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著者
安藤 重和
出版者
愛知教育大学日本文化研究室
雑誌
日本文化論叢 (ISSN:09191151)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.17, pp.53-63, 2009-03-08
著者
小川 明子
出版者
名古屋大学大学院国際言語文化研究科
雑誌
メディアと社会 (ISSN:18800831)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.9, pp.1-18, 2017-03-31

本論文は,番組審議会に焦点を当てる。番組審議会は,放送法ですべての放送事業者に義務づけられる制度である。局側が任命する学識経験者らが,局の諮問に応じて番組を視聴して意見を述べ,事業者側はそこで出された意見を尊重し,必要な措置をとることが定められているのだが,現状は,審議員の人選方法や,審議内容などに疑問も少なくなく,また放送局の側からも形骸化しているという愚痴や批判を聞く。しかし,番組審議会をめぐるまとまった研究はこれまでほとんどなく,審議会で何が語られているのかという研究は管見の限り見当たらない。そこで本稿では,内容分析,テキスト計量分析を併用しながら最も全国に影響力を持つ在京民放テレビ局6社の番組審議会概要を題材に,番組審議会での議論の現状を明らかにするとともに課題を抽出することを目的とする。
著者
片桐 由希子 梶山 桃子 東 秀紀
出版者
首都大学東京 大学院 都市環境科学研究科 観光科学域
雑誌
観光科学研究 (ISSN:18824498)
巻号頁・発行日
no.8, pp.61-69, 2015-01-31

観光立国の実現や2020年の東京オリンピックに向け,行政では観光地としての受入体制の向上に取り組んでいる。本研究は,アンケート調査を通じて地域の生活者側の視点からゲストハウスの宿泊者との交流の実態を捉え,着地型観光における観光インフラとしてゲストハウスの可能性を考察した。台東区のゲストハウスtoco.の事例では,ゲストハウスが提供する非宿泊者と宿泊者との交流の場が,周辺地域での宿泊者の観光体験の充足ともに,地域における観光客の存在と観光対象としての地域の価値を非宿泊者に意識させ,コミュニケーションスキルの向上につながるなど,多様化する個人旅行客に対する受け皿としての環境の構築を支え得るものであることが示唆された。
著者
畑中 重光 はたなか しげみつ
出版者
森北出版株式会社
巻号頁・発行日
pp.122-140, 2009-04-25

図書の一部
著者
[旧]富山大学
出版者
[旧]富山大学
雑誌
[旧]富山大学学報
巻号頁・発行日
vol.401, pp.1-16, 1998-06

判型:A4,(平成10年5月号),平成10年6月発行
著者
Endo Riichi
出版者
the Centre for Asian Tourism Research, Research Administration Center, Chiang Mai University
雑誌
Asian Journal of Tourism Research (ISSN:24655015)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.3, no.2, pp.95-120, 2018-12

This paper investigates the process of creating Kyoto’s cultural value as heritage during the occupation period (1945-1952). Investigating tourism, the paper reports on the practices of various actors, including SCAP (Supreme Commander for the Allied Powers), the national government, Kyoto’s local government, Kyoto’s tourism industry, and American soldiers, and considers tourism as a contributor to the process of creating the cultural value of “peace.” By focusing on the touristic dynamism of “staging peace” and “gazing peace,” the paper highlights the characteristic of “virtual peace” that acted as a cultural representation of the dichotomy of war and peace in a chaotic post-war space. Previous researches on the occupation period presupposed a one-way relationship between the occupiers and occupied, which makes it impossible to explain how Kyoto remained a famous tourist destination at a time when “Japanese culture” was prohibited by SCAP. This research found that, from a tourism perspective, there was in fact a collaborative process at work. While SCAP expunged the former imperialistic and militaristic concept of heritage, they replaced it with the dominant global heritage discourse where other elements of Japanese heritage were admissible.The paper discusses why people travelled to Kyoto at this time. Occupier personnel selected Kyoto for tourism because they felt it was less ravaged by war than other places in Japan. Kyoto was able to position itself as a tourist location with a thousand years of history because, in fact, the city did suffer less damage from the war. Finally, I conclude that the peace in post-war Kyoto had the characteristics of “virtual peace,” which was staged by the tourism industry and gazed by tourists, while also hiding and allowing an escape from the war.
著者
加島 正浩 KASHIMA Masahiro
出版者
名古屋大学大学院文学研究科附属「アジアの中の日本文化」研究センター
雑誌
JunCture : 超域的日本文化研究 (ISSN:18844766)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.8, pp.180-193, 2017-03-17

The purpose of this article is to determine the significance of literature on the Great East Japan Earthquake written by authors who do not belong to one of the affected parties. It does so by analyzing a novel depicting the Great East Japan Earthquake, focusing on the relationship between Tokyo and the affected area. Immediately after the earthquake, when the threat of radioactive substances spreading to Tokyo loomed large, the author of this novel was able to write as one of the affected. However, later it became difficult for the author to write about the disaster as the impact of such first-hand accounts began to wear thin. This was due to consideration for the affected parties, who continued to live in Fukushima after the disaster. However, as this article argues, excessive consideration for the affected parties distracts people from realizing the true state of affairs in Japan, and when those other than the affected parties are discouraged from speaking out, it causes feelings of indifference and accelerates the “wearing thin” of the impact, ultimately forcing the affected area to take care of the problem on its own. The affected parties, who had to focus on restoring their everyday lives after the disaster, could not fight against this “wearing thin” of the impact. However, others could. Thus, writers who write about the earthquake disaster with due care are fulfilling their part.
著者
吉原 浩人
出版者
早稲田大学多元文化学会
雑誌
多元文化 (ISSN:21867674)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.4, pp.二三七-二二三, 2015-02-28
著者
高 誠晩
出版者
京都大学大学院文学研究科社会学研究室
雑誌
京都社会学年報 : KJS = Kyoto journal of sociology
巻号頁・発行日
vol.17, pp.87-111, 2009-12-25

The April 3rd Massacre of civilian people which constitutes the background of the present study took place in the Jeju Island, South Korea, between 1947 and 1953. As Jeju civilians started an armed uprising against the establishment of the two Koreas, the South Korean government dispatched a suppressing force to the Jeju Island, and in the process of subduing the uprising, about thirty thousand civilians were killed. For the following fifty years, the Jeju April 3rd Massacre was treated as a 'social taboo' in Korean society. However, at the end of the 1990s, when South Korea changed to a democratic system, the public became more and more open to talk about the April 3rd Massacre. In the year 2000, after the acceptance of the Jeju April 3rd Special Act in the National Assembly, the government initiated activities to promote a 'social agreement' concerning the past. With these historical facts in the background, I focus on how the government attempted to promote the necessary social agreement. Although there were definitely positive aspects in this attempt, I point out several problems in this process. The first problem pertains to the fact that the 'politics of agreement' is being operated by the government. Firstly, I analyze the 'social agreement' process involving both the work of the Committee itself and the social reaction to it in terms of deciding who can be regarded as a victim of the April 3rd Massacre. Secondly, I focus on the 'negotiation' between the government as an actor who once did harm, and the victim as a subject who suffered. 'The criteria used to identify 'victims' in these "negotiations" have in fact led to a distinction between recognized and unrecognized victims (a sort of screening of victims), selecting those who are eligible to the national memorial project, and among these, also 'specifying things to be investigated' concerning historical facts. The second problem refers to the fact that the (civilian) victims have actually been split by the government into so-called 'accepted' and 'denied' victims. This causes disharmony among people, and some of them returned to silence.