著者
野網 摩利子
出版者
国文学研究資料館
雑誌
国文学研究資料館紀要 = National Institure of Japanese Literature (ISSN:18802230)
巻号頁・発行日
no.41, pp.33-61, 2015-03-13

漱石『明暗』では、ウィリアム・ジェイムズ『心理学大綱』が考察したように、登場人物の身体感覚によって、小説内の事物、出来事に明暗を与える。登場人物に身体が持たせられているには理由がある。その身体によってまれる世界像が、登場人物の動いてゆく現在の局面で小説に生産されることが目指されているからである。精神領域も、身体による把握が認識されて初めて成り立つ。「影」「影像イメジ」という言葉で、登場人物の脳裏に起きている現象が表面化する。真の知識ならば、それらの縁(フリンジ)に連関している他のイメージが見えてくるはずだ。ジェイムズのこの考察が活かされた。お延という登場人物はこの原理に基づいて推理する。本小説に多く見られる対話での駆け引きでは、「或物」「何か」「何処か」「ある一点」「其所」「局所」「斯う」といった言葉が駆使される。相手にその内容を挿入させようという。実体のなかった中身は、小説内で徐々に実在感を強め、現象する次第となってゆく。はっきりと意識されていなかった対象に対し、登場人物は他者との関係のなかで情緒を揺り動かす。身体と意識とが往還運動を始め、あたかも対象が実在するかのような反応に至る。小説に事物、出来事を存在させるメカニズムが明らかにされた。In Sôseki's novel, Light and Darkness, small incidents and actions are given light and shade through the characters' physical sensation as suggested by William James in The Principles of Psychology. According to James, reason why characters have bodies is to try and produce pictures of this fictional world through the characters' five senses following the situation each character is moving through.Physical grasping brings even mental thought into existence. Phenomena in the characters' minds become manifest by the words of “shade” or “image”. William James said as follows: if we have the true knowledge about a thing, we have the knowledge of its relations. Knowledge-about relationships has psychic fringes or overtones. Light and Darkness makes good use of this concept. The heroine “Onobu” attempts to know her husband’s veiled past, based on this principle.Abundant demonstrative pronouns are used by the characters in this novel. They try to make others fill in those blanks. Those objects has gradually acquired substances in this novel.The characters betray their emotions towards unknown objects in their relations with others. By reciprocating motions between their bodies and consciousness, the unknown objects provide substance. In my paper, I reveal the mechanism by which this novel lets incidents and actions come into existence.
著者
ジョシュア モストウ 鈴木 紗江子(訳)
出版者
国文学研究資料館
雑誌
国文学研究資料館紀要 文学研究篇 = The Bulletin of The National Institure of Japanese Literature (ISSN:18802230)
巻号頁・発行日
no.45, pp.25-50, 2019-03-15

『源氏物語』(1008頃)が書かれたのは、『伊勢物語』(880頃)の原型の成立に遅れるところ百余年である。それにもかかわらず、室町から江戸時代にかけての注釈者たちは、しばしば『伊勢物語』中の言葉や文章の解釈のために、『源氏物語』のテクストを参照している。この解釈の方法は、一条兼良(1402−1481)著『伊勢物語愚見抄』をはじめとして、宗祇・三条西家に講釈・伝授された注釈、牡丹花肖柏(1443−1527)著『伊勢物語肖聞抄』、清原宣賢(1475−1550)著『伊勢物語惟清抄』に、その例を見ることができる。しかし、『源氏物語』の参照が劇的に増えたのは、細川幽斎(1534−1610)著『伊勢物語闕疑抄』と北村季吟(1624−1705)著『伊勢物語拾穂抄』によってである。本稿は、『伊勢物語』の文章を解釈するため『源氏物語』に言及した数例を考察し、このようなテクスト性(インターテクスチュアリティー)が作品理解にどのような影響を与えたのかを考察する。Although The Tale of Genji (ca. 1008) was written over one hundred years after the earliest version of the Ise monogatari (ca. 880), commentators from the Muromachi through Edo periods occasionally referred to Genji to explain a word or textual passage in the Ise. We see this as early as Gukenshō by Ichijō Kaneyoshi (1402-1481). We also see it in commentaries from the Sōgi-Sanjōnishi-ke of commentaries, including Shōmon-shō by Botanka Shōhaku (1443-1527), and the Isei-shō by Kiyoharano Nobukata (1475-1550). However, references to Genji increase dramatically with the Ketsugi-shō by Hosokawa Yūsai (1534-1610) and the Shūsui-shō by Kitamura Kigin (1624-1705). The present article examines several cases where the Genji is referred to in order to explain a passage in the Ise monogatari and examines how such intertextual references influenced commentators’ understanding of the earlier text.
著者
小川 剛生
出版者
国文学研究資料館
雑誌
国文学研究資料館紀要 = The Bulletin of The National Institute of Japanese Literature (ISSN:03873447)
巻号頁・発行日
no.29, pp.53-169, 2003-02-28

『百寮訓要抄』は、二条良基(一三二○~一三八八)が著した朝廷官職制度の解説書で、二官八省以下の大小の官衙とその職員を列挙し、沿革・職掌・任官の慣例等を仮名書きで説明したものである。同じく南北朝時代に著された北畠親房の『職原抄』とならんで、官職制度理解のためのよき手引きとされている。しかし本文批判は殆どといって良いほど行われておらず、そのまま利用するには問題が多い。本稿では五十本ほどの伝本を調査し、大別して二類六種に分類される諸本の性格と本文の形成について、ほぼその見通しを立てることが出来た。そうして得られた本文をもとにして、室町期を中心とした流布の様相を述べつつ、その官職制度書としての特質について考えた。附録として陽明文庫蔵慶長三年(一五九八)写本を底本に、簡略な校本を作成した。 “Hyakuryoukunyosho”(百寮訓要抄)is the manual of the system in the imperial Court government officials written by Nijyo Yoshimoto which enumerated the big and small Kanga(官衙) less than the Two Departments and eight Ministries, explained the history, duties, customs of investiture written in Kana. It is regarded as a good guide book along with “Shokugensho”(職原抄) written by Kitabatake Chikafusa. However, as the text was hardly criticized, there are so many problems to just use it. In this paper, as about 50 biography books were investigated, it was almost possible to make the prospect about the character of books which categorized as group2 type6(2類6種)and the formation of the text. Based on that, while stating an aspect of circulation mainly on Muromachi period, regarding the specific character as a manual of the system of the Imperial Court government officials was considered. As an appendix, a simple variorum based on the manuscript in 1598 owned by Youmeibunnko was created.
著者
中村 綾
出版者
国文学研究資料館
雑誌
国際日本文学研究集会会議録 = PROCEEDINGS OF INTERNATIONAL CONFERENCE ON JAPANESE LITERATURE (ISSN:03877280)
巻号頁・発行日
no.30, pp.7-28, 2007-03-30

Tsuuzoku Chuugi Suikoden (hereafter Tsuuzoku), a widely circulated pre-modern translation/interpretation of Suikoden, still holds many problems with relation to the translator, the original text it is based on, etc.. As for the translator, the possibility of Okajima Kanzan has been raised by the presenter from the use of colloquial vocabulary, but I would like to reexamine these problems from other angles, focusing mainly on the Shuui section.The shuui in Tsuuzoku were added to an expanded edition. Originally, the first run was planned for 100 issues, but only 95 were run. In a latter 120 issue printing, the additional translations were added as shuui. The attributed translator in the book for the main body is Kanzan, but for the shuui is listed as Toutou Doujin. Traditionally, from the introduction to Chuugi Suikoden Kai written by Suyama Nantou, Kanzan was believed to be the one to affix Japanese readings to the Japanese reprint (wakokubon) of Suikooden, and that therefore the translator of Tsuuzoku was not Kanzan. However, when this reference is reexamined, doubts arise regarding Nantou's introduction, requiring a reevaluation of whether Kanzan did affix Japanese readings to the Japanese reprint.This problem will be addressed at another time, but for this presentation, the translator of the shuui will be shown to be different from that of the main work for the following reasons. 1. Poetic language used for depicting emotions in the original Chinese version of Suikoden, a colloquial novel, is dealt with differently in the translations found in the main work and the shuui. 2. The translations in some of the main section just prior to and following the shuui overlap but feature a different translation than the main section. 3. The Kinseitanbon was used in the shuui, but was not used in the main section. 4. The original text used for the main section and the shuui is thought to be different. For these and other reasons, the main section is thought to have been done by Kanzan due to similarities seen in other works by him, but the shuui are believed to have been translated by someone else.
著者
久保木 秀夫
出版者
国文学研究資料館
雑誌
国文学研究資料館紀要 = National Institure of Japanese Literature (ISSN:03873447)
巻号頁・発行日
no.31, pp.171-192, 2005-02-28

国文学研究資料館蔵の伝藤原為家筆歌集断簡は、有吉保氏によって現存するいずれの系統とも異なる『道真集』と指摘された伝冷泉為相筆断簡(MOA美術館蔵手鑑『翰墨城』所収)のツレである。書写年代は鎌倉時代後期頃。ほかに個人蔵のもう一葉のツレが知られる。記載歌はすべて他文献にも見出されるが、断簡独自の内容もあり、他文献からの単なる抜粋などではなさそうである。従来『新古今集』ほかの出典となった道真の家集の存在が想定されており、あるいは当該断簡はそれに該当するかもしれない。また藤原定家自筆『集目録』記載「菅家」との関連も注目される。The National Institute of Japanese Literature collects a fragmentary manuscript of the collection of 31-syllable Japanese poems. This material may correspond to "Michizane Shu" which became the source of "Shin Kokin Waka Shu" and has been lost now.
著者
浅田 徹
出版者
国文学研究資料館
雑誌
国文学研究資料館紀要 = The Bulletin of The National Institute of Japanese Literature (ISSN:03873447)
巻号頁・発行日
no.26, pp.81-136, 2000-03-29

藤原定家の下官集は定家仮名遣の基本資料として多くの研究があるが、書誌的な検討がまだ進んでいないように思われる。また、仮名遣史研究と和歌研究との二つの領域の情報交流も十分ではない。本稿は研究史を整理・評価しつつ、下官集諸本として知り得たものを書誌的に記述していくことで、二つの領域の相互交流のための基盤を整備する。また、善本の翻刻を付載して今後の研究に役立てることとする。 There are many studies of Gekanshu by Fujiwarano Teika as a standard document of Teika’s Kana orthography. However the bibliographic investigation does not seem to have yet advanced. Information exchange of the history of use of Kana study and Waka study are also not enough. In this article, while arranging and evaluating the History of Research, the base for mutual interchange between these two ereas was maintained by describing what was able to know as a variant manuscripts of Gekanshu. In addition, a reprinted Zenpon (well-preserved state of manuscripts or printed books) was attached to use for a future study.
著者
本田 康雄
出版者
国文学研究資料館
雑誌
国文学研究資料館紀要 = The Bulletin of The National Institute of Japanese Literature (ISSN:03873447)
巻号頁・発行日
no.14, pp.269-295, 1988-03-30

江戸時代以来、草双紙合巻の作成に従事した作者(戯作者)や画工(浮世絵師)は明治七年、難解な新聞記事の中から特に一般庶民に興味のありそうな雑報記事を選び浮世絵師・落合芳幾などを中心として分り易すぐ絵解きして新聞錦絵(木版)を刊行した。その経験を生かして芳幾、高畠藍泉(三世柳亭種彦)は翌明治八年、平仮名絵入新聞を工夫し雑報欄の中央に木版の挿絵(事件の現場のスケッチ)を組みこみ、鉛活字の報道文と組合せて草双紙風の紙面を構成して多くの読者(江戸時代以来の草双紙の読者層)を獲得した。この欄において所謂、三面記事の連載、続報が生じ、これを続き物と称した。この様な小新聞(タブロイド版の大衆紙)の流行をみて新聞ニュースを直ちに草双紙合巻にまとめた『鳥追阿松海上新話』『東京奇聞』『高橋阿伝夜刃物語』が刊行され、末期草双紙界に最期の火花を揚げたが、間もなく新聞の(絵入り)続き物の人気に吸収され、江戸以来の草双紙合巻は明治二十年頃、途絶えた。しかし、この間、戯作者、高畠藍泉、染崎延房(二世為永春水)等は小新聞の続き物の記者として草双紙の文章に基づき報道のための新しい文体を工夫して庶民の読者に読み物を提供し、また浮世絵師はこの三面記事の中央部に事件の挿絵を描いて絵画による情報提供に努めた。この様にして、戯作者と浮世絵師の新聞を媒体とする協力によって続き物は盛行し、続き物の延長上に新聞小説が成立した。国際的に珍らしい日本の新聞小説の形態(絵入り続き物語)は明治のはじめから昭和の今日まで変っていない。 Since the Edo era, the author who engaged in the making of the illustrate “Kusazoshi Gokan(草双紙合巻)and painters (Ukiyoe artists) chose the difficult newspaper articles which seemed to be popular especially for common people in 1874, mainly Ochiai Yoshiiku who was an Ukiyoe artist made explanation by pictures clearly and published Shinbun-Nishikie (xylograph). Using that experience, Yoshiiku, Takabatake Ransen (Ryutei Tanehiko the third) devised the Hiragana-e-iri Shinbun and incorporated illustrations of the xylograph in the center of the general news column in 1875 (sketch of the crime scenes). By constituting the space after Kusazoshi in combination with news sentences printed by lead type, they won many audiences (Audiences of the Kusazoshi since the Edo era). In this column, serialization of so-called local news, further news occurred and named this ‘serial story’. Because such a minor newspaper (a tabloid) was popular, “Torioiomatsukaijoshinwa”(鳥追阿松海上新話), “Tokyokibun” (東京奇聞), “Takahashiodenyashamonogatari”(高橋阿伝夜刃物語)which were collected newspaper news to Kusazoshi Gokan were published promptly and set of the last spark in the closing days of Kusazoshi world. Kusazoshi Gokan since the Edo period was discontinued in about 1887 soon after being absorbed in the popularity of the serial stories. However during those times, the fiction writers such as Takabatake Ransen, Somezaki Nobufusa (Tamenaga Shunsui the second) devised new sentences for the news to offer reading materials to the common people based on the sentence of the Kusazoshi and also Ukiyoe artists drew the illustration of the case on the central part of this local news and tried reporting with pictures. In this way, serial stories became popular with the effort of fiction writers and Ukiyoe artists by means of newspaper. A serial story was established on the extension line of the story in newspaper. Internationally unique form of Japanese serial story in a newspaper (an illustrated serial stories) which does not change from the beginning of the Meiji era up to the present of the Showa.
著者
崔 惠秀
出版者
国文学研究資料館
雑誌
国際日本文学研究集会会議録 = PROCEEDINGS OF INTERNATIONAL CONFERENCE ON JAPANESE LITERATURE (ISSN:03877280)
巻号頁・発行日
no.39, pp.102\n(27)-85\n(44), 2016-03-17

It is widely known that Daibosatsu-toge, which is considered as an origin of popular modern Japanese literature, was written in a familiar ‘desu, masu’ style. However, descriptive texts were written not only in distal style but also in direct style, and both of past and present tense were mixed in this work. In addition, a style ending sentences with a noun (or noun phrase) was used as well. This presentation aims to analyze a formation process and features of various sentence styles in Daibosatsu-toge. Also, I would like to discuss its meaning by comparing style in this novel with a modern novel’s narrative strategy, which is said to have completed its style by using ‘da, de aru’ in the end of the sentences.First of all, this presentation will focus on drastic changes from first publishing of Daibosatsu-toge in Miyako-Shinbun to rewritten version which had been published as a form of book since February 1918, and analyze patterns of changes in descriptive texts until its style was stabilized (manuscripts appeared serially by 1921.10.17, which are correspond to by vol.21 ‘Umonsankyu-no-maki’ in a book form), in other words, until Kaizan didn’t make a revision on the end of sentences.Sentences in the first period(Sep 1913~Jul 1915)that did not have periods (。) in the end had been put in order by using periods when they were rewritten. And in this process, many sentences have been corrected into the form ending with a noun or noun phrase. Also, it must be noted that there are a lot of delicate corrections in the end of sentences concerning the past/present tenses and distal/direct style all over the texts that originally appeared in Miyako-Shinbun, even though there was no change in the meaning of the contents.Through analyzing what meaning and effect this changes in the form of the sentences have, this presentation is going to clarify that Kaizan was well aware of ‘modern novel’ and remeasured the distance between a narrator and characters as well as between a narrator and readers when making revisions on manuscripts, which I assume is connected to the effort trying to maintain dialogicality and polyphony in his style.
著者
一戸 渉
出版者
国文学研究資料館
雑誌
国文学研究資料館紀要. 文学研究篇 = The bulletin of the National Institute of Japanese Literature. 人間文化研究機構国文学研究資料館 編 (ISSN:18802230)
巻号頁・発行日
no.45, pp.63-91, 2019-03

本稿は白河藩第三代藩主にして、幕府老中首座を務め寛政の改革を主導した松平定信(一七五八~一八二九)の晩年における文事、とりわけ定信自身が「細写」と呼ぶ、主として豆本形態での歌書の写本製作活動の総体的把握を目指したものである。まず桑名市博物館所蔵のものを中心とする定信作製の細写本二十八点(現存未詳のものも含む)について整理を試み、適宜書誌解題を付した。続いて、定信が筆写した書物がほぼ歌書に限られていることから、歌書製作の伝統的様式としての豆本形態について概観した。更に、定信自身がこうした細写本製作をどのようなものとして捉えていたのかについて、定信の抱いていた文学観の検証と併せて、定信自身の言説と行動とのあいだに見られる落差や不整合に着目しながら一定の解釈を試みた。その結果、定信はつまるところ当時の倫理観とは相容れない要素を含み持つ王朝文学の風雅な世界を愛好しつつも、あくまで治者として係累や周囲のひとびとに自己を道徳的に見せようと心を砕いており、その結果として、一見すると矛盾や強弁にも見える言動を行っていたものと結論付けた。This article aims at a comprehensive understanding of the elaboration of the Kasho (Waka book) manuscripts by Matsudaira Sadanobu (1788 -1829), a daimyō of the Shirakawa Domain who served as chief of the council of Elders of the Bakufu and led the Kansei Reforms. Among his writings in the later years, we put weight on ones in the mame-bon (miniature book) style which Sadanobu called saisha (minutely written). First we organized 28 of the saisha manuscripts made by Sadanobu, mainly of the Kuwana City Museum collection (including extant unidentified ones), and attached bibliographical information when necessary. Subsequently, we reviewed the mame-bon style as a traditional style of kasho manuscript making since books handwritten by Sadanobu are almost limited to kasho.We tried to obtain certain interpretation on Sadanobu's perspective toward the roles the manuscript making played in literature together with the validation of Sadanobu's view of literature, while paying attention to differences and or inconsistencies between Sadanobu's discourse and his behavior. We concluded that contradictions and or bullish claims might have been seen in his behavior due to the differences between his duties and his personal preferences. Specifically, Sadanobu had to represent himself morally as the ruler to his dependents and to people surrounding him while he loved the elegant world of dynasty literature which had incompatible elements with the ethics of the time.
著者
朱 衛紅
出版者
国文学研究資料館
雑誌
国際日本文学研究集会会議録 = PROCEEDINGS OF INTERNATIONAL CONFERENCE ON JAPANESE LITERATURE (ISSN:03877280)
巻号頁・発行日
no.27, pp.169-184, 2004-03-01

Sato Haruo’s “Shumpûbatei Zufu” (“Zufu”) is the script of an adaptation of the Edo period poet Yosa Buson’s “Shumpûbatei Kyoku” (“Kyoku”) for silent film.Although there is nothing unusual about writers in and before Satô Haruo’s adapting Edo period works into novels, the transformation into a script was unusual. Therefore, this presentation aims at a comparative analysis of Satô Haruo’s “Zufu” and Buson’s “Kyoku” and scrutinize at, first, how Satô Haruo understood and interpreted Buson’s poetry and, second, why did the adaptation take the form of a script rather than a novel. Through this I would like to consider the problems that can be noticed in Satô Haruo’s imitation and originality.“Kyoku” combines Haiku, Waka, and Chinese five-syllable poetry into a mixed-style work, which seems only to follow a chain of images, but is in fact scenery reflected in the eyes of a girl returning home on a holiday. The chain of images clearly produces a picturesque effect, but what is important is that the images are moving rather than still, which in turn produces a cinematographic effect.Satô Haruo most likely have realized this visual, cinematographic aspect and created “Zufu”. I would start with an analysis of this point. And move onto take a closer look at how the scene in the girl’s view was transformed into the scene of the film. “Zufu” would focus not only on the girl, but also on the aged Haiku poet. Third, I would look at the problems presented by various things including poems by Buson that were not present in “Kyoku”. Upon close look at it becomes clear that the poems filled with illusory and southern Chinese painting imagery. In addition, the focus is placed on the monkey performance, which is not observed in either in “Kyoku” or in Buson’s poetry. Through this I would like to look at Satõ Haruo’s originality as it transforms beyond the confines of Buson’s poetic world.
著者
垣田 みずき
出版者
国文学研究資料館
雑誌
国文学研究資料館紀要 アーカイブズ研究篇 = The Bulletin of National Institure of Japanese Literature, Archival Studies (ISSN:18802249)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.49, no.14, pp.43-60, 2018-03-16

日本における舞台芸術のアーカイブズのなかでも、慶応義塾大学アート・センターの土方巽アーカイヴは、最も充実した資料群の保存・管理、利活用に供する機関の一つである。本稿では、同アーカイヴが所蔵する舞踏家・土方巽関係資料について、アーカイブズ学における編成記述の考え方の導入を試み、そのなかで、舞台芸術のアーカイブズ構築におけるアーカイブズ学の編成記述の手法の意義や舞台芸術のアーカイブズ特有の注意点について考察した。編成記述については、まず公的活動と私的活動を区別したうえで、これらとは別に「創作活動」というシリーズを設けた。公的活動は「公演活動」と「公演以外の公的活動」、および土方が活動拠点としていたアスベスト館にあった資料(「アスベスト館」)でそれぞれシリーズを設置し、シリーズ「公演活動」については主だった公演活動をサブ・シリーズとして設定した。シリーズ「創作活動」、「私的活動」については、形態別にサブ・シリーズを設定した。判明したことは以下の三点である。まず、アーカイブズ学的な編成記述の考え方は未整理の資料(難解な資料)も含めた資料の全体像の把握に役立つということである。それから舞台芸術アーカイブズの編成記述においては、作品の生成過程に注目したシリーズ設定が必要であること、および活動(公演活動)のスパンが比較的短いことに留意すべきであるということである。In terms of preservation, organization, and availability of material, The Hijikata Tatsumi Archive at the Keio University Art Center (KUAC) is currently the finest archive for the performing arts. This article, by introducing organizational strategies already used with material in this archive pertaining to the butoh artist Hijikata Tatsumi, seeks to investigate the significance of techniques relating to the development of organizational strategies for archives of the performing arts, as well as issues particular to such archives. The Hijikata material has been organized into three different series, namely, material relating to public performances, material relating to private activities, and material relating to other creative activities.The first series includes material relating to both performances held on stage as well as other public activities not held on stages, along with that material which was stored at Asubesuto Hall, Hijikata's base of operations. This first series has been further divided into a number of sub-series, each dedicated to a certain type of public performance. The other two series have likewise been divided into a number of sub-series, depending on the particular form of each performance.This article draws the following three conclusions: First, organizational strategies developed in the field of archival studies can be effectively applied in managing material that has, in virtue of its difficult or unique content, heretofore resisted categorization into any convenient classifications. Second, it is necessary, when contemplating concrete organizational strategies, to establish series that take into consideration the developmental processes of Hijikata's works. Third, archivists must keep in mind the fact that the timespans of (public) performances are relatively short.
著者
Araki James T
出版者
国文学研究資料館
雑誌
国際日本文学研究集会会議録 = PROCEEDINGS OF INTERNATIONAL CONFERENCE ON JAPANESE LITERATURE (ISSN:03877280)
巻号頁・発行日
no.6, pp.203-216, 1983-03-01

Tsubouchi Shōyō in 1906 suggested that the medieval Japanese story Yuriwaka Daijin was an adaptation of the story of Ulysses. Although his thesis became well known, it has been discredited and dropped from standard references, particularly since its refutation by such preeminent scholars as Tsuda Sōkichi (history), Yanagida Kunio (folklore), Takano Tatsuyuki (theater), and Watsuji Tetsurō (philosophy). Tsubouchi's essay was not convincing because he relied only on an English translation of the Odyssey for purposes of comparison.The story of Ulysses which became well known in Western Europe in the sixteenth century consisted of elements from the Iliad and Odyssey as well as pōems of the Epic Cycle. A close comparison of the stories of Yuriwaka and Ulysses will show the presence of at least twenty-three parallels in approximately the same order of occurrence. It would be difficult indeed to insist that the two stories share coincidental similarities.Because yuliseez is a recent English pronunciation of Ulysses, its similarity with Yuriwaka may be considered coincidental; for the name Yuriwaka was known in Japan in the 1550s. However, Europeans who had studied Latin in the sixteenth century would have pronounced Ulysses as either ulikses or üliks ―those who had studied in Paris, as St. Francis Xavier had, would probably have preferred üliks, which would have registered as yurikusu in the Japanese ear. The similarity between yurikusu and yurikusa, the probable original reading of the Japanese hero's name, is striking.If we may assume that the story of Yurikusa-waka is basically an adaptation of the story of Ulysses, with additional motifs taken from the Buddhist story about Prince Zenyū (Tripitaka) and other Japanese folk tales, we may then proceed to attempt to answer the question posed by Tsubouchi: "When and by whom was the story of Ulysses transmitted to our country?" The only likely transmitter known to us is a certain member of Xavier 's party, which arrived in Yamaguchi in November of 1550 (solar calendar). A story title "Yuriwaka" was narrated in Kyoto on February 10, 1551.One means of determining when and where the story was transmitted to Japan would be to ascertain when and in what ways the long-forgotten story of Ulysses was revived in Western Europe. This paper will focus on the status of the Homeric epics, the story of Ulysses in particular, in Western Europe during the Middle Ages and the Renaissance.
著者
Araki James T
出版者
国文学研究資料館
雑誌
国際日本文学研究集会会議録 = PROCEEDINGS OF INTERNATIONAL CONFERENCE ON JAPANESE LITERATURE (ISSN:03877280)
巻号頁・発行日
no.6, pp.203-216, 1983-03-01

Tsubouchi Shōyō in 1906 suggested that the medieval Japanese story Yuriwaka Daijin was an adaptation of the story of Ulysses. Although his thesis became well known, it has been discredited and dropped from standard references, particularly since its refutation by such preeminent scholars as Tsuda Sōkichi (history), Yanagida Kunio (folklore), Takano Tatsuyuki (theater), and Watsuji Tetsurō (philosophy). Tsubouchi's essay was not convincing because he relied only on an English translation of the Odyssey for purposes of comparison.The story of Ulysses which became well known in Western Europe in the sixteenth century consisted of elements from the Iliad and Odyssey as well as pōems of the Epic Cycle. A close comparison of the stories of Yuriwaka and Ulysses will show the presence of at least twenty-three parallels in approximately the same order of occurrence. It would be difficult indeed to insist that the two stories share coincidental similarities.Because yuliseez is a recent English pronunciation of Ulysses, its similarity with Yuriwaka may be considered coincidental; for the name Yuriwaka was known in Japan in the 1550s. However, Europeans who had studied Latin in the sixteenth century would have pronounced Ulysses as either ulikses or üliks ―those who had studied in Paris, as St. Francis Xavier had, would probably have preferred üliks, which would have registered as yurikusu in the Japanese ear. The similarity between yurikusu and yurikusa, the probable original reading of the Japanese hero's name, is striking.If we may assume that the story of Yurikusa-waka is basically an adaptation of the story of Ulysses, with additional motifs taken from the Buddhist story about Prince Zenyū (Tripitaka) and other Japanese folk tales, we may then proceed to attempt to answer the question posed by Tsubouchi: "When and by whom was the story of Ulysses transmitted to our country?" The only likely transmitter known to us is a certain member of Xavier 's party, which arrived in Yamaguchi in November of 1550 (solar calendar). A story title "Yuriwaka" was narrated in Kyoto on February 10, 1551.One means of determining when and where the story was transmitted to Japan would be to ascertain when and in what ways the long-forgotten story of Ulysses was revived in Western Europe. This paper will focus on the status of the Homeric epics, the story of Ulysses in particular, in Western Europe during the Middle Ages and the Renaissance.
著者
荒船 俊太郎
出版者
国文学研究資料館
雑誌
国文学研究資料館紀要 = The Bulletin of The National Institure of Japanese Literature Archival Studies (ISSN:18802249)
巻号頁・発行日
no.02, pp.27-65, 2006-03-27

本稿は、早大教授であった故深谷博治氏が所蔵していた史料群の整理作業における中間報告である。第一の課題は、その史料群構造と現在の保存環境に至るまでの来歴を明らかにすることである。第二は、更に一歩進めて記録史料学の立場より、研究が立ち遅れている「近代私文書論」の確立へ向け、ケーススタディーとして若干の提言を行おうとするものである。戦前、深谷氏は『明治天皇紀』編纂に深く関与し、宮内省臨時帝室編修局の編修官補として史料の調査収集、そして執筆に携わった。宮内省退官後も戦中期にかけて春畝公追頌会の『伊藤博文伝』編纂や旧貴族院五十年史編纂掛に所属し、主として史料収集と整理を行い、優れた著作を残した政治史研究者であった。「深谷文書」には、こうした国家事業と言うべき伝記編纂事業で生成された写本史料類が大量に残されている。深谷氏の研究履歴を通じ、かかる史料群の出所と作成年代を詳細に検討することで、現在我々が日常的に研究利用出来る文献史料がいかにして編集されたのかを垣間見ることが出来るだけでなく、戦前期宮内省の一側面や伝記編纂事業の性質をうかがう事が出来るのである。彼が関係した組織ごとに史料を階層化し目録上に配置することで、いかなる史料群構造が浮かび上がるかを重視したのはこのためである。もとより調査対象とした「深谷文書」は一私文書に過ぎず、そこで明らかとなる史料群構造が他の私文書群の性質と同一の普遍性を持つものではあり得ない。しかし研究手法は勿論のこと、事例研究すらほとんど蓄積のない近代私文書論について、記録史料学が今後どのように向き合い、乗り越えることでその地平を拓いて行くのだろうか。戦後60年を経た現在の私々には、行政文書のみならず私文書をめぐる管理保存・公開プロセスを検討し構築していく事もまた、喫緊の課題であることは論を俟たない。本稿がその議論を喚起する一助となれば幸いである。This is an interim report concerning an arrangement of the historical documents which were owned by the late FUKAYA Hiroharu, a former professor of Waseda University. The first subject is to clarify the structure of document groups and the process of its preservation up to now. The second one is, from the viewpoint of the archival theory, to intend to make some proposal showing a case study in order to establish the ''modem private document theory'' which has not been researched enough in Japan.In prewar days, Fukaya participated in the compilation of Meiji Tennoki (The Annuals of the Emperor Meiji) and investigated the historical materials as a staff of the Rinji Teishitsu Henshukyoku (the provisional imperial editorial office) in the Ministry of Imperial Household.He left some excellent works as a modern Japanese political history researcher. At the same time, he belonged to Shunpokou Tsuishokai (the editorial association of the biography of ITO Hirobumi). After he retired from the service, he belonged to Kizokuin Gojyunenshi Hensangakari (the editorial office of the 50th anniversary of the House of Peer) in the middle of the Second World War. His work was to collect historical materials and arrange them. In Fukaya Documents, we can find a number of transcribed historical materials produced in the compilation of these biographies as national projects. We can see how those historical documents we usually use were edited. Moreover, through Fukaya's career, we can see one aspect of the Ministry of Imperial Household in the prewar period and the character of these projects when we carefully examine where these documents came from and when they were made. That is why I would like to emphasize the structure of document groups, which appears by categorizing them in each organization he was related to and by arranging them on the lists.Of course, the structure of document groups is not universal one because Fukaya Documents is one of the private documents. However, I am interested in how the archives will correspond to the modern private document theory in the future as we have established neither case study nor research technique. Now that 60 years have passed since the war was over, it is our urgent subject to examine and establish how to manage, preserve and open to the public private documents as well as official documents. I hope this text will help to solve such problems.
著者
松原 一義
出版者
国文学研究資料館
雑誌
国際日本文学研究集会会議録 = PROCEEDINGS OF INTERNATIONAL CONFERENCE ON JAPANESE LITERATURE (ISSN:03877280)
巻号頁・発行日
no.7, pp.53-72, 1984-03-01

The age in which the center of political influence shifted from the Oda-Toyotomi sphere to that of Tokugawa Ieyasu saw the reins to power change hands a number of times. And as a rule, the lives of the men who lived through these times of transition were equally kaleidoscopic. One such man was Imadegawa Harusue (ro Kikutei Harusue), a noble who, along with Toyotomi Hideyoshi, maneuvered at will at court and in the world of politics during the decade 1585-95.Now if Harusue had simply been a man of political influence, and not active in the literary arts, there would be no reason to mention his name in the history of Japanese letters. But the fact of the matter is that he was quite involved in the practice and study of literature, as the following pieces of attested evidence suggest:1. He was trained in the composition of waka by the Lord Sankō (Sanjōnishi Sane'eda), was himself one of Matsunaga Teitoku's teachers, and has left behind a considerable number of poetic compositions.2. A number of his compositions in linked verse also survive.3. He was active in several other artistic pursuits as well, and a leading authority on court and ceremonial precedent (yūshoku kojitsu 有職故実); several such philological works of his survive.4. He had occasion to associate with Satomura Jōha and Hosokawa Yūsai, and shared with the latter what we might call a friendship in the pursuit of elegant refinement.5. One of his daughters married the Regent Hidetsugu; she was known as Ichi no dai, and is the heroine of the Hidetsugu monogatari 秀次物語(also known as Kanpaku-dono monogatari 関白殿物語).6. Harusue copied a manuscript of the Yumeji monogatari 夢路物語(also known as Utatane no sōshi うたたねの草紙). cf. my article "The Yumeji monogatari in the Tawa Series: Reproduced Text with Commentary, "Kokubungaku, no. 96 (December, 1982). (「多和叢書『夢路物語』翻刻と解説」,「国文学攷」第96号,昭和57.12) In spite of all of this, however, any treatment of Harusue to date has been piecemeal. Consequently, the present paper will trace the ups and downs of Harusue's eventful life, and attempt to characterize what is special about both his literary output and his life, by referring to the following works and collections of documents:Taionki 戴恩記Jurakudaigyōkōki 聚楽第行幸記Hidetsugu monogatari 秀次物語Shishaku Mōri Moto'o-shi shozō monjo 子爵毛利元雄氏所蔵文書Kikutei Harusue kaishi eisō 菊亭晴季懐紙詠草Tenshō-Bunroku hyaku'in 天正文禄百韻Kōen Tsugi-uta 公宴続歌Eiroku gannen nikki 永禄元年日記
著者
野網 摩利子 谷川 惠一 小森 陽一 フローレス リンダ ドッド スティーブン テネフ ダリン ボーダッシュ マイケル
出版者
国文学研究資料館
雑誌
基盤研究(C)
巻号頁・発行日
2014-04-01

夏目漱石が中世ヨーロッパの文学・文化・思想、ならびに、欧米近代思想を学んだことにより、近代の枠組みに囚われない思考を有し、現代から見ても新しい小説と文学理論とを作り得たことを論証した。平成26年度にはケンブリッジ大学にて、また、平成28年度にはオックスフォード大学にて、アカデミックビジターとして在籍し、漱石留学当時の文献に基づいて本研究を進めた。英国およびヨーロッパでの招待講演、ならびに、国内外での国際シンポジウム主催のほか、単著『漱石の読みかた―『明暗』と漢籍』、単著論文「思想との交信―漱石文学のありか」【上】【下】、「漱石文学の生成―『木屑録』から『行人』へ」等、活発に成果を発信した。