集した『類聚国史』は、菅原道真の編纂により、寛平四年(八九二)に完成・成立した。中国有数の「類書」と対置されるほどに高い評価を受け、元来本文二○○巻目録二巻系図三巻の計二○五巻であったが、散逸して現存するのは六一巻のみで、亡佚巻の部立については、これまで坂本太郎氏をはじめとして、『類聚国史』内に記載される逸亡項目や、稀々に発見される逸文を基礎に推定されることが専らであった。ところが、無窮会図書館神習文庫蔵『勢多本類聚国史目録」に記載される内容を検討した結果、新たに二○巻分の部立が未報告のものであることが判明した。これにより、既存の研究成果とあわせれば総計一六○巻分の部立が明らかとなる。本稿では、当該資料を紹介するとともに、その妥当性を検討することにより、そこからさらに『類聚国史』の部立てがどの・ような配列原理で設定されたかということについても考察を進める。すなわち、『類聚国史』の配列原理が、それを使用する際の便宜を図るためになされたのではないかという視点に立ち、二官八省の組織を円滑に機能せしめるべく工夫されたと考える。Michizane Sugawara edited "RUIJU-KOKUSHI (A collected Japanese history book)" and it was completed in 892. It was classified by six kinds of Japanese history books and was edited again. It receives a high evaluation as to rank with "a classic encyclopedia" eminent Chinese. Originally it had included 200 volumes text, 2 volumes of indexes, three volumes of genealogies, however, many part of the books had lost now. As a result, it remains only 61 volumes. By the way, there are new contents of 20 volumes, on the "Index of RUIJU-KOKIJSHI, Seta Version" (put in the library of the KANNARAI in the MUKYUUKAI-LIBRARY), that had not reported yet.
著者
丹羽 みさと
出版者
国文学研究資料館
雑誌
国際日本文学研究集会会議録 = PROCEEDINGS OF INTERNATIONAL CONFERENCE ON JAPANESE LITERATURE (ISSN:03877280)
巻号頁・発行日
no.35, pp.157-164, 2012-03-31

Okamoto Kidō wrote the play 'Oshichi' on the request of the shinpa actor Kawai Takeo. It appeared in the 'Bungeikurabu' in October 1911 and was performed at the Hongō-za theatre the following month. The theatre was located in present day Hongō 3 chō-me, Bunkyō-ku and it was close to the Oshichi's parental 'greengrocer business at Hongō 2 chō-me' where the play itself was set. It was confirmed that Kidō referred to the works on Oshichi by Kino Kaion and Baba Bunkō but the locations of their plays were Komagome or just Hongō and were not set in Hongō 2 chō-me as Kidō specified. Why did Kidō choose that specific place? It would be related to the audience.Many students of Daiichi Kōtō Gakkō (the First High School) and Tokyo Teikoku Daigaku (Tokyo Imperial University) were the audience of the Hongō-za theatre. There is a scene where the servant of Oshichi's parents goes out to take orders at Kaga- yashiki which was the place where Daiichi Kōtō Gakkō and Tokyo Teikoku Daigaku were situated at that time. The reason why Kidō created this scene, which had nothing to do with the main plot, would be to create a sense of unity between the stage and audience by dint of using a familiar place to them. Similarly, considering the closeness between the locations of the greengrocer at Hongō 2 chō-me and the theatre, the setting of the play seems also to have been a device to create a sense of spatial unity.The device of creating a sense of unity in this play was not only its geographical factors. Although the play depicts a love between Oshichi and Kichizaburō, the actor who plays the role of Kichizaburō never appears. Instead of the actor, a doll which looks like the embodiment of Kichizaburō symbolically makes an appearance throughout the play. Considering the fact that the main spectators were the students of Daiichi Kōtō Gakkō and Tokyo Teikoku Daigaku and they were just the same generation as Kichizaburō, the absence of the actor was used as a device so they could concentrate on Oshichi and her story.Kidō's 'Oshichi' crossed the settings of the play and the place where it performed each other and it unified a real and a fictitious world. In that sense, it is unique among the other Oshichi stories. It may safely be said that the originality of Kidō's conception should be valued.
著者
藤實 久美子
出版者
国文学研究資料館
雑誌
国文学研究資料館紀要 アーカイブズ研究篇 = The Bulletin of The National Institure of Japanese Literature, Archival Studies (ISSN:24363340)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.52, no.17, pp.1-42, 2021-03-29

徳川幕府・藩のアーカイブズ研究は、幕府の寺社奉行所研究などに牽引されて大きく進 展してきた。そのうえで、今後に期待されるのは、奉行所内部の各部局の実務者レベルの アーカイブズ研究ではないか。もっともそこには公文書と「家」で作成・蓄積された文書・ 記録との関係という複雑さが含まれているのだが、本論文では開国後に新設された江戸の 町奉行所の外国掛下役(同心)および詰所を中心に据えて考える。 まず、旧幕引継書類の請求番号808-23「日記」を分析する。所蔵館(国立国会図書館) はこれをひとつの「かたまり」とする。だが組織体にもとづいて分析すると、各国総領事 館・公使館・仮旅宿・接遇所詰(宿寺詰)が作成した詰所日記20冊をその階層構造から「ア イテム(単体)の集合体」として捉えることができる。 詰所日記の分析からは宿寺詰の勤務体制が明らかになる。また詰所日記は記主が日々替 わるという近世社会の日記の1類型の特徴をもつことに加えて、修正の痕跡が多くみられ る。修正の痕跡は勤務状況を反映している。 つぎに請求番号808-26「外国人買物」ほかを分析する。宿寺の機能と外国掛下役の職 務は多岐にわたったが、そのうち外国人への江戸での商品売渡管理制度を明らかにする。 また綴り帳「外国人買物」の内的秩序を推察し、届書の出所を各宿寺・町奉行所に大きく 分類する。基礎データとして外国人への商品売渡販売者などを一覧表にまとめて示す。 The structural analysis of the documents and records prepared and stored by the departments of Edo Machi Bugyo's offices still requires much elucidation. This paper analyzes the documents and records prepared and stored by minor officials in charge of foreign affairs at magistrate's offices, examining papers inherited from the Tokugawa shogunate that are now held by the National Diet Library. The National Diet Library views call number 808-23 "Diaries" as a single series, but from the perspective of archival science, we found 20 tsumesho nikki for various countries' consulates general, legations, provisional inns, and reception venues for Ansei 6 (1859)–Mannen 1 (1860). By analyzing the contents of the tsumesho nikki, this paper considers the documents and records in the manner of restoration, and discusses the nature of the duties of minor officials in charge of foreign affairs at shuku-tera-tsume from the tsumesho nikki's "sense of noise." Subsequently, in relation to the nature of "Foreigners' purchases" (call number 808-26) and other documents, we confirm the obligation to submit a "toritsuketou shinasho, regular custom list" (todokesho, notification) borne by the headman of the town where the seller and seller's store were located and analyze the contents.
著者
Marguerite Oya
出版者
国文学研究資料館
雑誌
国際日本文学研究集会会議録 = PROCEEDINGS OF INTERNATIONAL CONFERENCE ON JAPANESE LITERATURE (ISSN:03877280)
巻号頁・発行日
no.13, pp.38-46, 1990-03-01

Kanshi ("Chinese poems") writing in the late Edo period, being influenced by "song poesy", was aimed to reproduce the reality as faithfully as possible. But the very characteristic of Japanese kanshi itself contained elements which would be incompatible with realism. This is to say, to depict Japanese daily life, words which were not everyday language and expressions, which were related to China's natural features and Chinese way of life, had to be used.For my study, how poets of the late Edo period surmounted this difficulty I selected in a first step two zekku of Rikunyo Shōnin and Kan Sazan. By comparing these two with several poems of So Shoku, Yô Banri and Han Seidai, I examined, in which form the influence of "song poesy" appeared in Japanese kanshi and what makes the poems of Rikunyo Shōnin and Kan Sazan still so different.Since in the writing of kanshi there were many restrictions imposed on the usage of words, the Japanese poets had to concentrate even more on the relationship between expressions and reality. This peculiar attitude will appear through the forementioned comparison. Beside the consideration of the relation between kanshi and realism itself, this seems to be a very interesting matter.
著者
張 培華
出版者
国文学研究資料館
雑誌
国文学研究資料館紀要 = The Bulletin of The National Institure of Japanese Literature (ISSN:18802230)
巻号頁・発行日
no.43, pp.319-349, 2017-03-16

『枕草子』と『源氏物語』における『白氏文集』の影響についての研究には、引用の視点一つをとっても多種多様な考察がある。しかし、『枕草子』と『源氏物語』の両作品全体と『白氏文集』との関係や、その受容の温度差にまでふれたものについては、管見の限り見えない。そこで具体的な引用の箇所を綱羅するだけでなく、その分析に取り組むことが、本稿の目的である。結論的なことから言えば、清少納言と紫式部の両作品における『白氏文集』への好尚は歴然と分れていると言える。白居易は自らの作品を諷諭、閑適、感傷、雑律詩に四分類したが、その部類の観点で『枕草子』と『源氏物語』の両作品を分析すると、『枕草子』の方が感傷詩の引用数が多いことがわかる。また感傷詩に分類される「長恨歌」は、『枕草子』に一箇所引かれるのに対し、『源氏物語』では十二箇所の引用が指摘され、圧倒的に多い。さらに清少納言は『枕草子』の中で、意識的に感傷詩の表現を借りて、父藤原道隆を失った定子の悲況を表し、定子自身も自ら感傷詩を念頭に置く詠歌を行っていた。その結果、感傷詩が多くなったといえよう。このように、清少納言と紫式部の感傷詩の引用の差異に着目して、両作品の性格の本質を考察することを試みる次第である。It is possible, even when looking at something as simple as quotations of Bai Juyi’s anthology in such works as Makura no sōshi (Pillow book, c. 995-1004) and Genji monogatari (Tale of Genji, 1001), to take a number of differing approaches. As far as I can see, however, no attempts have yet been made to explore the overall relationships between these two last works, on the one hand, and Bai Juyi’s anthology, on the other, or the varying degrees to which each of these Japanese works incorporate that poetry. Far from compiling a mere glossary of quotations, this paper provides detailed analysis of a number of such quotations. Simply put, I argue that the Pillow Book and the Tale of Genji show obvious differences in the way their authors approached Bai Juyi’s poetry. The poet himself divided his poetry into four categories, namely, satirical verses, verses on leisure and tranquility, verses of lamentation, and miscellaneous verses. Interestingly, the author of the Pillow Book has drawn the majority of her quotations from Bai Juyi’s verses of lamentation. Whereas the Pillow Book contains only one quotation taken from Bai Juyi ’ s famous Changhenge (Song of sorrow), the Tale of Genji contains a total of twelve quotations from this lengthy poem. Furthermore, the author of the Pillow Book has very deliberately employed a number of expressions taken from Bai Juyi’s verses of lamentation, not only, in her capacity of narrator, when describing the sorrow felt by Teishi at the loss of her father, but also in those verses spoken from Teishi’s own lips. This paper, by looking closely at the ways in which these two Japanese authors employ the poetry if Bai Juyi, especially his verses of lamentation, seeks to gain a clearer understanding of their works.
著者
明 眞淑
出版者
国文学研究資料館
雑誌
国際日本文学研究集会会議録 = PROCEEDINGS OF INTERNATIONAL CONFERENCE ON JAPANESE LITERATURE (ISSN:03877280)
巻号頁・発行日
no.15, pp.69-77, 1992-03-01

Respect for the old has been traditionally made much of as a virtue in Korea. In Sangoku Shiki (History of the Three Countries) there is a record of a king who gave rice and grains to the old to praise them. And also in Sangoku Iji (Annecdotes of the Three Countries) we can see people who showed great devotion to their parents, along with kings, noblemen and saints, thought in no other part of the book appear common people. Three tales of the common people who were devoted to their parents offered a material for the P'ansori Shimchonjeon. Shimchonjeon is one of the P'ansori that appeared in the latter half of the Korean dynasty, whose ideology was based on Confucianism, between late 17th century and early 18th century. Its theme is filial devotion of a daughter who sacrificed herself for her blind father.By the way, what kind of parent-child relationship is seen in Chikamatu'works? In Shinjūmono (stories of lovers' suicide) we can see childrens' love for their parents, which is depicted in the reminiscent monologues before the suicide. The heroes and heroines choose suicide, dreaming only of their own happiness to come. But, almost without fail, they remember their parents and lament right before their suicide.On the other hand, in Onna Goroshi Abura no Jigoku (Murder of a Woman in the Hell of Oil) the hero is an undevoted and dissipated son, Yohei. The parents' anxiety over their son who keeps swearing shows their true love for him. In Meido no Hikyaku also we can see parents' love for their child.It is natural for the mankind that parents love their cihldren ; children, their parents. In order to investigate the parent- child relationships that we find in the worlds of Shimchonjeon and Chikamatsu, I will take a close look at the cases in which parents' love for their children is stronger than children's love for their parents, and vice versa.
著者
梁 青
出版者
国文学研究資料館
雑誌
国際日本文学研究集会会議録 = PROCEEDINGS OF INTERNATIONAL CONFERENCE ON JAPANESE LITERATURE (ISSN:03877280)
巻号頁・発行日
no.36, pp.171-184, 2013-03-31

Waka gradually became popular at the end of the 9th century. Japanese people composed nihon kanshi which were not just an imitation of Chinese poetry and with the development of a national identity, started searching for their own sense of expression. In this presentation, I am going to compare Chinese poems, waka and nihon kanshi and examine the expression of the spider’s thread in “Shinsen manyōshū” (the first volume, koi 108) as well as the ‘Gyōgetsu’ poem by Sugawara no Michizane. The purpose of this presentation is to throw the light to the development of the kanshi before the “Kokinshū” was published.The poem ‘keichū sekibakutoshite chirin midare (I am sleeping by myself. A spider’s thread is entangled)’ (893, the first volume, koi 108) and Michizane’s poem ‘aki no omoi wa kumo no itosujiyorimo nannari kidakida funfun tachitsukushite kaeru (A lonely meditation in autumn is severed into shreds like a spider’s thread)’ (891) were composed under the context of the vogue of spider’s thread as a motif in the latter of the 9th century. There is no distance between the spider’s thread and the composer’s feelings and this kind of expression is rare. This unique expression is based on the six dynasties poetry ‘shinsho midarete ito no gotoshi (My mind is disturbed like entangled thread)’ (Zui, Sonbanju, tōkukōnannimamorite keiyū no shinyū ni yosu) and hakushi ‘ryūshi hiki taete chō hikitayu hishi masani tsunagi eru toki nakaru beshi (My heart is broken like the branch from a willow. My sorrow is never healed)’ (3145, yōryūshishi 8) and created the semantically related word ‘o, dan, ran, nan’. They created this unique expression by dint of skillfully replacing the old conventional expression ‘aoyagi no ito, seni no ito’ with ‘spider’s thread’. When we think about how ouchō kanshi accepted the Chinese poems of spider’s thread, we will be able to understand that it did not contain a moral hidden meaning. If anything, it tends to draw a cobweb beautifully and minutely. The poem koi 108 and the Michizane’s poem especially draw the scholars’ attention as there are few examples in Chinese poems which write about the severed spider’s thread. It seems that this expression reflect Japan’s own aesthetic sense. The motif of the severed spider’s thread can be seen in the Henjō uta but not in the “Kokinshū”. The motif had been fixed as the conventional expression of koi uta (love poems) after the latter 10th century. In that respect, it may safely be said that the poem koi 108 and the Michizane’s poem are pioneering works.
著者
松原 舞
出版者
国文学研究資料館
雑誌
国際日本文学研究集会会議録 = PROCEEDINGS OF INTERNATIONAL CONFERENCE ON JAPANESE LITERATURE (ISSN:03877280)
巻号頁・発行日
no.39, pp.1-14, 2016-03-17

The Japanese word "awo" (あを) came to be inscribed using the sinograph "青," and in order to clarify the first points of contact where "青" came to have the meaning of "blue," this presentation theorizes aspects of writing the sinograph for "blue" (青) as it appears in the lexis. The objective is to clarify what options writers had for inscription. The object of research for this presentation will be restricted to the Man'yōshū.First, the presentation will discuss poems in the Man'yōshū that use the sinograph "青" and classify them according to the color that is being expressed. Doing so will show that this period, using 青 to represent plants in general had diffused as a general notion of the color. However, this sinograph was not used for plants because it represents the color "green." "青" incorporates the reverence and authority expressed in the Japanese word "awo," and it contains a nuance of the sacred. Conversely, as seen in the assimilation of the Sinic compound "awomatsu" (青松) in Man'yōshū, in "青" there coexist both this sacred component of "awo" and notions learned from continental thought and the literary Sinitic canon.Inscription of "awo" uses the both the kun reading of "青" and the phonetic transcription "a wo" (安乎), and there are only four words that use both types of inscription: "awo yagi" (青柳), "awo kumo" (青雲), "awo nami (青波), and "awoniyoshi" (あをによし). Interestingly, poems where the sacred component of "awo" is being composed upon all use the sinograph "青," whereas examples using phonetic transcription appear for words that derived from the continental canon.The result of examining the Sinic words for "awo nami," "awo kumo," and "awo yagi" and the examples that use phonetic transcription shows that these words were inscribed with a clear awareness of their nuances. Hence, when phonetic transcription was selected, it is plausible that Man'yōshū poets from the Tenpyō period were consciously selecting and writing the Japanese word itself.In this presentation, these four words were divided up based on how they were inscribed, suggesting that the writers' conscious selection of inscription method was an attempt to return to the original meaning of "awo" by using phonetic transcription.
著者
寺田 澄江
出版者
国文学研究資料館
雑誌
国際日本文学研究集会会議録 = PROCEEDINGS OF INTERNATIONAL CONFERENCE ON JAPANESE LITERATURE (ISSN:03877280)
巻号頁・発行日
no.27, pp.69-80, 2004-03-01

From the Ancient to the Middle age, the fundamental poetical structure progressively shifts from a linear discourse, represented by "pillow word (makura kotoba)" or "introductive word (jo-kotoba)", to a "compositive" one, illustrated by "associated words (engo)". This evolution in the discourse strategy takes form, in terms of waka's versification, the establishment of a very clear double structure―splitten into kami no ku (l7syllables) and shimo no ku (14syllables)―which is related itself with the development of the short linked poetry (tan renga) in the later Heian period. This marginal poetical category, generally treated as a simple transitive form between the waka and the linked poetry, has its part in the important changes in the organization principle of the waka.Minamoto no Toshiyori, to whom the originality in the composition was his great concern, devoted himself to the short linked poetry, considering it as a sole poetical form which one can be proud of among the literary works of his time. According to Kenshô, he difined himself as follows:"I'm not a poem teller (or poem singer: uta yomi) but a poem maker (uta tsukuri). I mean, what I do is, rather than regarding fine effects (fuzei), combining exquisite words and structuring them."I will try to clarify in what way Toshiyori's keen concern to the originality is related with this manifesto-- a very expression of the "compositive" discourse-- and with his interest to the short linked poetry.
著者
岡田 一祐
出版者
国文学研究資料館
雑誌
国文学研究資料館紀要 文学研究篇 = The Bulletin of The National Institure of Japanese Literature (ISSN:18802230)
巻号頁・発行日
no.45, pp.239-256, 2019-03-15

本稿では、明治二十年前後の国語国字改良運動のうち、仮名文字専用運動のなかでも見過ごされてきた音義派の活動の一端について紹介したい。いしこみつてる(石河光煕)の『いつらのこゑのかむがへ』(一八八六)は、仮名文字専用運動の一大組織かなのくわいでは圧倒的少数派であった音義派の声を伝えるものとして貴重である。貴重な資料を影印するとともに、かなのくわいにおける音義派の位置づけを検討しつつ、本書をかなのくわい史にどのように据えるべきか検討する。In this article, we will introduce some aspect of the activities of the Ongi-ha, or phonosemantic school — an actor that has been overlooked within the kana-only writing system movement during the Japanese language and script reform movements around Meiji 20 (1887). The Ongi-ha school, who adopted the idea that Japanese words consist of the meaning of each sound, had little, if not nothing, presence in the kana-only writing movement. Itsura no koe no kangae (1886) by Ishiko Mitsuteru is invaluable in that we can find in it the voice of the Ongi-ha school as an overwhelming minor group among the Kana-no-kwai, the largest union in the kana-only writing system movement. By reproducing this valuable material in facsimile, we will discuss how this little book can be placed in the history of the Kana-no-kwai, considering the position of the Ongi-ha school in the Kana-no-kwai.
著者
金 京欄
出版者
国文学研究資料館
雑誌
国際日本文学研究集会会議録 = PROCEEDINGS OF INTERNATIONAL CONFERENCE ON JAPANESE LITERATURE (ISSN:03877280)
巻号頁・発行日
no.21, pp.21-36, 1998-10-01

The traditional tale "Sayohime" is well known throughout Japan, in two differing versions. One includes the legend in which Sayohime climbs a mountain and waves a cloth, which is also found in the works: "Hizen-no- Kuni Fudoki", "Kokon Chomonju", and "Jukkinsho", which post-date "Manyoshu". The other, relating to a ritual sacrifice, can be found in books of fairy-tales (otogizoshi) and in sekkyo joruri such as "Matsura Choja".In the "Manyoshu" poems, Sayohime is described as a woman who sets out after her husband Sadehiko, who has departed for the war, and waves to him from the top of a mountain. However, in "Kokon Chomonju" and "Jukkinsho", Sayohime is the God of the Matsura Shrine. Moreover, in "Nihon Meijo Monogatari" and the main text of "Soga Monogatari" she appears as a bofuseki. A bofuseki is a woman who, after parting from her husband, pines for him so desperately that she is transformed into a statue.There is a Korean tale which describes a phenomenon very similar to bofuseki. This is the tale of "Jesang" included in "Samkuk-Sagi" (1145) and "Samkuk-Yusa". The wife of Jesang, who was crossed the sea to Japan, climbs a mountain and weeps so intensely that she is turned to stone.Korean historical records show that Jesang sailed to Japan during the reign of King Nulji, the 19th ruler of the province of Shinra, to rescue the King's younger brother who had been taken hostage by the Japanese. A corresponding account can be found in "Nihonshoki."The version of "Jesang" in "Samkuk-Sagi" is historically credible, but in the "Samkuk-Yusa" version, the colorful description of Jesang's wife has been added. In "Samkuk-Yusa", the woman climbs the mountain and looks toward Wanokuni (Japan). As she cries loudly, she dies, and is transformed into a Mother God. References to this tale also appear in "Dongkuk-Munhon-Bigo" and "Dongkuk-Yeoji-Sungram".Rather than merely sharing similar motifs, it would seem that the traditional tales of Korea and Japan are more directly connected.