著者

小松 香織

出版者

日本中東学会

雑誌

日本中東学会年報 (ISSN:09137858)

巻号頁・発行日

no.5, pp.113-172, 1990-03-31

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オスマン帝国軍艦エルトゥールル号は、スルタン。アブデュル・ハミト2世の命により1890年日本に来航したが、帰路熊野灘で暴風雨のため遭難し多数の犠牲者を出した。この悲劇的な事件は、これまで日土交渉史の文脈の中で繰り返し語られてきた。本稿は、この事件の百周年を契機に、従来とは別の視点から捉え直そうと試みたものである。第1章では、トルコ海軍文書館の史料に基づき、エルトゥールル号派遣計画の立案から遭難に至るまでの経緯を整理し、事実関係をできるだけ明らかにするとともに、いくつかの問題点を指摘した。第2章では、背景となった19世紀末のオスマン帝国をめぐる国際関係、特にアブデュル・ハミト2世の外交政策を分析し、その結果をふまえてエルトゥールル号派遣の持つ歴史的意味を考察した。なお、詳しくは拙稿「アブデュル・ハミト2世と19世紀末のオスマン帝国-エルトゥールル号事件を中心に-」(『史学雑誌』第98編第9号40-82頁)をご参照いただきたい。

著者

馬場 多聞

出版者

日本中東学会

雑誌

日本中東学会年報 (ISSN:09137858)

巻号頁・発行日

no.27, pp.1-28, 2011-07-15

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Yemen, which was ruled by the Rasulids (A.H. 626-858 [1228-1454]), is located in a key position for Indian Ocean trade, and was famous for its agricultural productivity. However, we don't know details about Yemen under the Rasulidss during the 13th century, except for the port of Aden. In this paper, I analyzed the feature of regions in Yemen based on a new historical source, which was entitled Nur al-Ma'arif Nuzum wa Qawanin wa A'raf al-Yaman fi al-'Ahd al-Muzaffari al-Warif and included records of a supply of cooking ingredients in the Rasulid Court. Through this examination, I demonstrated the details of economic activities, such as special products of various regions and their distribution in Yemen. At first, I extracted cooking ingredients that contained information relating to the supply origin, and I analyzed the frequency of the products supply origin and destination by using numerical data. Hence, I discovered that the ports of Aden and Zabid acted as trade centers for various products. In addition, I classified these supply origins into four regions, Tihama, the Southern Mountain Region, Aden and its periphery, and the Northern Mountain Region, and discovered their specialties. Tihama and the Southern Mountain Region had special products according to their climatic conditions. Aden acted as the center for various types of merchandise from the Indian Ocean. On the other hand, the Northern Mountain Region was rarely mentioned in this source due to geographical and political reasons.

著者

加藤 博

出版者

日本中東学会

雑誌

日本中東学会年報 (ISSN:09137858)

巻号頁・発行日

no.20, pp.47-63, 2004-09-30

著者

吉川 卓郎

出版者

日本中東学会

雑誌

日本中東学会年報 (ISSN:09137858)

巻号頁・発行日

no.21, pp.231-235, 2006-03-31

著者

川村 光郎

出版者

日本中東学会

雑誌

日本中東学会年報 (ISSN:09137858)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.2, pp.409-439, 1987-03-31 (Released:2018-03-30)

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Islamic or Middle Eastern studies in Japan started in the latter half of the 1930's, and developed rapidly along with the expansion of Japan's militarism to Asian countries. In other words, it was a pressing national necessity to gather more knowledge of Islam and information about what was happening in Islamic regions of Asia. Unfortunately, Islamic studies of pre-war Japan seem to gain but a little attention from scholars of both Middle East and Japanese history. Some explain the reason for this by close contacts of the Islamic studies of those days with militarism, and others say that there left only a few original works to evaluate. It may be true, indeed, in several points, but I cannot agree to such assertion as "Islamic or Middle Eastern studies before and during the Pacific War were no more than a part of studies serving the purpose of Japan's expansion to the Continent or of pacification maneuvering toward the Muslims in China and Southeast Asia". In this article, I tried to sketch the scene of Islamic studies in the 1930's by tracing the course of several research institutes. In February of 1932, the ISURAMU BUNKA KENKYUSHO (Institute of Islamic Culture) was formed as the first group of Islamic studies by IIDA Tadasumi, NAITO Tomo-hide, OKUBO Koji and KOBAYASHI Hajime. They published a journal "ISURAMU BUNKA (Islamic Culture)" in November but it ceased with the No.1 issue only. This institute may be briefly characterized as a pure academic group. The "Muslim Question" had to be urgently solved for the Japanese militarists and capitalists who were watching for a chance to advance to the North-western part of China then to the South after the founding of Manchoukuo in 1932. Under this circumstance, the ISURAMU BUNKA KENKYUSHO shortly split up into two groups: One was the ISURAMU GAKKAI (Islamic Academy) established in 1935 by OKUBO Koji, KOBAYASHI Hajime, MATSUDA Hisao, et al, and the other was the ISURAMU BUNKA KYOKAI (Association of Islamic Culture) founded in 1937, the directors' board of which was composed of ENDO Ryusaku, Home Ministry, SOSA Tanetsugu, Navy Ministry, KASAMA Akio, Foreign Ministry, and NAITO Tomohide. This Association published a journal entitled "ISURAMU-KAIKYO BUNKA (Islam-Islamic Culture)" from No.1 to No.6 (October 1937 to January 1939) until it was affiliated in February 1939 by the DAI-NIHON KAIKYO KYOKAI (Great Japan Association of Islam) established in September 1938 with General HAYASHI Senjuro, ex-Prime Minister, as president. In March 1938, OKUBO Koji who obtained the financial support from the Prince TOKUGAWA Iemasa established the KAIKYOKEN KENKYUSHO (Institute of Islamic World) together with KOBAYASHI Hajime and MATSUDA Hisao. It came soon under the financial control of the ZENRIN KYOKAI (Association of Good Neighborhood). In May of this year, the Research Department of Foreign Ministry began to publish a quarterly magazine "KAIKYO JIJO (Islamic Affairs)" to give accurate information on Islamic affairs which lasted until December 1941, and a mosque was constructed in Tokyo by large donations from the ZAIBATSU. It was a demonstration to the Muslim people in the world to show the national understanding of Islam. In August, the TOA KEIZAI CHOSAKYOKU (East Asian Economic Research Bureau of the South Manchurian Railway) headed by OKAWA Shumei launched its monthly magazine "SHIN AJIA (New Asia)" by which they showed the subject of their researches was not limited to East Asia. In September, TOA KENKYUSHO (Institute of East Asia) was established as a research organ of the Cabinet Planning Board "to make all-round researches of culture and nature of East Asia in order to contribute to the overseas expansion of the Imperial Japan". In this way, Islamic and Middle Eastern studies in Japan flourished in the latter half of the 1930's in response(View PDF for the rest of the abstract.)

著者

岡崎 弘樹

出版者

日本中東学会

雑誌

日本中東学会年報 (ISSN:09137858)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.37, no.1, pp.69-98, 2021-08-15 (Released:2022-09-30)

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The purpose of this paper is to examine historically and sociologically the depiction of “Palestine” in contemporary Syrian literature through two important works. Saadallah Wannous, a prominent Syrian dramatist, in his drama Al-Ightisab (1989), focused on two worlds, the Palestinian and the Israeli. In the epilogue of this drama, Wannous emphasized that the Arab regimes were nothing but a replica of the “Zionist entity”, relying upon occupation and oppression. On the other hand, ‘Ali al-Kurdi, a Palestinian who was born and grew up in Syria, published his novel Shamaaya Castle (2010), a work of fiction inspired by his memories of his childhood in the former Jewish quarter of Damascus during the 1950s and 1960s. As an “intermediate supporter” of the Palestinian cause, Wannous tried to demonstrate the various “actualities” of the Palestinian issue for Syrian and Arab audiences. By contrast, in Al-Kurdi’s novel, the author, despite being a veritable “victim” of the Nakba, focused on the diverse dimensions of the “realities” faced by Syrian Palestinians, describing their misery, embarrassment, stigmas, human friendships and tolerance across diverse religious communities. It is obvious that writing this kind of novel is a creative act for building resilience out of past traumatic experiences in Palestine as well as for reevaluating the history of coexistence in Syria.

著者

後藤 絵美

出版者

日本中東学会

雑誌

日本中東学会年報 (ISSN:09137858)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.19, no.1, pp.125-151, 2003-09-30 (Released:2018-03-30)

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After the media coverage of Afghan "Burqa" and recent revival of the dispute over "Scarves" in Europe, the Muslim woman's veil has been attracting a great deal of public attention. Extensive literature exists on this topic, but little has been done for understanding the basis of the debate-the Qur'an and its interpretation by Muslims. Therefore, as the first step to understand the meanings of the veiling of women in the Islamic cultural context, three relevant passages from Qur'anic Revelation are examined in this paper. Analysis of these passages with a number of hadith clarifies that the veil was, at first, adopted by Islamic society to distinguish free women from slaves, and to protect their safety (33:59). The "Revelation of Hijab" (33:53) which descended to the wives of the Prophet Muhammad, also secured and distinguished their status. Then 31 of Sura al-Nur (24) had come, as follows: "And tell the female believers that they restrain their eyes and guard their private parts, and not display of their adornment (zina) except for what is apparent (ma zahara min ha) and draw their veils (khimar) over their bosoms…" The words contained in this passage, such as "adornment" and "what is apparent," are very obscure. To decide the limits or the extent of the coverage, religious scholars and jurists had to interpret this passage, and because there was no solid hadith on this part, the meanings changed over time. At first, face and hands could be exposed, but around the 13th century, some scholars interpreted that those parts of the body should be covered if there were "a fear of fitna". Fitna is a temptation, a disorder of mind and society. This idea led to the severe restrictions on women showing their faces and hands; the restrictions sometimes extended to barring women from leaving their homes. This tendency is seen not only in the religious literature but also in other historic or literary sources from 10th to 16th century. Even today, the word "fitna" is used in religious literature. For example, the Taliban mandated the "Burqa" because of this fear of fitna. The fitna is one of the many reasons for the tradition of veiling Muslim women, past and present.

著者

小松 香織

出版者

日本中東学会

雑誌

日本中東学会年報 (ISSN:09137858)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.5, pp.113-172, 1990-03-31 (Released:2018-03-30)

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オスマン帝国軍艦エルトゥールル号は、スルタン。アブデュル・ハミト2世の命により1890年日本に来航したが、帰路熊野灘で暴風雨のため遭難し多数の犠牲者を出した。この悲劇的な事件は、これまで日土交渉史の文脈の中で繰り返し語られてきた。本稿は、この事件の百周年を契機に、従来とは別の視点から捉え直そうと試みたものである。第1章では、トルコ海軍文書館の史料に基づき、エルトゥールル号派遣計画の立案から遭難に至るまでの経緯を整理し、事実関係をできるだけ明らかにするとともに、いくつかの問題点を指摘した。第2章では、背景となった19世紀末のオスマン帝国をめぐる国際関係、特にアブデュル・ハミト2世の外交政策を分析し、その結果をふまえてエルトゥールル号派遣の持つ歴史的意味を考察した。なお、詳しくは拙稿「アブデュル・ハミト2世と19世紀末のオスマン帝国-エルトゥールル号事件を中心に-」(『史学雑誌』第98編第9号40-82頁)をご参照いただきたい。

著者

片倉 邦雄

出版者

日本中東学会

雑誌

日本中東学会年報 (ISSN:09137858)

巻号頁・発行日

no.1, pp.106-149, 1986-03-31

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1973年のいわゆる「オイル・ショック」までの日本の中東政策には、アラブ寄り中立といわれてもよいような客観的事実が存在した。敗戦直後の日本は国連パレスチナ分割決議には無関係であり、中東には植民地も持たず手が汚れていないという自負があった。国連加入後も、アラブ・イスラエル紛争には「中立」を標榜していたが、パレスチナ難民救済機関(UNRWA)にも応分の寄与をしていることは知られていた。しかも、1971年、ファイサル・サウディアラビア国王が訪日した際の共同声明ではパレスチナ人の正当な権利が明確にうたわれ、その後の国連総会決議でも投票パターンの変更が行われた。日本の要人がアラブ産油国を訪問するときにはきまって消費国連合反対を明らかにしていた。しかし、石油戦略が開始されると、中東におけるかつての植民地宗主国、英仏は「友好国」扱いされ、日本は石油供給カットの対象になる「非友好国」扱いにされているらしいことが次第に明らかになった。政府当局者、関係業界は、工業生産、国民大衆の消費生活に未曾有の衝撃を与える供給カットに直面し、真剣に過去の中東政策を再検討し、いかにして英仏並みの取扱いを受けることが可能か独自の情報収集・分析の必要にせまられた。73年11月22日の二階堂官房長官声明は、それらの情報に基づき、米国の立場、イスラエルの生存権をも考慮して割り出したギリギリの外交的選択であった。キッシンジャー元国務長官の回顧録によると、米国はこの日本の政策転換を、日本の指導者がエネルギー需要を冷静に計測した結果、生存のためには止むをえぬものとしてとった措置であり、しかも米国とのミゾを最小限にとどめようと努力した結果であったと評価している。筆者は三木特使の中東八ケ国歴訪に随行しアラビア語の通訳を担当したが、自らの見聞を記録に留め、また当時特使の経済顧問として同行した大来佐武郎元外相の回顧録『東奔西走』なども参照しつつ、アラブ世界の両巨頭、サウディアラビアのファイサル国王、エジプトのサダート大統領との会談を通じてアラブ石油戦略の網をいかに切りひらき、12月25日の対日石油供給制限解除決定へもち込んだかをふりかえってみた。日本は第一次石油危機の経験から学んだ。一面では、エネルギー集団保険機構たるIEAに加入し、省エネ・需要抑制効果と供給過剰(グラット)の市況とによって、危機管理能力は強化された。イラン・イラク戦争激化によるホルムズ海峡閉鎖の脅威にもパニックを起こすことなく冷静に対処してきている。他方、イラン人質事件、ソ連のアフガニスタン侵攻、イラン・イラク戦争という危機に直面して、西側先進工業国間には協調の動きがみられ、特に日本・EC間の対米共同歩調が試みられたことは、新たな「創造的外交」の局面として注目される。

著者

水谷 営三

出版者

日本中東学会

雑誌

日本中東学会年報 (ISSN:09137858)

巻号頁・発行日

no.8, pp.323-351, 1993-03-31

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The extensive use of chemical weapons by Iraq both against Iranian soldiers and its own Kurdish population was one of the most hideous aspects of the Iran-Iraq War (1980-1988). Based on American and Japanese newspaper reporting, this study includes a detailed chronology of dates and places of the use of the chemical weapons by Iraq in the war. This is the first of its kind in Japanese. It is hoped that the chronology will serve as source material for further study of the Iran-Iraq War. It is also the strong wish of this author that the study will contribute, however tangentially, to the abolition of chemical weapons by highlighting their inhumane nature.

著者

加藤 博

出版者

日本中東学会

雑誌

日本中東学会年報 (ISSN:09137858)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.35, no.1, pp.135-161, 2019-08-30 (Released:2020-10-31)

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The rural society of modern Egypt was drastically transformed in the background of the transfer of irrigation system from the basin irrigation to the perennial irrigation. The paper aims to examine its impact of the transfer of irrigation system on the rural society of modern Egypt, focusing an interesting geographical feature, that is “dead river” (baḥr mayyit), which signifies a huge stagnant water in the shape of river. The “dead river,” with which the paper is concerned, is the ancient Baghur Canal. It flowed from a head (fam) of the Damietta branch near to Bir al-Shamus Village in Menufiya Governorate, and go to the Buhayra Governorate through the central Delta region between the two branches of the Nile. In the middle of 19th century, it was cut by Menuf Canal, which was constructed as one of the main canal (rayyāḥ) for the perennial irrigation. The cutting of the ancient Baghur Canal by Menuf Canal made a part of the ancient Baghur Canal “dead river” on one hand, and caused the lack of water for irrigation of the lands on the west side of the Nile on the other. It was because the new and present Baghur Canal, which started from the head on the west shore of Menuf Canal in Kafr al-Ghonameya Village, was newly constructed instead of the ancient Baghur Canal.

著者

DAIBER Hans

出版者

日本中東学会

雑誌

日本中東学会年報 (ISSN:09137858)

巻号頁・発行日

no.10, pp.27-67, 1995-03-31

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The article on Literary Process between Fiction and Reality contains the translation and analysis of an Arabic tale, a report ascribed to the mystic Sari as-Saqati, a student of Djunayd (died 910 A.D.). This tale is available in two versions, a long one preserved by Hurayfish (died 1398 A.D.) and quoted by Zakariya' al-Ansari (died 1520 A.D.) and a short rendition, preserved by Ibn Qudama al-Maqdisi (died 1223 A.D.), Ibshihi (died 1446 A.D.) and in an Arabic manuscript from the 16th century (collection Daiber, Institute of Oriental Culture, University of Tokyo no. 94, fols. 3v-4v). Saqati narrates his meeting with a female slave in a lunatic asylum. This slave called Tuhfa was taken by her owner to the lunatic asylum because her behavior became like that of a lunatic. Saqati, however, recognized that Tuhfa's seemingly crazy behavior was in reality her mystical love for God. He gives a vivid picture of her mystical love and informs us about his decision to free her by paying the owner 20 thousand Dirham. As a sufi Saqati had no money to pay for her but he prayed the whole night. During the early morning a man called Ahmad Ibn al-Muthanna brought him the money; God had asked Ahmad Ibn al-Muthanna in a dream to bring Saqati the money. Tuhfa was freed and left the lunatic asylum. Some time later Saqati and Ahmad Ibn al-Muthanna met Tuhfa again on the pilgrimage to Mecca, during their circumambulation of the Ka'ba. They found Tuhfa in the state of mystical ecstasy; she was weeping, and yearning for God and for renunciation of the world. She fell down in front of them and died. At the same moment Ahmad Ibn al-Muthanna fell down too, and died.-- Literary cliches, the terminology and the analysis of the contents show that the story in its present form is a literary fiction which ultimately has its roots in the 11th/12th century. The story does not propagate Djunayd's ecstatic unification with God which is followed by the socalled "second sobriety", by a new alertness of the mind (sahw); it propagates Bistami's abandonment of man's self, his death in the mystical unification with God. Contrary to Djunayd who prefered to talk about his mystical love through indications (isharat) and similar to Halladj's public propagation of his unification with God in the well-known utterance ana l-haqq, the main figure of Saqati's narrative, Tuhfa, does not hide her mystical love of God. Who seems to be lunatic is indeed near to God and "knows" Him, as it is exemplified in tales told by as-Sarradj and al-'Attar from the 11th and 12th century about mad people in the lunatic asylum who because of their nearness to God are visited by the public.-- The mystic Saqati and the object of his tale, the mystic woman Tuhfa, inform the reader or listener on the essence of mystical love. The mystical death of the lover of God is in the eyes of Saqati not a miracle, but something marvellous. Herewith the narrative appears to be classified as something similar to the "marvellous" things, the 'adja'ib of old Arabic tales (hikayat) which since the 9th and 10th century became the literary background of The Thousand and One Nights. One of the preserved collection of "marvellous tales" contains the story of a woman called Tuhfa who was sold by her husband because of poverty; after a long odyssey they are united again. This story which is taken up in the tales of The Thousand and One Nights, is a modification of a theme in the Greek novel, of the rebellion of a couple against fate. In Islam it became a record of human instability and fatalistic consequences. This theme of an odyssey is changed in our mystical tale into a didactic narrative on the ecstatic unification with the divine loved being, God, and its consequences for man on this earth.

著者

西野 正巳

出版者

日本中東学会

雑誌

日本中東学会年報 (ISSN:09137858)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.17, no.1, pp.97-121, 2002-03-31 (Released:2018-03-30)

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The social theory of Sayyid Qutb Sayyid Qutb is one of the most famous Islamic thinkers of twentieth-century in Egypt. Because of Qutb's importance as an Islamic thinker, most researchers concern themselves with only his Islamic thought, despite the fact that he had already been a prolific writer before he became an Islamic thinker. As a result, a comprehensive picture of his ideas has not yet been fully drawn. In this paper I examine a series of articles on social problems that Qutb wrote in the first half of the nineteen-forties (that is, before he became an Islamic thinker), and clarify the three stages of his work: the non-Islamic stage, the early Islamic stage, and finally, the radical Islamic stage. As a result of this analysis, two points come to light. First, until he became an Islamic thinker, Qutb was a totalitarian rather than a liberalist as is generally believed. His discriminatory attitude toward the homeless, for example, suggests that he was not at all a liberal thinker. Second, although his ideas are often divided into his non-Islamic and Islamic periods, there are striking similarities between his non-Islamic and Islamic social thought. Furthermore, there are significant differences between his early Islamic thought and his radical Islamic thought, which suggests the need for a recategorization of his ideas.

著者

中野 さやか

出版者

日本中東学会

雑誌

日本中東学会年報 (ISSN:09137858)

巻号頁・発行日

no.28, pp.59-98, 2012

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In this article, I will focus on 97 singers whose biographies are recorded in Kitab al-Aghani, written by Abu al-Faraj al-Isfahani. The aim is to analyze the parent-child and teacher-student relationships between the singers and the way in which the singers were connected with the courts of the Umayyad and Abbasid dynasties. In the first chapter, I will analyze the 97 singers appearing in the book according to the periods during which they lived and the social status they had, with reference to a list of the singers. Subsequently, I will attempt to identify a large faction of professional singers existing among the 97 singers. In the second chapter, I will analyze how this large group of singers was connected with the courts of the Umayyad dynasty and the Abbasid dynasty. Through this analysis, I would like to make clear the social role the singers took on and also the cultural continuity between the Umayyad court and the Abbasid court. In the third chapter, I will focus on 100 Songs, that were selected from those sung in the Abbasid court. Those songs were applied by the author, Abu al-Faraj al-Isfahani, as the first criteria in selecting songs for Kitab al-Aghani. Here, it should be noted that 100 Songs includes lyrics written by singers whose individual biographies and anecdotes are not recorded in the book. A comparison between such "anonymous" singers and the large faction of major singers whose information is recorded in the book in detail will reveal the way in which people from the ninth century through the tenth century adopted and rejected information concerning the court.

著者

幸加木 文

出版者

日本中東学会

雑誌

日本中東学会年報 (ISSN:09137858)

巻号頁・発行日

no.31, pp.377-382, 2016-03-15

著者

井上 貴恵

出版者

日本中東学会

雑誌

日本中東学会年報 = Annals of Japan Association for Middle East Studies (ISSN:09137858)

巻号頁・発行日

no.31, pp.183-206, 2015

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Ruzbihan Baqli Shirazi (d. 1209) whose conception of prophets and saints is the subject of this paper was one of the leading representatives of Sufism in the 12th century. For a long time, Orientalists supposed that Ruzbihan's intellectual tendeancies were influenced by the anthropomorphic argument concerning love between God and Man. He was also, however, active in many other fields such as Quranic commentary, jurisprudence. In this paper I argue that his arguments are based primarily on the concept of prophethood and sainthood rather than divine love. The reason why the concept of prophethood and sainthood is so important for an understanding of Ruzbihan's thoughts is that he himself confesses that his aim of writing is to prevent Sufi saints from accusing him of being an infidel. Besides this, it seems clear that he intends to impute prophethood or sainthood to himself in his autobiographical work. In addition, Ruzbihan's theory of Spiritual Stations is distinguished by the special attention it pays to prophets and saints. In his Risala al-quds, Ruzbihan treats the classical theory of Spiritual Stations as an orthodox theory, even though in the Kashf al-asrdr, he calls his series of supernatural visions brilliant Spiritual Stations. This means that he borrowed the way of orthodox theory for the reconstitute of ecstatic sayings of Sufi saints in accordance with sober and permissible expression in official faith of Islam. This shows that to comprehend Ruzbihan's thoughts, we have to pay attention to the stress he places on prophets or saints. In this article, I focus on his concept of prophets and saints, and examine its impact on his work.

著者

山本 薫

出版者

日本中東学会

雑誌

日本中東学会年報 (ISSN:09137858)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.16, pp.111-138, 2001-03-31 (Released:2018-03-30)

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This paper aims at tracing images of pre-Islamic brigand-poets called Sa'alik, as reflected in their akhbar-traditions or stories accompanied by poetic texts, which tell the life of poets and the situation in which their poetry was composed. In chapter I, after reviewing previous studies on Sa'alik literature, I will reaffirm the significance of further investigation of pre-Islamic Sa'alik for developing total understanding of the picaresque tradition in Arabic literary heritage. In chapter II, I will examine the nature of akhbar, concluding that they should be regarded not as incomplete/unreliable historical biographies, but as narratives which were formed through interpenetration with the poetic texts, interweaving facts with fictions within them. Then I will argue that those images of Sa'alik, as reflected in akhbar, indicate three different types according to their attitudes toward the tribal society: "anti-tribal", "cross-frontier", and "quasi-tribal". The "anti-tribal" type is represented by al-Shanfara who is the true vendettist to his own tribe; the "cross-frontier" type is represented by al-Sulayk bn al-Sulaka and Ta'abbata Sharran, whose arbitrary and also ambiguous character shows an interesting similarity to the mythological trickster; and the "quasi-tribal" type is represented by 'Urwa bn al-Ward, whose image of social bandit is unique among pre-Islamic Sa'alik in spite of his fame as "the father of Sa'alik". Despite these variations, they have "off-tribal" characters in common, being perceived as strangers both in their behavior and their existence, who depart from the society and disturb its public order.

著者

井上 貴恵

出版者

日本中東学会

雑誌

日本中東学会年報 (ISSN:09137858)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.30, no.1, pp.147-172, 2014-07-15 (Released:2018-03-30)

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The book of Sharḥ-i Shaṭḥīyāt which will be treated in this article is one of the masterpieces of Rūzbihān Baqlī Shīrāzī (d. 1209), a prominent preacher of Shiraz in the 12th century. This book mainly consists of explanations of ecstatic sayings called “Shaṭaḥāt” a technical term used by Sufi masters from the 7th to 10th century. The main purpose of this paper is to examine this Rūzbihān’s annotations of ecstatic sayings of Sufi masters, especially those of Manṣūr al-Ḥallāj (d. 922). The reasons for this focus are that, among the various Sufi masters, Rūzbihān clearly indicates that elucidating the work of al-Ḥallāj is the main objective of his book; in fact, the portion devoted to al-Ḥallāj accounts for a third of the Sharḥ-i Shaṭḥīyāt. Most previous studies on the Rūzbihān’s ideas follow Corbin’s opinion that Rūzbihān is one of the typical Sufis who described a mystical love between God and man in Sufism. However, recent studies have defined the limits of this prior view and pointed out that the traditional interpretation of Rūzbihān reflects only one side of his thought. This is a very important suggestion for further research on Rūzbihān’s ideas and the practicality of this suggestion will also be considered in the present article. This study will clarify the role of the Sharḥ-i Shaṭḥīyāt within the whole corpus of Rūzbihān’s works. They will also help us to discover a new side of the ideas of Rūzbihān, who has typically been viewed as one of the re-interpreters of al-Ḥallāj’s heretical thinking, as well as to reconsider his position in the history of ideas within Sufism.

著者

篠田 知暁

出版者

日本中東学会

雑誌

日本中東学会年報 (ISSN:09137858)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.30, no.1, pp.33-60, 2014-07-15 (Released:2018-03-30)

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This article examines a failed attempt by the Waṭṭāsid dynasty to recover domination over the southern part of al-Maġrib al-Aqṣā during the 1510s. Portuguese conquest of the Atlantic coastal cities of the Dukkālah plain, which had been freed from the direct control of Fez since the latter half of the 15th century, resulted in four expeditions by Sultan al-Burtuġālī, who waged jihad against the infidels. However, his army was confronted by resistance from Arab tribesmen who had made peace with Manuel I, King of Portugal. To cope with this difficulty, the sultan sought help from Muslim saints in his negotiations with Arabs, as he recognized their influence among the Arab population. He selected mausoleums of deceased saints as stages for political performances to justify integrating the region into his power base. Sa‘dian sharifs also participated in the affair as vassals of the dynasty, collaborating in securing the tribes’ submission to the sultan. In view of these alliances, the conventional theory that stresses cooperation between the Sa‘dians and saints in the jihad against the Portuguese on the one hand, and their opposition to the Waṭṭāsid dynasty and the Arabs on the other, should be reexamined. However, the limited effectiveness of the Waṭṭāsid strategy became clear when the dynasty’s presence in the region disappeared with the end of the expeditions caused by drought and pestilence.

著者

篠田 知暁

出版者

日本中東学会

雑誌

日本中東学会年報 (ISSN:09137858)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.31, no.1, pp.63-93, 2015-07-15 (Released:2018-03-30)

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This study examines a dispute between the Waṭṭāsid dynasty and Kingdom of Portugal over the north area of al-Maghrib al-Aqṣā, as well as the relationships between the sultan and his vassals in the Northern Frontier, which bordered the Portuguese occupied territory in the late 15th century. Muḥammad al-Shaykh al-Waṭṭāsī, the first sultan of the dynasty, concluded a peace treaty with Afonso V of Portugal in 1471, one year before the dynasty was established, in which he recognized Portuguese possessions in North Africa. Despite the temporal suspension of this treaty between the death of Afonso V (1481) and the disaster of the Graciosa expedition (1489) by his successor João II, it established a semblance of peace in the area until its final expiration around 1500. During this period, the sultan organized defense structures against Portuguese raids by appointing influential persons as the local governors in important towns of the frontier and providing for them financial and military aid. Although they enjoyed a high degree of autonomy, there existed vertical relationships between them and the sultan, and when ‘Alīb. Rāshid, a frontier governor preached Jihād and revolted in Shafshāwun, the sultan succeeded in subjugating him. This success demonstrates that the royal authority of the dynasty was recognized to be legitimate in the country.