著者
出口 顯
出版者
日本文化人類学会
雑誌
民族學研究 (ISSN:00215023)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.66, no.4, pp.439-459, 2002-03-30

臓器移植は生命の贈り物といわれるが、いかなる意味で「贈り物」なのかを考えたい。少なくともそれはモースが考察の対象とした「アルカイック」な贈与とは異なることがアメリカでの臓器移植を積年研究してきたフォックスとスウェイジー批判で示される。さらにこの問題を考えるとき、人類学で培われた贈与理論がどの程度有効なのかを、ワイナーとゴドリエからマリリン・ストラザーンへと、比較的新しい理論からそれ以前の理論へいわば脱構築しながら検討する。ゴドリエの理論は「贈与」されるのが生命それ自体であり、臓器はその表象であることを明らかにするのに有効であるが、西洋近代の人格概念を前提にしているため、ドナーと自らの二つの人格あるいは生命が併存する共同体として自己を受けとめるレシピアントの体験を据えきれない欠点がある。むしろ、ストラザーンのメラネシアの人格観のモデルが、そうした体験をうまく説明できるものとなっている。しかしストラザーンのモデルでは、柄谷行人の言う「他者」が不在であり、また柄谷にしてもストラザーンにしても「自己」が「他者」化する可能性は全く考慮されていない。自己自身にとって他者となる自己という主題を考察してきたのは、さらに時間を遡るが、レヴィ=ストロースである。自己の内部に出現する他者や侵入者というその視点から、臓器移植は概して外部からの侵入者の物語であることがわかるが、それを内部の侵入者としてとらえる余地はないか最後に検討を試みてみる。
著者
森山 工
出版者
日本文化人類学会
雑誌
民族學研究 (ISSN:00215023)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.61, no.1, pp.81-104, 1996-06-30

マダガスカルの文化については,その微視的な内容多様性にもかかわらず,言語や慣習の根本的な同一性を論拠として巨視的な統一性を強調する言説が一般に流布している。フランス植民地行政府は,19世紀に広く島内に覇権を拡大した中央高地のメリナ王朝の他民族支配の事実を踏まえ,メリナと非メリナ系民族との対立を煽る政策を展開したが,これを受けて,マダガスカル人の単一性にかかわる意識は,文化的統一性や島としての国土の単一性にその根拠を求める言説とともに,ナショナリズムの展開の過程で覚醒された。だが,このような言説はそれ自体が一般論として提起されるものにすぎず,一般論の次元を超えて何らかの具体的な文化的シンボルとの結びつきにおいて定式化されることはない。本稿では,1991年にマダガスカル全土で起こった大規模な反政府運動に例をとってこの事態をあとづけるとともに,そこに看取される自意識のあり方について考察を試みる。
著者
安渓 遊地
出版者
日本文化人類学会
雑誌
文化人類学 (ISSN:13490648)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.70, no.4, pp.528-542, 2006-03-31

In this paper, I narrate my experience of ethical difficulties during my three decades of field surveys on Iriomote Island. one of the southernmost islands of Japan, in the prefecture of Okinawa. Although the island is famous for its well-preserved nature such as the Iriomote wild cat and coral reefs, its islanders have suffered from various adversities: severe capital tax systems (1636-1902), tropical fever malaria (until the 1960s) and underpopulation after WWII. When I first visited the island at the age of 23, some islanders told me that they were tired of so-called "researchers," who came to the islands by dozens. Since then, they have continued to tell me, "Researchers, go home! Only those who agree to be our friends are welcome." Then, the question was how a researcher could be a friend of the islanders, while continuing to conduct field surveys among them. Episode 1 in my paper describes a perilous encounter with a drunken islander. He criticized me about my research on ethnoarcheology. He suspected that I stole artifacts buried in the tombs of abandoned villages. I failed to explain him what my research was, but angrily demanded some apologies from him. In reply, he seized a bottle and aimed it at my head so as to strike me down... However, thanks to that quite frank encounter, we became very good friends afterwards, and he helped me in my research of placenames in abandoned villages. Episode 2 deals with my trials to publish ethnographies in the name of local speakers rather than researchers. Former inhabitants of abandoned villages had prepared manuscripts, and my wife and I helped to compile them for publication in three volumes. Then we planned to help an inhabitant of an existing village to do a similar thing with us, and he tried to put some oral traditions of his own family in a manuscript. That caused misunderstanding and frustration among the other villagers, however, because they felt that his manuscript contained non-authentic versions of songs sung during their solemn festivals. They convened a general assembly of the villagers, and I was summoned to explain to them which tradition was more authentic and right. Episode 3 is a record of the endeavors to establish an agricultural cooperative of organic rice farmers in Iriomote. Since the 1980s, the local government forced the rice cultivators of Okinawa to initiate insecticide use in their rice fields. In the 70's, I had studied traditional rice cultivation in Iriomote, and found that its traditional rice varieties and their cultivation systems came from southern islands and Taiwan, and seldom from northern islands, including mainland Japan. I was also afraid of the side-effects of insecticide in Iriomote paddy fields, not just for human beings, but also for endangered species such as the wildcats that feed on the smaller animals living around the paddy fields. In collaboration with a local leader, Kinsei Ishigaki, I held a symposium in Iriomote, inviting some 200 local people, and told them of the dangers of insecticide and the possibilities of commercializing organic rice. The following year, when they organized a cooperative and tried to sell their organic rice directly to consumers, I could not help but become an advisor to them and a voluntary salesman for their rice. Many obstacles surrounded us: hostile public servants, debt collectors, rice dealers, and fraudsters. Business was far more difficult than doing field surveys, and I even made sales pitches for the rice at the annual meeting of the Ethnological Society of Japan when invited to give a speech on research ethics. It took about 15 years until the cooperative finally managed to pay back the rest of their debts. Now some of the islanders regard my family as their relatives. We can learn from these exercises that it is, as a rule, better to refrain from doing business with the persons we study, but also that if we do start collaborating with them, we should continue to do so for life.