著者

Vos Frits

出版者

国文学研究資料館

雑誌

国際日本文学研究集会会議録 = PROCEEDINGS OF INTERNATIONAL CONFERENCE ON JAPANESE LITERATURE (ISSN:03877280)

巻号頁・発行日

no.9, pp.70-88, 1986-03-01

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The contents of the Ochikubo monogatari (late 10th century) have often been related to folk tales of the Cinderella type. The oldest story of this type in the Far East is included in the sequel ( hsü-chi) to the Yu-yang tsa-tsu, compiled by Tuan Ch'eng-shih (d.863). Its heroine is Yeh-hsien, who is badly treated by her stepmother but eventually marries the ruler of an island kingdom. The story probably originated in Vietnam or Southern K wangsi. In modern Vietnam we find a folk tale called Tâm Cám, an obvious `descendant' of the Yeh-hsien story. Tâm and Cám are the daughters of different mothers. Their father is dead and so is the mother of Tâm. Tâm is treated cruelly by her stepmother and stepsister, but again there is a happy ending: Tâm becomes queen, and her stepmother and Cám are severely punished. In Korea the Cinderella motif is most strikingly represented by the K'ongjwi P'atchwi tale.In this paper, the Cheju-do version of the tale has been summarized. Here the stepdaughter eventually becomes the consort of the Son of Heaven. In Japan we find a great many Cinderella - type stories. A résumé of the Awabuku Komebuku tale from Northern Honshū has been included. The typical Cinderella type of folk tale―in the Far East as well as in Europe―has a fixed order of features. The stepmother is always a second wife. She has a daughter of her own whom she treats very nicely. The father of the stepdaughter is either dead or has a weak character. Before the stepdaughter is allowed to attend a festival she has to perform nearly impossible tasks. In fulfilling them she is usually helped by birds. Having accomplished her work she puts on finery, obtained from a supernatural being (in Vietnam and South China from the buried remains of a fish; in that case she follows instructions of a Buddha, Kuan-yin or an immortal). Then she goes to the festivities. After a test (ususally consisting of trying on very small shoes) she marries a king, a prince, scholar or rich man. The stepmother and her daughter are severely punished. The speaker points out that a comparison of the Ochikubo monogatari to the Far Eastern Cinderella tales seems attractive, but is actually far-fetched. In every history of Japanese literature the realism of the Ochikubo monogatari is stressed as one of its characteristics. The unlimited fantasy, the curious jumble of reality and the supernatural and the inapplicability of natural law which are typical of fairy tales, are completely absent in this monogatari. In the speaker's opinion, the author has simply been inspired by existing conditions in 10th century Japan, where polygamy-at least in the higher strata of society-was the rule rather than an exception.A definition of the concept `novel', roman, is given, and it is demonstrated that the contents of the Ochikubo monogatari satisfy the standards required of this literary genre.A survey of several classical works, usually called `novels', in the Far East, Europe and India follows. It is shown that in several countries (China, Korea and the European countries) the novel appears much later in history than in Japan, and that in other countries (ancient Greece, the Roman Empire, India and Vietnam) we can only speak of a so-called novel. The Utsuho monogatari, another work of the late 10th century and considered by every specialist to be of a somewhat earlier date than the Ochikubo monogatari, may not be considered as a novel in the true sense of the word, since the contents of the first of its 20 scrolls are in the nature of a fairy tale.Because of its structure and contents the Ochikubo monogatari occupies a unique place in world literature, in other words: Japan was the first country to produce a novel.

著者

徐 送迎

出版者

国文学研究資料館

雑誌

国際日本文学研究集会会議録 = PROCEEDINGS OF INTERNATIONAL CONFERENCE ON JAPANESE LITERATURE (ISSN:03877280)

巻号頁・発行日

no.25, pp.57-66, 2002-03-01

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The poem by the emperor Yûryaku which adorns the beginning of the Man'yôshû has long been a subject of debate amongst scholars, each taking literary, historic, anthropologic, and other stances. The question of why Emperor Yûryaku's poem appears at the head of the Man'yôshû has yet to be answered, with the scholarly community still in a state of “the humane seeing humanity and the learned seeing knowledge”.When looking over past research on the subject, numerous interpretations of the poem itself have been made, but on the issue of the poem being based on folklore and difficult to attribute to Emperor Yûryaku himself there is little debate. In other words, the poem is thought to have been attributed to him at a later time. Therefore, for what reason the poem was attributed to the emperor is at the heart of the problem. Of the majority of thinking theories surrounding Emperor Yûryaku’s “personal power” and “spiritual power” have received the most attention, each looking to solve this mystery from the standpoint of politics and literature.This presentation, taking into account the large influence Chinese literature has had on that of Japan, will examine the emperor Yûryaku's poem by comparing it with the first poem of the Shi-Jing (Shikyô), which occupies the same position in Chinese literature as the Man'yôshû in Japan, from the standpoint of research influenced by the French school of thought.Through this comparison, similarities in both content and phrasing have become apparent. It is possible then that these similarities are not a coincidence, but show that the creator of Emperor Yûryaku's poem was influenced by the first poem of the Shi-Jing and possibly the commentaries in Maoshi Guxunzhuan (Môshi Kokunden) and Maoshi Zhuanjian (Môshi Densen). The likelihood that the Man'yôshû, completed in the eighth century, had behind its making a political motive based on the establishment of a federal government based on the ritsuryô system and a desire to stand on an equal footing with China has already been pointed out. With this in mind, it is also likely that the selection of the emperor Yûryaku’s poem for the first in the Man'yôshû was a result of the creator being well versed in Chinese classics, consciously attempting to include and imitate elements of the Shi-Jing in the Man'yôshû and attempting to introduce and accept Confucian philosophy. This spring love poem said to be the “start of man’s humanity” shows the brazen, positive attitude of the ritsuryô nation and its ideal of “great unification”.

著者

林 晃平

出版者

国文学研究資料館

雑誌

国際日本文学研究集会会議録 = PROCEEDINGS OF INTERNATIONAL CONFERENCE ON JAPANESE LITERATURE (ISSN:03877280)

巻号頁・発行日

no.24, pp.33-54, 2001-03-01

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There seem to have been several rules untouched in the story in terms of picturing the Urashima legend. Focusing on these, Urashima's clothes of the time when he returned from Ryûgû is one of them. In most picture scrolls Urashima is dressed in eboshi-kariginu, which is usually yellowish brown with some exceptions of which being yellow green. In my opinion, there might have been the rules among painters or the consensus about the image of visitors from a different world.There are cases misunderstanding itself expands the pictures. Some of the picture scrolls of Urashima in the early modem times contain the scene that okina-ôna(an old couple), a woman and Urashima are sitting facing each other. The scene is set between the times he catches the turtle and he stays with Otohime at Ryûgû, but the story doesn't have the description matching the scene. It seems that it happened because the original scene that Ryuô and Otohime welcome Urashima was redrawn as if the scene is set in our real world. Also, in the picture of his journey to Ryûgû, a boy is rowing the boat which is originally supposed to have only a woman aboard. It can be also guessed that the boy Urashima was described as a man with sakayaki and, with a lag between pictures, the picture was redrawn as the one explained above.The typical model of Urashima legend described from the early modern times to the modern times is Urashima Tarô riding a turtle, which already started in the early 18th centruy. It's often drawn in kusazôshi and nishikie. What is strange is Urashima riding the turtle standing on it. This may be because of making it look like “Bodhidharma crossing the Yangzi River on a reed”, and the turtle leading Urashima to Ryûgû is a minogame, which is regarded as sacred and appeared in the 17th century. The minogame was gradually turned into a normal turtle based on the idea of emphasizing the relationship with the sea as the meaning of minogame died out, but you can still find the turtle with a reedy tail in the present illustrated books.As you see, the style of Urashima legend described in the pictures had been changing through the years. The pictures change by themselves apart from the main story and it seems that they sometimes caused the story to change.

著者

項 青

出版者

国文学研究資料館

雑誌

国際日本文学研究集会会議録 = PROCEEDINGS OF INTERNATIONAL CONFERENCE ON JAPANESE LITERATURE (ISSN:03877280)

巻号頁・発行日

no.17, pp.9-23, 1994-10-01

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It is said that the question as to whether The Tale of Urashima is Chinese or Japanese arose from its similarity to the Tale of Yamasachi-Umisachi found in The Kojiki. Indeed they share a great many elements. However, the greatest basic difference between them is found in the theme of a time-slip in another world. Since no gap between the passage of time in the other world and the world of humans is visible in the Tale of Yamasachi-Umisachi found in The Kojiki we can perhaps conclude that this element is Chinese.By comparing The Tale Of Urashima with the Tang dynasty romance, Liu-yi-chuan, which it most closely resembles, I have pointed out all of the elements which they have in common in literary expression and god-like recluse Daoist thought and have also taken a look at all of the differences between the two. The Liu-yi-chuan, which was completed in China during the mid-Tang, is both a story of an extended stay in an enchanted garden and a tale of a water-god's home. However, The Tale of Urashima, while having the two above elements, is very different from the mid-Tang Liu-yi-chuan in that it also has a drifting-ashore motif like that of The Tale of Yamasachi-Umisachi in The Kojiki with the driftingashore motif. In addition, in the Liu-yi-chuan expressions concerning the recluse's elixir and immortality are very prominent while in contrast The Tale of Urashima has little to say about the recluse's elixir and brings up only the god-like recluse idea of immortality. I believe that this indicates that there is something of a difference between the understanding and reception of god-liki recluse Daoism in the two countries.Also, the Chinese conception of time often seen in a story of an extended stay in an enchanted garden as in the expression ,"A day in Heaven is like unto a year on earth,"is found in The Tale of Urashima as "three years is like unto three hundred years," or in expressions like "seventh-generation grandchildren," while in Liu-yi- chuan on the contrary such a view of time is not much touched upon. I have investigated the disparity in the use of such expressions.My conclusion is that ancient Japanese adapted the culture which they imported to their concerns, gradually absorbed it by means of their own peculiar method of digestion, and without being conscious of doing so transformed it into a literature written in classical Chinese peculiar to Japan, so that it went through a process of changing into culture or thought which has a thoroughly Japanese flavor.

著者

奥津 憲聖

出版者

国文学研究資料館

雑誌

国文学研究資料館紀要 = The Bulletin of National Institure of Japanese Literature Archival Studies (ISSN:18802249)

巻号頁・発行日

no.13, pp.131-148, 2017-03-16

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本稿では、1968(昭和43)年から1981(昭和56)年にかけて横浜市の企画調整局長や技監を務めた田村明の個人文書が持つ歴史的価値を明らかにし、その編成のあり方を検討する。田村は革新市政期の横浜市をブレーンとして支えた人物であり、先進的な都市政策を立案して現在の横浜の都市構造の礎を築いた都市計画の専門家である。地方自治体の政治過程に参画した専門家の個人文書は、公文書の内容からは明らかにすることができない政策立案の背景を現在に伝える。特に都市計画家の個人文書には公的記録の不足を補う歴史資料としての価値が認められる。田村明個人が作成・収受・整理し、自宅で保管していた文書群は彼の没後、「田村明資料」として横浜市史資料室に寄贈された。本稿では同資料の構造分析を行い、彼が生涯にわたって展開した機能の連続性と組織性を明らかにした。その上で「都市プランナー」、「家族」、「個人」という3 つのシリーズを設定し、同資料を編成した。さらに田村の経歴を反映させたサブシリーズと同資料に含まれる文書の内容に基づいたサブシリーズをシリーズ「都市プランナー」の下に並置させた。先行研究の編成論を踏まえながら、アーカイブズの内的秩序の構成理論に基づき提示した新しい編成手法は他の個人文書の編成にも応用することが可能である。This paper aims at elucidating the historical value and arrangement process of a collection of private records produced by Tamura Akira (1926-2010), a professional urban planner who served as the head of the planning and coordination bureau as well as chief engineer for City of Yokohama from 1968 to 1981. In those years when the reformist was the mayor, Tamura served as the brains behind Yokohama’s development, offering progressive proposals relating to urban planning, and setting the groundwork for the modern-day urban structure of Yokohama. Participating as he did in the political process of local government, Tamura’s private records give us a glimpse into the background of certain policymaking—information which is not generally included in public records. Tamura’s records—what are now referred to collectively as the Tamura Akira Documents—which were originally produced, collected, and organized in his own house, were donated to City of Yokohama Municipal Archives Reference Room after his death. This paper aims at analyzing the general contents of these records, as well as the continuity and organizational potential of Tamura’s works. I have organized his records into three series, depending on their content: there are records about his profession, about his family life, and about his personal life. In Addition, I have provided the first series with sub-series which depend on his career and interest. While consulting previous research into the process of document arrangement, I present here a new method, based on archival theory, of arranging private records in general.

著者

魯 惠卿

出版者

国文学研究資料館

雑誌

国際日本文学研究集会会議録 = PROCEEDINGS OF INTERNATIONAL CONFERENCE ON JAPANESE LITERATURE (ISSN:03877280)

巻号頁・発行日

no.21, pp.37-54, 1998-10-01

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Izumi Kyoka based "Tsunbo no Isshin " on his late father Kiyotsugu, and the depiction it gives us of Kyoka's state of mind in the wake of his father's death makes the work an important one. The author's original text, with corrections added by Ozaki Koyo, is among the archives of Keio Gijuku Library. Ozaki's corrections are numerous, but no research has yet been done on the nature of these corrections. A comparison of Kyoka's uncorrected hand-written text with the published corrected version is essential if we are to understand Kyoka's original intentions, as well as the process by which the work subsequently developed.Ozaki's corrections range from punctuation, and kana added to Chinese characters, to alterations to the content of the work itself. I shall concentrate on the latter, which may be characterized in two ways. Firstly, changes were made to the nature of the narrative. "Tsunbo no Isshin" is a first-person narrative, but the narrator (yo) is also the doctor supervising "Isshin" who is a craftsman. While Kyoka's hand-written text describes the psychology and behaviour of the narrator, who sympathizes with Isshin and his family, the version corrected by Ozaki tends to delete much of this, simplifying the relationships between characters. In Kyoka's text, as well as a portrayal of Isshin, there is also detailed description of the tender attachment between Okoma and the narrator, and the filial devotion of Okoma's younger brother. By contrast, Ozaki's corrected version concentrates mainly on Isshin's behaviour and his attitude to his work in the period leading up to his death. Ozaki's decision to change the original title of the work, "Kame no Saiku" to "Tsunbo no Isshin", illustrates this.I would like to consider the above points, and to elucidate what it was that Kyoka attempted to describe in his original text, his feelings for his late father, and the processes of the work's formation.

著者

渡辺 守邦 竹下 義人 樹下 文隆

出版者

国文学研究資料館

雑誌

国文学研究資料館調査研究報告第10号 = Research and study report (ISSN:02890410)

巻号頁・発行日

pp.97-136, 1989-03-31

著者

新間 水緒

出版者

国文学研究資料館

雑誌

国文学研究資料館紀要 = National Institure of Japanese Literature (ISSN:18802230)

巻号頁・発行日

no.40, pp.53-80, 2014-03-14

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鴨長明の『方丈記』冒頭の有名な一文が、『文選』の「歎逝賦」の詩句を典拠としているということは、『方丈記』成立の四十年後に編纂された『十訓抄』に指摘がある。『文選」は、正文に注釈がついた形で日本に伝来し、奈良時代以前から受容されてきた。平安時代を通じて『白氏文集』とともに知識人の教養の書とされ、長明の時代にも状況は同じであった。長明も当然『文選』を学んでいたであろうし、その場合詩句の解釈は当時の通例として注釈によったであろう。このような『文選』の享受のあり方を背景に『方丈記』を読むと、序章全般にわたって「歎逝賦」との表現面での類似が見て取れ、さらに「歎逝賦」の注文を受容し、表現を編み出していることがわかる。ただ「歎逝賦」が「逝くを歎く」ことを主題としているのに対して、『方丈記』の序章は「人と栖の無常」を問題にすることにおいて、大きく異なると同時に、そこには長明独自の主題があるといえる。この主題は最終章に至るまで論理的に展開されており、『方丈記』末尾の問題とも大きく関わっているように思われる。Various annotations describe how the prelude of HO-JO-KI, by KAMO-NO-CHOMEI, is based on phrases from ‘TANSEINOFU’, in Wenxuan.When Wenxuan was introduced to Japan, it took the form of a textwith annotations, and was widely read by educated people. It seems likely that CHOMEI, being an intellectual, would have read it as part of his education. Should this indeed be the case, one can assume the annotations were included in his studies, following general custom at that time. HO-JO-KI takes up the annotations of ‘TANSEINOFU' throughout the prelude, and develops the theme; "transience of human beings and of their residence.”

著者

齋藤 真麻理

出版者

国文学研究資料館

雑誌

国文学研究資料館紀要 文学研究篇 (ISSN:18802230)

巻号頁・発行日

no.37, pp.93-119, 2011-03

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『鼠の草子』は異類婚姻譚という伝統的な主題を軸とし、民間伝承「鼠の浄土」「見るなの座敷」などとも通じ合う世界を内包する物語である。この室町物語は、人間が留まり得ない異郷への訪問譚として捉えることができる。一方、『鼠の草子』後半に記された「形見の和歌」には、『源氏物語』をめぐる作者の教養が盛り込まれている。本稿では、『鼠の草子』の物語世界と、そこに見られる当時の学芸について考察してみたい。"Nezumi no Soshi" is a work centering on a traditional theme of the marriage and its failure between man and the animal. This work involves folklore as "Nezumi no Jodo" and "Miruna no Zashiki" and could be considered as a story of the visit to the strange land where man cannot stay.On the other hand, author's knowledge of "Tale of Genji" is impressed in the Japanese poems on keepsakes quoted in the latter half of this work. In this paper, I would like to examine the narrative sphere of this work and the literary arts of those days found in it.

著者

黄 智暉

出版者

国文学研究資料館

雑誌

国際日本文学研究集会会議録 = PROCEEDINGS OF INTERNATIONAL CONFERENCE ON JAPANESE LITERATURE (ISSN:03877280)

巻号頁・発行日

no.29, pp.85-99, 2006-03-01

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The mutual influence in writing yomihon between Santo Kyoden and Kyokutei Bakin during the Bunka period (1804 to 1817) has already long been understood, but the influence of Kyoden’s works on Bakin’s long yomihon following Kyoden’s Souchouki, his last yomihon work published in 1813, has been left largely unexamined.The third volume of Shousen Joushi Aki no Nanakusa, printed in 1809, which represents the battle between the Northern and Southern dynasties as a fight between crows and herons, has already been shown to have taken the idea from Kyoden’s Chushin Suikoden (published 1799) wherein a battle between yellow butterflies signals danger for the Enya house. In this presentation, it will be shown that volume six of Souchouki, depicting red and white botan and blue-white butterflies, actually takes its influence from the above section in Shousen Joushi Aki no Nanakusa, as well as that Bakin’s later Kaikan Kyouki Kyoukaku Den (published 1832) uses this part of Souchouki in its plot. In turn, it will be shown that these two authors from the same era did not merely exchange ideas repeatedly, but look into the meaning of unusual happenings being omens of war in historical novels. Concretely, the depictions of these unusual happenings are not simply used in one instance to forewarn of future developments, but are attached to the theme of the work and used to present the author’s view of history. This is a feature of Bakin’s writing, which will be made clearer through comparisons with Kyoden.Also, Aro Kassen Monogatari and Hitsujigusa, two works thought to have been referred to by Bakin and Kyoden, will be included in the analysis. In particular, comparisons between the pedantic soothsaying described in Aro Kassen Monogatari will be compared with the I Ching-styled themes Bakin frequently uses in his yomihon. In Bakin’s case, he borrows from earlier fiction, but goes beyond them by looking to correct political ideas, making his novels into historical criticisms. For Bakin, describing omens and soothsaying does not merely work as a device for moving the story along, but holds an important function as representing the author's ideas, as is also seen in works of history.

著者

鈴木 淳

出版者

国文学研究資料館

雑誌

国文学研究資料館紀要 = National Institure of Japanese Literature (ISSN:18802230)

巻号頁・発行日

no.37, pp.1-32, 2011-03-18

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寛政期の絵入り狂歌本等において、例外的に記名して顕著な活躍をした書家に稲葉貞隆、号華渓がいる。寛政期における江戸の狂歌本の同伴者とでもいうべき存在であったが、向島の木母寺境内にある筆塚の碑文によれば、彼は、三井親和門で篆を得意とし、深川に住んで、寛政十二年、五十一歳で没したことなどが判明する。本稿は、この華渓の活動の足跡をできるかぎり跡づけてみようとしたものである。華渓が筆工として参加した板本は、寛政二年の勝川春章画『絵本接穂の花』から寛政十一年の葛飾北斎画『東遊』まで十年間で計九本を数える。担当したのは、俳諧、狂歌などの本文はもとより、とくに断らなくとも、題簽、序文も認めたことが多い。ほとんどが絵入り狂歌本であるが、とりわけ重要なのは、寛政四年『狂歌桑之弓』から寛政十年の『男踏歌』までの連年、出された、堤等琳、窪俊満ほかによる合筆春興絵入り狂歌本である。そして、その『男踏歌』を最後に、合筆絵入り狂歌本の筆耕の仕事から身を退いているが、これは板元の蔦屋重三郎の死を契機に、合筆春興狂歌本そのものが終焉を迎えたことが原因である。同じ頃、華渓は、北斎との結びつきを強めていったごとくで、合筆ではないが、絵入り狂歌本の体裁を受け継いだ寛政十一年の浅草庵編、北斎画『東遊』の筆耕を一部、務めている。また、その直前、寛政十年の初冬、古宗理の十七回忌が営まれたのを機に、俵家の宗理名を離脱して「北斎辰政」と改名する決意を固めていた北斎は、自らの懐旧の句を載せた摺り物を作成し、その書を華渓に担当させた。そのことを勘案すれば、『東遊』に題字を寄せたのは、「北斎辰政」を名乗って自立しようとした、その首途を後押しする意味もあったと思われる。Inaba Kakei was an exceptional calligrapher who was outstandingly active, by affixing his own signature, in the illustrated Kyoka books in Kansei era. He should be really called the companion for Kyoka books in Edo. According to the inscription of his brushes’ barrow, it could be known that he was a pupil of Mitsui Sin'na and skillfill at seal engraving, living in Fukagawa he died at the age of 51 in Kansei 12th. This article is written for purpose to pursue the achievements of his activities as full as possible.The wood-block books, which Kakei was engaged as a copyist, could be counted nine from Ehon-tsugiho-no-hana depicted by Katsukawa Shunsho in Kansei 2nd to Azuma-asobi by Katsushika Hokusai in Kansei 11th. Usually he took charge of not only the text of Haikai and Kyoka, but also the title and the preface. Though his works were done within the scope of the illustrated Kyoka books, among them especially important books are the collaborated, by Tsutsumi Torin, Kubo Shunman and several other popular artists, and celebrated New Year books, which were published each year from Kyoka-kuwa-no-yumi in Kansei 4th to Otoko-doka in Kansei 10th. Then after Otoko-doka he was retired from the job of a copyist of the collaborated Kyoka books. Because taking the opportunity of the death of a publisher Tsutaya Junzaburo. The collaborated books themselves meet the end.In similar periods Kakei has seemed to be become to strengthen the relationship with Hokusai. Above all he was partly employed as a copyist of Azuma-asobi depicted by Hokusai in Kansei 11th. Azuma-asobi was not a collaborated kyoka book, but accurately in herited its style. Besides in October of Kansei 10th Hokusai determined to change his name to Hokusai 'Tokimasa from Tawaraya Sori and therefore prodused the Surimono carried his own Haiku and made Kakei write its calligraphy. In addition to Kakei wrote the words of the beginning of Azuma-asobi. In my view, it could be thought that Kakei purposed to support Hokusai's new start by giving his name as Hokusai Tokimasa.

著者

小川 剛生

出版者

国文学研究資料館

雑誌

国文学研究資料館紀要 = The Bulltein of The National Institute of Japanese Literature (ISSN:03873447)

巻号頁・発行日

no.28, pp.83-118, 2002-02-20

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南北朝時代の文芸・学問に、四書の一つである『孟子』が与えた影響について探った。『孟子』受容史は他の経書に比し著しく浅かったため、鎌倉時代後期にはなお刺激に満ちた警世の書として受け止められていたが、この時代、次第にその内容への理解が進み、経書としての地位を安定させるに至った。この時代を代表する文化人、二条良基の著作は、そうした風潮を形成し体現していたように見える。良基の連歌論には『孟子』の引用がかなりあり、これを子細に分析することで、良基の『孟子』傾倒が、宋儒の示した尊孟の姿勢にほぼ沿うものであったことを推定し、もって良基の文学論に与えた経学の影響を明らかにした。ついで四辻善成の『河海抄』から、良基の周辺もまた尊孟の潮流に敏感に反応していたことを確認し、『孟子』受容から窺える、この時代の古典学の性質についても考察した。 Regarding the influence that "Moshi"(孟子), one of Yonsho(四書) had an influence on literature and studies in Period of Northern and Southern Courts was explored. Because the History of Reception was extremely superficial compared to other conficianism, it was accepted as a sensational book which rebuked society in the late Kamakura period. The understanding to the contents gradually advanced and came to stabilize the position as the Classics of those days. Writings of Nijo Yoshimoto who was a culture representing of this period seemed to form such a trend and embody it. Renka-ron of Yoshimoto considerably had a quotation of "Moshi". By analyzing this closely it was assumed that his admiration for "Moshi" was almost compiled with an attitude to respect Moshi, then it showed the influence of Confucianism on the literary criticism of Yoshimoto. Next, it was confirmed that the people around Yoshimoto were also reacted to a tide of admiration for "Moshi" sensitively from "Kakaisho"(河海抄) by Yotsutsuji Yoshinari. Also the property of classic studies of this time that was indicated from "Moshi" reception was considered.

著者

岸田 依子

出版者

国文学研究資料館

雑誌

国際日本文学研究集会会議録 = PROCEEDINGS OF INTERNATIONAL CONFERENCE ON JAPANESE LITERATURE (ISSN:03877280)

巻号頁・発行日

no.22, pp.61-78, 1999-10-01

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Socho Shuki, a travel diary of the renga master Socho, covers a span of time of six years, starting with the 2nd year of the Daiei period (1522). It describes Socho's two trips between his home in Suruga and the capital, and his journeys to Echizen and Omi―the details serve well an inquiry into the life of medieval renga masters.The trip between the countryside and the capital implies the existence of a border, but this is itself divided into a multitude of borders. The last part of the Muromachi period witnesses a strengthening of the shugo system (by which each of the shugo daimyo was ruling over a part of the country) controlling the whole country―the control over land and people belonged exclusively to the daimyo, who were thus giving their possesions a status very close to that of a small country in itself. This is why in Socho's travels the borderlines between country and country are given more attention than the natural borderlines of mountains, rivers, peaks and slopes; and also this is why the renga poems in the diary are, more than often, offered not to the gods of the mountain or of the road, than to the respective country rulers. Renga masters, being semi-priests, differ from the ordinary people―they belong to the border between the sacred and the profane; their renga seances in the ruling daimyo castles and residences can be viewed as having a magic function of sanctuary. In this age of unceasing strife over and alteration of borderlines, when countries were in antagonist positions, renga meetings, based on common rules of composition as pre-scripted by yoriai and shikimoku, were a place where a different type of order and associations was brought about through the unification and harmonization of creative powers. As a meeting place as well as on the level of the creation process, renga was an art that brought the cosmic interrelatedness of things and the harmony to light.The journey of Socho Shuki starts in the 75th year of Socho's life. It was a trip intended to make him spend his last days in the Syuon'an in Takigi related to Ikkyu, that is, for him personally it also was a trip from his birthplace to the place he wished to die in, the place he wanted to make the departure point to the other world. This paper is an attempt to look at these various borders and at their symbolic meanings.

著者

国文学研究資料館

出版者

国文学研究資料館

雑誌

国際日本文学研究集会会議録 = PROCEEDINGS OF INTERNATIONAL CONFERENCE ON JAPANESE LITERATURE (ISSN:03877280)

巻号頁・発行日

no.12, pp.176-181, 1989-03-01

著者

松野 陽一 山崎 誠 新藤 協三 岡 雅彦 中野 真麻理 永村 眞 落合 博志 鈴木 淳

出版者

国文学研究資料館

雑誌

基盤研究(A)

巻号頁・発行日

1997

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本研究は各時代を代表する個人言語資料が多数残存する作家の自筆資料を網羅的に収集し、高精度の画像として時系列的に整理保存するとともに、これらの資料を科学的に判定する方法と技術を開発することを目的とした。最大の研究目標であった『自筆画像研究支援ツール』 (これは自筆本画像の任意部分とその解読文とを任意に関連づけ、コメントを付けてデータベースとして格納し、キーワードや任意文字列から、複数の部分画像を検索比較し印刷することのできる画期的なデータベースソフトである)に実際にデータを格納する実験を行い、プロトタイプ版の改良を継続した。現在NT版のみであるが、ほぼ研究上の諸要求に応えるものとして完成していることを検証した。試行版として世阿弥自筆『能本集』と後白河院自筆『梁塵秘抄断簡』を材料としてCD-ROM版を作成した。自筆本の資料調査と収集は所蔵者及び保存機関の許可が厳しいことから、写真による撮影を東大寺と真福寺に限定し、凝然と能信の自筆資料を中心に、それぞれのかなりの年代的幅を持つ個人言語資料自筆資料を収集した。これによって、筆跡の経年変化を分析する上で有力なデータが得られた。研究成果『自筆画像研究支援ツール』の改良と普及のために、平成十四年度学術振興会科学研究費補助金『古典籍・古文書解読のための自習システムの開発』を引き続き申請した。本研究の成果を国文学研究資料館の近くホームページで公開する予定である。

著者

Clark Steven

出版者

国文学研究資料館

雑誌

国際日本文学研究集会会議録 = PROCEEDINGS OF INTERNATIONAL CONFERENCE ON JAPANESE LITERATURE (ISSN:03877280)

巻号頁・発行日

no.27, pp.145-153, 2004-03-01

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This year marks the 20th anniversary of Terayama Shûji's death as well as the 20th anniversary of the opening of Tokyo Disneyland. Overreading the possible causality (as Terayama might have) we might wonder if Terayama had been reincarnated as Mickey or if the Tokyo Mickey killed Terayama Shûji. And yet, the two may be linked together by copyright more than is usually recognized. Mickey Mouse is known to be source of extending the term of copyright whereas Terayama has been thought of as a leader in the struggle against it. And yet, with Terayama also famous for his unrestrained creativity, he was a very paradoxical figure. Taking up this contradiction as a theme I will examine the plagiarism controversy following Terayama's tanka debut, "Chiehofusai"(The Chekhov Festival); his quotation of his own work in the film, Den’en ni shisu (I Shall Die in the Country); and the play Aohigekô no shiro (Duke Bluebeard's Castle) which was performed again this year. The main problem will be examining how copyright would operate if it is understood to cover both content and method in the case of an artist whose method involves making a collage of other peoples work. If Terayama willfully set up this antimony, what was his point?Aohigekô no shiro is a particularly interesting text in this regard. By 1977 when the Tenjô Sajiki first performed the play at the Seibu Theater they had already done another play called Aohige as well as another Bartok opera called Chugoku no fushigi na yakunin (The Strange Chinese Official). The play, then, was both a revision and a sequel. Add that to the longstanding discourse on Bluebeard which includes Perrault's fairytale, others by the Grimm Brothers, and English translations by Andrew Lang, whose life bears a striking resemblance to that of Walt Disney. In the 1960s Bataille's essay on Gilles de Rais shifted the mythical Bluebeard toward a historical personage, and Shibusawa Tatsuhiko and George Steiner also contributed essays on the subject. Terayama, in the 1977 play, aimed to rewrite the myths that would uphold the historical existence of the historicized Bluebeard and Jeanne d'Ark. In this presentation I will look at how these processes of transferring history into myth and copyright into public property cohere.

著者

田嶋 一夫

出版者

国文学研究資料館

雑誌

国文学研究資料館紀要 = The Bulletin of The National Institute of Japanese Literature

巻号頁・発行日

no.3, pp.187-196, 1977-03-25

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織田信長の比叡山焼討を、比叡山に近いと思われる立場から描いた『猿鹿懺悔物語』について、教林文庫本(早稲田大学図書館蔵)を翻刻し、簡単に書誌を記したもの。 Regarding "Sarushika Sange Monogatari"(猿鹿懺悔物語)which was described fire attack against Mt. Hiei by Oda Nobunaga from the position that was thought to be the close relationship with Mt. Hiei, Kyorin bunkobon (owned by the Library of Waseda University) was reprinted and the brief bibliography was written down in this paper.

著者

西村 慎太郎

出版者

国文学研究資料館

雑誌

国文学研究資料館紀要. アーカイブズ研究篇 = The bulletin of the National Institute of Japanese Literature. 人間文化研究機構国文学研究資料館 編 (ISSN:18802249)

巻号頁・発行日

no.13, pp.1-18, 2017-03

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本稿は甲斐国巨摩郡青柳村における文書管理の様相を明らかにするものである。甲斐国巨摩郡青柳村は現在の山梨県南巨摩郡富士川町青柳町に該当し、その村の村役人を務めた秋山家の古文書が国文学研究資料館に収蔵されている。 青柳村の名主引継目録は26 冊残されており、文政2 年(1819)に、災害に関わる文書を整理する必要から作成された。明治時代に至るまでの間に、4 回の文書整理があり、記載順序の確定、「古たんす」や郷蔵への移管、文書廃棄、一括化などの原状変更が徐々に行われていった。文書は袋・くくり紐・巻子仕立てなど文書を一括してファイリングしており、保管と活用のために適宜原状に変更を加えている。一枚物は関係文書とともに括られて一括化していることが多いが、年貢割付状・年貢皆済目録は括られておらず、割付状・皆済目録に記載された自然災害による年貢減免のために参照する可能性が指摘できる。 「書物帳面引渡帳」内の記載順序は弘化3 年以降ほぼ確定するが、歴史認識の変化や存在証明文書の軽視が見られ、存在証明文書自体の存在価値の「揺れ」と評価した。 アーカイブズ学的な整理の課題として、名主引継文書目録が遺されている場合、それらを十分に分析した編成が不可欠である点を指摘した。This paper aims at elucidating ways in which documents were preserved in Aoyagi Village, Koma County, in the province of Kai (modern-day Yamanashi). These documents, once under the care of the Akiyama family of Aoyagi Village, are currently stored in the National Institute of Japanese Literature.A total of twenty-six volumes containing the names of all Aoyagi village elders and their years of service (nanushi hikitsugi mokuroku) were produced as a means of organizing the village archives after a great fire which occurred in 1819. Between this year and the Meiji period (latter half of the nineteenth century), these documents were reorganized four times: they were reordered, for example, based on date of composition; they were transferred to different shelves and different rooms; some documents were discarded, while others were bundled together. Regarding this last feature, documents of various formats—thread-bound booklets, documents tied together in bundles, even hanging scrolls—were all filed together, such that the original form of these documents was significantly altered. This paper demonstrates how, while many singlepage documents were bundled together with other relevant documents, annual tax allocation forms (nengū waritsukejō) and annual tax receipts (nengū kaisai mokuroku) were not, in order to facilitate easy reference when calculating tax reductions due to natural disasters.Listings in the documents and accounts turnover record dated from 1846 appear in a more-or-less stable order. However, due to changes in attitudes towards history and a general disregard for document existence certificates, the value of these later certificates is itself by no means stable.Finally, this paper calls for a thorough examination of village elder lists, where such lists still exist, as an important part of understanding techniques of archival organization.

著者

渡辺 浩一

出版者

国文学研究資料館

雑誌

国文学研究資料館紀要. アーカイブズ研究篇 = The bulletin of the National Institute of Japanese Literature. 人間文化研究機構国文学研究資料館 編 (ISSN:18802249)

巻号頁・発行日

no.13, pp.39-50, 2017-03

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本稿は、都市の社会集団が文書実践を行う社会的な背景を分析するものである。ここでは、江戸の広場の一つである江戸橋広小路(日本橋のすぐ東側)で営業していた、仮設店舗営業権所有者の集団(床持仲間、とこもちなかま)が、広小路に建っている高札を火災の際に退避させることを行うようになった背景を明らかにする。その結果、仮設店舗(床店、とこみせ)の営業権所有と実際の営業が分離するという関係変化を背景に、床店商人仲間は床店営業権所有者仲間へ性格を変えたことが判明した。それにより、仲間構成員の階層は上昇し、それによって仲間は整然とした組織運営が可能となった。これを条件として、広場管理責任者である地縁団体(青物町と本材木町壱丁目弐丁目)に従属していた段階から、自立化の傾向を示すようになった。このような床持仲間の力量の向上によって、明地高札保全業務の一部を担うことになったのではないだろうか。それは、仲間組織が公的な認知を得るための示威行動でもあった。This paper attempts to analyze those social circumstances that facilitated document parctice by certain groups working within the city. The particular group under consideration here, known as the Tokomochi Guild, held the license to run a temporary shop located in the public square Hirokōji, Edobashi (to the immediate east of Nihonbashi bridge). The Tokomochi Guild were charged, in the event of a fire, with the responsibility of removing from public squares those signs erected by the Bakufu. This paper seeks to make clear the reason why the Tokomochi Guild were given this sort of responsibility. Consequently, The Tokomochi Guild soon became a body of men in charge, not of the actual management of the shop, but of maintaining the license rights of their shop. This led to an elevation in the economic standing of the group's members, and facilitated a more organized approach towards business operations. As a result, the guild, which were once subordinate to the local association (based in Aomono-chō, and sections 1 and 2 of Motozaimoku-chō) in charge of managing the public square, now gained relatively of independence. It was in virtue of this new independence, no doubt, that the Tokomochi Partners came to play a role in preserving the kōsatsu (noticeboard)—an ideal way of attaining public recognition.

著者

酒井 茂幸

出版者

国文学研究資料館

雑誌

国文学研究資料館紀要. 文学研究篇 (ISSN:18802230)

巻号頁・発行日

no.43, pp.273-296, 2017-03

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本稿では延宝八年(一六八〇)から天和三年(一六八三)の後西院から霊元天皇・近衛基凞への古今伝受について、『基凞公記』の別記・陽明文庫蔵『伝授日記』の解読を中心に据えて、流れを整理し、かつそれぞれの場面における様相を御所伝受の通史を視野に収め検討する。まず、霊元天皇から所望が提起され、後西院が後水尾院に相談し諒解が得られた。続いて「三十首和歌」が詠進され、いよいよ後西院による講釈が、延宝八年五月六日から始まる。一度徳川家綱の薨去のため延宝八年五月一一日に講釈が中断し、約三年後の天和三年四月二日に再開される。後西院の講釈は天和三年四月一四日に終り、一六日になり切紙伝受、誓状の提出、証明状の下賜と進んだ。切紙伝受の模様は、天正二年(一五七四)の古今伝受以来と同様に、人麻呂の画像を架けその前に設えた白机に三種の神器を置き神事として行われた。ただ、寛文四年(一六六四)の古今伝受以来三種の神器の玉が香箱になっている。東山御文庫蔵『後西天皇古今伝授御証明状』に拠ると、この四月一六日の霊元天皇への切紙伝受では、後水尾院相伝・宸翰の切紙二四通と後西院宸翰『伝心抄』の進上が伝受の対象となった。一方、基凞への切紙伝受では後西院宸翰の切紙が伝受されたようであり、陽明文庫に後西院宸翰の切紙が所蔵されている。なお、二二日に小御所において竟宴和歌御会が催されていることも注意される。This paper is a detailed reading of one section of Konoe Motohiro's (1648-1722) diary, entitled Denju niiki (Diary of the secret transmission), currently part of the Yōmei Collection. Retired Emperor Go-Sai (1637-1685, r. 1654-1663) spent a total of four years, from 1680 to 1683, passing on his lineage of the secret transmission-a collection of esoteric interpretations -of the Kokin wakashū (Anthology of Japanese poems old and new, 905) to Emperor Reigen (1654-1732, r. 1663-1687) and Konoe Motohiro. In this paper, I will look closely at Konoe's diary in hopes of reconstructing the various stages of this transmission, as well as the different venues within the palace in which it took place.In the first place, it was Emperor Reigen who initiated the process by appealing to Retired Emperor Go-Sai, who, having in turn consulted with Retired Emperor Go-Mizunoo (1596-1680, r. 1611-1629), gained permission to begin the secret transmission. Then, the thirty poems around which this secret transmission revolves were recited, after which, on the sixth day of the fifth month in the eighth year of Enpō (1680), Retired Emperor Go-Sai began his exoteric explanation. The death of Tokugawa Ietsuna (1641-1680, shogun from 1651-1680) less than a week put a temporary halt to these lectures. They were eventually resumed some three years later, in 1683, on the second day of the fourth month. Retired Emperor Go-Sai concluded his lectures on fourteenth day of that same month, whereupon his two disciples were made to vow never to reveal the transmission to the uninitiated. They were both given certificates which proved their newly attained place in the lineage of the secret transmission.