ランキング (合計) - Ceek.jp Altmetrics

4 0 0 0 OA 一七八九年の革命 : G. Lefebvre ; Quatre-Vingt-Neuf : Paris. Maison du Livre Francais, 1939

著者: ジョルジュルフェーヴル鈴木泰平
出版者: 慶應義塾大学
雑誌: 史学 (ISSN:03869334)
巻号頁・発行日: vol.24, no.1, pp.1-43, 1949-10-01

序説第一章貴族の革命第一節アリストクラシー第二節王朝の危機第二章ブルジョアジーの革命第一節ブルジョアジー第二節ブルジョアジーの最初の勝利第三節三部會第三章民衆の革命第一節民衆の動員第四章農民の革命第一節農民第五章八月四日の夜と人權宣言第一節人權宣言案と特權階級第二節人權宣言第六章十月事件第一節ルイ十六世の消極的抵抗第二節革命派の分裂二院制と拒否權第三節民衆の示威第四節十月事件結論革命史家としてのルフエーブル教授

2015-08-23 21:30:45
4 + 0 Twitter

https://ci.nii.ac.jp/naid/110007472381

4 0 0 0 OA コンテンツ産業の政策制度設計

著者: 生稲史彦原泰史
出版者: 特定非営利活動法人組織学会
雑誌: 組織学会大会論文集 (ISSN:21868530)
巻号頁・発行日: vol.4, no.1, pp.52-58, 2015-07-31 (Released:2015-07-31)
参考文献数: 14

Japanese animation industry has a big contradiction. Despite they have made great honorable animation, animators (people who draws motion picture) cannot get enough wages. Why their work are not adequately rewarded even they have a capability to produce excellent work? Involved stakeholders, academic researchers, and policy makes have shared similar concerns on this issue. Several policies had been implemented but it doesn’t yield sufficient outcomes. “Anime Mirai” policy is the new policy approach to solve this problem. Anime Mirai was planned mainly by the Japan Animation Creators Association (JAniCA), and implemented by the Agency for Cultural Affairs. Through Anime Mirai, policy makers aimed to develop human resources which sustain the creation of Japanese animation ecosystem. JAniCA and Cultural Affairs has same point of view on Japanese animation that current animation company haven’t capability to train young animators. In Anime Mirai scheme, JAniCA provided fund to the selected animation companies, these companies produced the new original animations to train young animators. Through Anime Mirai process, turn-over rate of young animators turns low and animation companies has own profitable copyright product such as Little Witch Academia (Trigger) and Death Parade(Madhouse). As of the policy implication of Anime Mirai, organizational failure could be absorbed by “gemba-oriented” governmental funding scheme.

2015-08-21 00:14:43
4 + 0 Twitter

4 0 0 0 OA 官報

著者: 大蔵省印刷局 [編]
出版者: 日本マイクロ写真
巻号頁・発行日: vol.1928年03月17日, 1928-03-17

2015-08-20 21:46:21
3 + 2 Twitter
1 + 1 Wikipedia

http://dl.ndl.go.jp/info:ndljp/pid/2956825

4 0 0 0 OA ショーシャ夫人は美しいか : トーマス・マン『魔の山』における女性像と「東」

著者: 伊藤白
出版者: 京都大学大学院独文研究室研究報告刊行会
雑誌: 研究報告
巻号頁・発行日: vol.19, pp.115-133, 2005-12

2015-08-20 21:16:45
4 + 2 Twitter

http://hdl.handle.net/2433/134459

4 0 0 0 大正末期の政界再編 : 政友本党と全国町村長会の関係を中心に

著者: 渡邉宏明
出版者: 公益財団法人史学会
雑誌: 史學雜誌 (ISSN:00182478)
巻号頁・発行日: vol.123, no.10, pp.1775-1810, 2014-10-20

It was during Japan's second pro-Constitution movement that the Seiyuhonto Party was formed and began to open the path leading to the formation of the Minseito Party. However, due to a scarcity of source materials related to the Seiyuhonto and its chairman, it has been difficult to trace the most conservative element of the Seiyukai Party, in terms of the changes that took place in the Seiyuhonto within the process of its merger with the Kenseikai Party. The present article focuses on the relationship that was established between the National Association of Towns and Villages (NATV) and the Seiyuhonto during 1920-21 in an attempt to reexamine politics at the end of the Taisho era. The author begins with a description of two political processes facing the fifteenth session of the the National Diet; namely, enacting the Universal Manhood Suffrage Act and increasing the National Treasury's share of funding for compulsory education, in order to show the cooperation that was established between the Seiyuhonto and the NATV in implementing regional policy, which was followed by a joint effort to apply pressure on the Tripartite pro-Constitution Cabinet, in particular the Cabinet's Seiyukai faction. For the Seiyukai prior to the enactment of universal suffrage, cooperation on the part of the NATV was crucial in terms of both the party's platform and political influence. Next, the author outlines the political process in the fifty-first session of the Diet surrounding the abolishment of county (gun 郡) administrative offices, within which the Seiyuhonto, forced to keep universal suffrage in view, decided to join together with the Kenseikai to implement increased Treasury funding for education, thus opposing the shutdown of gun offices, which was supported by the NATV. There is no doubt that the prestige of the Seiyuhonto at this point in time was at its height, especially among the business community; however, its role as spokesperson for the NATV had definitely declined. The changes that occurred in the Seiyuhonto as the result of these three political processes characterized the transition from spokesperson for the NATV, which governed Japan regionally, to a party of the masses in anticipation of general elections. However, the tokonami Takejiro faction of the Seiyuhonto, which was formed as a new electoral base, being organizationally similar to the Wakatsuki Reijiro faction of the Kenseikai, lacked any uniqueness as a political party at the time. Consequently, as tokonami's dream of the revitalizing the "Great Seiyukai" became more and more remote, the formation of the Minseito became more of a possibility on the political scene of the last years of Taisho.