著者

清水 学

出版者

独立行政法人 日本貿易振興機構アジア経済研究所

雑誌

中東レビュー (ISSN:21884595)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.7, pp.115-137, 2020 (Released:2020-03-27)

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India’s status in the world has been elevated since the beginning of this century, supported by its accelerated economic growth. In order to grow from a regional to world power, the foreign policy of a nation needs to be adapted to the new circumstances. In this context, the new relations between India and the Middle East attract our attention. We must also consider the repercussions of domestic politics on the subject, particularly since the advent of the BJP government under Narendra Modi in 2014.Ever since the BJP government came to power in 2014, India has begun to question the assumptions of political principles such as “secularism,” established under the Congress party government since the country’s independence in 1947. The new orientations could be termed as a paradigm change or a watershed in the political framework in the history of independent India. In the domestic field, the BJP government challenges the Indian “secularism” and pursues a sort of “ethnic democracy,” a concept introduced in Israel. Concerning its foreign policies India is gradually discarding its use of the traditional non-alignment principle and pursues a combination of multiple alliances taking into account the rising influence of China.The ruling party, BJP, is the political wing of the RSS, an influential Hindu right-wing ss organization promoting Hinduism as the national identity of the Indian nation. The BJP and RSS particularly target the Muslim community in their campaign to promote “Hindutva,” a Hinduized national integration concept. The Indian “secularism” traditionally emphasizes equal consideration of every religious community in India. However, the Modi government in 2019 annulled the constitutional clauses that guaranteed special allowances to the Jammu and Kashmir state with Muslim majority and introduced an amendment to the citizenship law which excluded Muslims while considering granting citizenship to illegal refugees.Under these circumstances, the Modi government pursues three different policies toward the Middle East. The first policy is to promote trade and investment, primarily from the viewpoint of mutual economic interests. India’s dealings with the Gulf countries and East Africa are typical cases where the Modi government employs this policy. The second policy is to enhance India’s regional dominance and neutralize any interventions from neighboring Muslim countries in India’s domestic policies concerning the Muslim citizens in the country. The third policy is a newly emerged special relationship with Israel, which has strategic, technological, and ideological implications in the reorganization of power structure in the South West Asia.

著者

清水 学

出版者

独立行政法人 日本貿易振興機構アジア経済研究所

雑誌

中東レビュー (ISSN:21884595)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.6, pp.99-119, 2019 (Released:2019-05-30)

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Azerbaijan, a land locked country in South Caucasia, gained independence in 1991 after the break-up of the USSR. It is surrounded by Russia, Iran, Armenia, Georgia, and Turkey and is compelled to depend on a balancing act in its diplomacy to protect its sovereignty and survive. In April 2018, it reiterated its intention to host the 2019 Summit of the Non-Aligned Movement (NAM) in Baku and take on the position of chairmanship of NAM for a 3-year term. It is to be noted that Azerbaijan took this decision at a time of heightened tensions in the region when the US unilaterally withdrew from the Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action, popularly known as the Iran nuclear deal. Azerbaijan has a border with northwestern Iran and has had a complicated relationship with it based on historical, ethnic, and religious ties. At the same time, Azerbaijan is the major supplier of oil to Israel, which is increasingly antagonistic to Iran. For the last decade, Israel and Iran have tried to gain Azerbaijan’s favor by offering arms or adjusting their diplomatic stance to take into account the geopolitical importance of Azerbaijan. Iran switched from its tacit support to Armenia on the Nagorno Karabakh conflict to a more sympathetic understanding of Azerbaijan’s position.The Nagorno Karabakh issue has been the focal point of security and sovereignty for Azerbaijan, which claims that Nagorno Karabakh and its neighboring areas have been occupied illegally by Armenia. Since the latter half of 2018, Israel has raised the level of military cooperation with Azerbaijan by supplying more advanced arms, such as drones, while Iran strengthened its military links with Azerbaijan by enhancing its military contacts and cooperation. For Azerbaijan, the simultaneous deepening of military cooperation with the two influential and mutually antagonistic regional powers—Israel and Iran—is not inconsistent because it seeks to upgrade its own military capacity.The NAM has not been given serious attention in the world politics since the end of the cold war. At the same time, the objective reality that the number of member states has increased cannot be denied. The purpose and definition of the NAM is still vague and allows member states to arrive at different versions of its objectives. The mediating capacity of the NAM to solve conflicts among the member states is, at best, marginal. However, the NAM is a forum where the participants—most of whom experienced colonial rule—can express strong or mild dissatisfaction with the present world regime, dominated by the West. In this sense, the role of NAM could be still flexible and effective under certain conditions in the fluid world political system. Azerbaijan utilizes the NAM to achieve a balance in its diplomatic relations in the present turbulent situation and strengthen its political position on the Nagorno Karabakh issue.

著者

清水 学

出版者

独立行政法人 日本貿易振興機構アジア経済研究所

雑誌

中東レビュー (ISSN:21884595)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.5, pp.134-151, 2018 (Released:2019-03-15)

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Since the 1990s, Israel’s industrial development has entered a new phase owing to active engagement in Information and Communications Technology- related ventures. In the first decade of the 21st century, Israel succeeded in presenting her image as a “startup” nation, attracting worldwide attention. Israel’s economy, which was highly industrialized, tried to adapt itself to economic and financial globalization. In 2010, Israel was accepted as a full member of the Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development. The collapse of Lehman Brothers in September 2008 brought to the fore not only the instability of the global financial system as a whole but also the latent weak potential of economic growth, especially in developed countries that lacked innovative, leading industries. In this framework, microlevel initiatives in Israel carried out using active venture capital to explore new niches and new, innovative, high-tech fields attracted the attention of various countries. These fields include the wider areas of software development in ICT—such as big data analysis, cyber security, nanotechnology, artificial intelligence, and the Internet of Things—in addition to biotechnology and the pharmaceutical industry. It is important to note that Israeli industrial development has been influenced not only by economic necessity but also by national security needs. This latter priority guided the selection and concentration of resources within Israel’s limited national budget and investment capacity.Academic research and development also contributed to improvement in the technological aspect of the military industry. Technological know-how spillover from the military industry contributed to some extent to an emerging, domestic, microlevel high-tech industry. The military operations engaged in by the Israel Defense Forces in conflict zones in the Middle East, including operations in occupied territories, provided an opportunity to enhance the quality and practicability of weapons produced. The increasing volume of military grants from the US also supported the military industry in overcoming difficult financial phases. Therefore, Israel’s model of a “start-up” nation is not applicable directly to other nations, as the model was not neutral, owing to the state’s guidance and intervention on security issues. Although the new neoliberal macroeconomic circumstance is favorable to the “start-up” of new ventures, the indirect support by the state through various policies also contributed to the building of a positive environment for them. New markets for Israeli weapons and high-tech gadgets such as drones are expanding rapidly, particularly in huge emerging markets such as India and China. Although the export potential of military equipment is immense, it obliges Israel to be involved in delicate and complex international political relations among the importing countries. This is a new challenge in this unstable and risky world, as high-tech and military equipment always bears political implications beyond economic interests.

著者

清水 学

出版者

追手門学院大学

雑誌

追手門学院大学人間学部紀要 (ISSN:13418084)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.4, pp.57-77, 1997-07-01

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日常生活の社会学 / 考現学 / 限界芸術 / 超芸術トマソン

著者

栗田 禎子 長澤 榮治 水島 多喜男 阿久津 正幸 小林 春夫 鈴木 規夫 阿久津 正幸 清水 学 千代崎 未央 平野 淳一 湯川 武

出版者

千葉大学

雑誌

基盤研究(B)

巻号頁・発行日

2013-04-01

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従来、現代中東の社会運動をめぐる研究では、専らいわゆる「イスラーム主義」運動のみが脚光を浴びる傾向があったが、本研究では中東におけるマルクス主義の問題に着目し、その展開過程の特質を、運動、思想、歴史的・社会的背景という角度から分析した。研究の結果、中東のマルクス主義はこの地域の置かれた社会的・経済的現実と対峙し、地域に根ざした「知」の伝統(アラブ・イスラーム哲学の蓄積等)とも対話・格闘しながら発展してきたものであり、欧米からの単なる「移植」の産物ではないことが明らかになった。また、中東の社会・政治のあり方に関する従来の固定的・静態的イメージの見直しを行なうことができた。

著者

清水 学

出版者

独立行政法人 日本貿易振興機構アジア経済研究所

雑誌

中東レビュー (ISSN:21884595)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.2, pp.138-156, 2015 (Released:2019-12-07)

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Pakistan is geographically situated between China and the Gulf. In order to balance its strategic position against the major security threat of India, Pakistan formed a special and stable strategic alliance with China against common threats since the period of the cold war even though the two countries have neither a political ideology nor political system in common. On the other hand Pakistan established another special relation with Saudi Arabia on the basis of Islamic identity. With its expanding economic capacity, China proposed a project by the name of “new silk road economic corridor” with the intention of expanding and multiplying trade routes with the Middle East and Europe.Within this framework Pakistan is expected to expand the role of an alternative land route that connects the Gulf and China for use if unfavorable emergencies occur in the Malacca route. However, the continuous political uncertainty in Afghanistan after the pullout of US-NATO fighting forces at the end of 2014 and sporadic outbreaks of terrorist acts by Pakistan Taliban in Pakistan have increased China’s anxiety regarding Uyghur issues at home. Avoiding military options for the moment, China is trying to find ways to play an active role in the security issues of Afghanistan with help from Pakistan if available.On the other hand, it is noteworthy that the Pakistani government formed in the general election of 2008 completed its full term and transferred authority to the newly elected government in 2013, something never observed before in Pakistan’s history. Coincidently, in Afghanistan the presidential election was carried out peacefully in 2014 in spite of the Taliban threat. Although it is too early to make any definite conclusion, constitutional processes, in spite of their defects, reflected to some extent wishes for normal life of the people of Pakistan and Afghanistan who were disgusted with weak governance and the prevalence of terrorism.

著者

清水 学

出版者

追手門学院大学

雑誌

追手門学院大学社会学部紀要 (ISSN:18813100)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.3, pp.51-100, 2008

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音楽社会学 / ポピュラー音楽 / アートワールド / 職業 / 1980年代 / 角松敏生

著者

清水 学

出版者

独立行政法人 日本貿易振興機構アジア経済研究所

雑誌

中東レビュー (ISSN:21884595)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.3, pp.49-73, 2016 (Released:2019-12-03)

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The active initiative taken by Russian President Vladamir Putin by bombarding the antigovernment forces in Syria at the end of September 2015 startled the world by its precalculated boldness. Russian intervention has radically changed the dynamic of the war by empowering the Syrian government of Bashar Assad, and has resulted in a ceasefire agreement which starts on 27th February 2016, led by Russia and the US. No one can predict at present the next stage of conflicts in Syria or whether it will result in a positive solution to the tragic wars there. However, there is no denying the fact that Russia has played an important role in the development of the game. This paper analyzes the motivations of Putin in intervening in the Syrian crisis and the factors which have enabled Russia to play an enlarged role in the Middle East, seemingly beyond its objective capabilities. Legacies of international networks built during the Soviet period; shrewd tactics in making use of the inconsistency and vacillation of US policies, particularly towards the Middle East; its historical experience of interaction with the Muslim cultures, including domestic ones; its geopolitical perception of world politics, and the export of energy resources and military weapons as tools of diplomacy are some of the factors which explain Russian behavior. At the same time, the personal leadership and accumulated experience of President Putin in formulating Russian diplomacy and in manipulating different issues in a combined policy should be taken into account. His initiative in Syria succeeded to some extent in turning world attention away from the Ukrainian issue, aimed at changing the present sanctions imposed by the West. Another phenomenon to be noted in the international arena is the newly developed mutual interaction between Russia and the Arab countries in the Gulf. Frequent visits to Russia by autocratic leaders, including kings, emirsand princes do not always reflect a shared common interest between Russia and the Arab leaders. On the contrary, in spite of sharp and fundamental differences in their attitude toward the issues related to Syria, Iran and Yemen, the Arab leaders find it necessary to communicate with Russia and to know Russia’s expected strategies and intentions towards the Middle East, apart from its oil and gas policies. The Iran deal on the nuclear issue in July 2015 may have been a factor behind the phenomena.

著者

清水 学

出版者

独立行政法人 日本貿易振興機構アジア経済研究所

雑誌

中東レビュー (ISSN:21884595)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.4, pp.42-53, 2017 (Released:2019-11-12)

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With its geopolitical implications, Israel’s presence in the Middle East is conspicuous. Over the last two decades, Israel has rapidly expanded its sphere of influence to other parts of the world through economic transactions. Its dramatic development has been supported by its economic globalisation and high-tech industry. Israel currently belongs with the developed economies as a member state of the OECD, with a per-capita income of US$ 35,000, and is often referred to as a “success story” that other countries can draw lessons from for their own economic development.Part One attempts to analyse the factors, mainly related to economic policies, which contributed to the paradigm shift in Israel’s development strategy from the Zionist socialistic ideology to the neoliberal globalising policy orientation. The turning point was the economic reform introduced in 1985, which enabled the Bank of Israel to play an independent and leading role in monetary and fiscal policies against the rampant hyperinflation at the time. However, it should be noted that the reform package was a co-product of Israel and the US administration, supported by financial assistance attached to the reform. For the US, an economically stabilized Israel was an essential strategic asset against the Soviet Union. Since then, various reforms were introduced gradually, such as liberalisation of the labour market, privatisation, liberalisation of the financial market, and capital transfers. However, the voluminous favourable grant from the US was essential in absorbing balance of payment constraints and various social tensions through the transition period. Therefore, Israel’s transition to a neoliberal globalised economy was not a model that could be easily imported by other developing countries in the region.

著者

佐藤 千鶴 磯田 豊 清水 学

出版者

日本海洋学会 沿岸海洋研究会

雑誌

沿岸海洋研究 (ISSN:13422758)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.42, no.1, pp.73-83, 2004 (Released:2020-02-12)

著者

磯田 豊 清水 学 上岡 敦 松尾 康弘 大谷 清隆 中谷 敏邦

出版者

水産海洋学会

雑誌

水産海洋研究 (ISSN:03889149)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.62, no.1, pp.1-11, 1998-02-01

参考文献数

14

著者

清水 学

出版者

Japan Association for Comparative Economic Studies

雑誌

比較経済体制学会年報 (ISSN:13484060)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.39, no.1, pp.97-98,208, 2002 (Released:2009-07-31)

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Uzbekistan is known as a representative model for transition to a market economy. Its decline in GDP was less compared with a model of a radicalism such as Kyrgyz, . However, Uzbekistan faces different challenges for a transition. Industries were organized under the sector-wise "associations" that function as a dual organization, namely, as a belt of control by the government and a fake voluntary association of enterprises. The mechanism could be termed as a cartel under a strong leadership of state, namely a re-organization of state and private enterprises, which does not guarantee an automatic transition to a market economy.

著者

清水 学

出版者

独立行政法人 日本貿易振興機構アジア経済研究所

雑誌

中東レビュー

巻号頁・発行日

vol.6, pp.99-119, 2019

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<p>Azerbaijan, a land locked country in South Caucasia, gained independence in 1991 after the break-up of the USSR. It is surrounded by Russia, Iran, Armenia, Georgia, and Turkey and is compelled to depend on a balancing act in its diplomacy to protect its sovereignty and survive. In April 2018, it reiterated its intention to host the 2019 Summit of the Non-Aligned Movement (NAM) in Baku and take on the position of chairmanship of NAM for a 3-year term. It is to be noted that Azerbaijan took this decision at a time of heightened tensions in the region when the US unilaterally withdrew from the Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action, popularly known as the Iran nuclear deal. Azerbaijan has a border with northwestern Iran and has had a complicated relationship with it based on historical, ethnic, and religious ties. At the same time, Azerbaijan is the major supplier of oil to Israel, which is increasingly antagonistic to Iran. For the last decade, Israel and Iran have tried to gain Azerbaijan's favor by offering arms or adjusting their diplomatic stance to take into account the geopolitical importance of Azerbaijan. Iran switched from its tacit support to Armenia on the Nagorno Karabakh conflict to a more sympathetic understanding of Azerbaijan's position.</p><p>The Nagorno Karabakh issue has been the focal point of security and sovereignty for Azerbaijan, which claims that Nagorno Karabakh and its neighboring areas have been occupied illegally by Armenia. Since the latter half of 2018, Israel has raised the level of military cooperation with Azerbaijan by supplying more advanced arms, such as drones, while Iran strengthened its military links with Azerbaijan by enhancing its military contacts and cooperation. For Azerbaijan, the simultaneous deepening of military cooperation with the two influential and mutually antagonistic regional powers—Israel and Iran—is not inconsistent because it seeks to upgrade its own military capacity.</p><p>The NAM has not been given serious attention in the world politics since the end of the cold war. At the same time, the objective reality that the number of member states has increased cannot be denied. The purpose and definition of the NAM is still vague and allows member states to arrive at different versions of its objectives. The mediating capacity of the NAM to solve conflicts among the member states is, at best, marginal. However, the NAM is a forum where the participants—most of whom experienced colonial rule—can express strong or mild dissatisfaction with the present world regime, dominated by the West. In this sense, the role of NAM could be still flexible and effective under certain conditions in the fluid world political system. Azerbaijan utilizes the NAM to achieve a balance in its diplomatic relations in the present turbulent situation and strengthen its political position on the Nagorno Karabakh issue.</p>

著者

清水 学

出版者

日本貿易振興機構アジア経済研究所

雑誌

中東レビュー (ISSN:21884595)

巻号頁・発行日

no.6, pp.99-119, 2018-03

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Azerbaijan, a land locked country in South Caucasia, gained independence in 1991 after the break-up of the USSR. It is surrounded by Russia, Iran, Armenia, Georgia, and Turkey and is compelled to depend on a balancing act in its diplomacy to protect its sovereignty and survive. In April 2018, it reiterated its intention to host the 2019 Summit of the Non-Aligned Movement (NAM) in Baku and take on the position of chairmanship of NAM for a 3-year term. It is to be noted that Azerbaijan took this decision at a time of heightened tensions in the region when the US unilaterally withdrew from the Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action, popularly known as the Iran nuclear deal. Azerbaijan has a border with northwestern Iran and has had a complicated relationship with it based on historical, ethnic, and religious ties. At the same time, Azerbaijan is the major supplier of oil to Israel, which is increasingly antagonistic to Iran. For the last decade, Israel and Iran have tried to gain Azerbaijan's favor by offering arms or adjusting their diplomatic stance to take into account the geopolitical importance of Azerbaijan. Iran switched from its tacit support to Armenia on the Nagorno Karabakh conflict to a more sympathetic understanding of Azerbaijan's position.The Nagorno Karabakh issue has been the focal point of security and sovereignty for Azerbaijan, which claims that Nagorno Karabakh and its neighboring areas have been occupied illegally by Armenia. Since the latter half of 2018, Israel has raised the level of military cooperation with Azerbaijan by supplying more advanced arms, such as drones, while Iran strengthened its military links with Azerbaijan by enhancing its military contacts and cooperation. For Azerbaijan, the simultaneous deepening of military cooperation with the two influential and mutually antagonistic regional powers—Israel and Iran—is not inconsistent because it seeks to upgrade its own military capacity.The NAM has not been given serious attention in the world politics since the end of the cold war. At the same time, the objective reality that the number of member states has increased cannot be denied. The purpose and definition of the NAM is still vague and allows member states to arrive at different versions of its objectives. The mediating capacity of the NAM to solve conflicts among the member states is, at best, marginal. However, the NAM is a forum where the participants—most of whom experienced colonial rule—can express strong or mild dissatisfaction with the present world regime, dominated by the West. In this sense, the role of NAM could be still flexible and effective under certain conditions in the fluid world political system. Azerbaijan utilizes the NAM to achieve a balance in its diplomatic relations in the present turbulent situation and strengthen its political position on the Nagorno Karabakh issue.

著者

清水 学

出版者

社会学研究会

雑誌

ソシオロジ (ISSN:05841380)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.38, no.3, pp.3-19,184, 1994-02-28 (Released:2017-02-15)

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Erving Goffman remarks in passing that "[there exists] what may be worse than a sociological demise, namely, a sociological double. " This paper seeks to explore some of the sociological implications of this passage from the viewpoint of the literary sociology of loneliness. The experience of a sociological demise is portrayed as one of the "invisible man. " Hitherto studies about loneliness used to conceptualize the "loneliness" from this imagery, namely, as the feeling caused by "the absence of any social relationships." But, "what may be worse" than this, the experience of the "double" exists. I shall propose that this experience would describe the tragedy of loneliness more properly. For loneliness means, as Georg Simmel once suggested, rather the excess of social relationships than the absence of them. This may seem a bit of a paradoxical social phenomenon, but it also is the paradox of society itself. In conclusion, I will show, through the analysis of "the scandal of the double, " the reason people use the representation of the "invisible man" rather than that of the "double" when they try to depict the experience of loneliness.

著者

清水 学

出版者

社会学研究会

雑誌

ソシオロジ (ISSN:05841380)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.38, no.3, pp.3-19,184, 1994

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Erving Goffman remarks in passing that "[there exists] what may be worse than a sociological demise, namely, a sociological double. " This paper seeks to explore some of the sociological implications of this passage from the viewpoint of the literary sociology of loneliness.<br> The experience of a sociological demise is portrayed as one of the "invisible man. " Hitherto studies about loneliness used to conceptualize the "loneliness" from this imagery, namely, as the feeling caused by "the absence of any social relationships."<br> But, "what may be worse" than this, the experience of the "double" exists. I shall propose that this experience would describe the tragedy of loneliness more properly. For loneliness means, as Georg Simmel once suggested, rather the excess of social relationships than the absence of them. This may seem a bit of a paradoxical social phenomenon, but it also is the paradox of society itself.<br> In conclusion, I will show, through the analysis of "the scandal of the double, " the reason people use the representation of the "invisible man" rather than that of the "double" when they try to depict the experience of loneliness.

著者

私市 正年 清水 学 川島 緑 小牧 昌平 東長 靖 赤堀 雅幸 小林 寧子 栗田 禎子

出版者

上智大学

雑誌

基盤研究(B)

巻号頁・発行日

2002

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本報告は、現代イスラーム運動や民主化問題の背後にある民衆の役割と宗教運動について、歴史性と現代的諸状況とを総合的に比較しながら、その実態の分析を行なった調査・研究の成果概要である。東長と私市は、スーフィズムと聖者崇拝の原理と思想的本質の分析をすることによって、それが民衆イスラームを包含する多元的性格を有していることを解明した。小牧と川島は、それぞれ遊牧社会のアフガニスタンと農耕社会のフィリピンを事例にして、近代から現代初頭に関する新資料の調査、解読により、近代以降の当該社会の民衆がナショナリズムやイスラーム政治思想の形成に重要な役割を果たしていることを明らかにした。栗田は現代スーダンを事例に、イスラーム復興と民主化への動きにおいて民衆の担う役割を分析した。小林はインドネシアにおける宗教法改正案を分析し、その背後に民衆の「市民社会的権利」を拡大する努力を見出した。清水と赤堀の成果は、それぞれ中央アジアのイスラーム運動とエジプトの遊牧民を事例にして、地域ごとに異なるイスラーム運動の多様性および遊牧社会のイスラーム価値観の変容を明らかにした。両者の成果はステレオタイプ的イスラーム理解に対する鋭い批判であり、この視点こそ「民衆と宗教運動」の研究の意義、イスラーム社会を相対的に理解する重要性を示しているといえよう。また私市「北アフリカ・イスラーム主義運動の歴史」は、大衆に支えられた社会運動としてのイスラーム主義運動の総括的研究である。本研究プロジェクトを効率よく推進するため、高橋圭(研究協力者)が「民衆と宗教運動」に関する文献リストを作成した。また、民衆が関与するNGO活動の重要性にかんがみ、岡戸真幸(研究協力者)がエジプトの同郷者集団の調査を実施した。

著者

三輪田 吾郎 高井 伸雄 清水 学 笹谷 努 前田 宜浩 山本 明夫

出版者

北海道大学大学院理学研究院自然史科学部門(地球物理学)

雑誌

北海道大学地球物理学研究報告 (ISSN:04393503)

巻号頁・発行日

no.73, pp.195-205, 2010-03

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Nonlinear site response was observed at TKCH 07 in Toyokoro and HKD 109 in Urakawa during the mainshock(Mj 8.0)and the largest aftershock(Mj 7.1)of the 2003 Tokachi-oki Earthqua ke. At TKCH 07, peak ground acceleration(PGA)was smaller than PGA at the other strong motion station in Toyokoro. At HKD 109, the accelerogram shows a characteristic spiky waveform. Due to this spiky wave, large PGA was observed compared to the other stations in Urakawa, although PGA at HKD 109 was smaller than PGA at JMA Urakawa station during the main shock and smaller aftershocks.

著者

大倉 元宏 村上 琢磨 清水 学 田内 雅規

出版者

一般社団法人 日本人間工学会

雑誌

人間工学 (ISSN:05494974)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.31, no.1, pp.1-8, 1995-02-15 (Released:2010-03-11)

参考文献数

10

被引用文献数

5 10 3

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視覚障害者の日常生活の範囲を広げ, 社会の一員としての活動を促進するには, 普通の人と同じように単独で鉄道を利用できることが大きな推進力となる. しかしながら, 現状の鉄道駅の環境は視覚障害者にとって必ずしも十分整備されているとはいいがたく, 様々な困難や危険に遭遇する可能性が高い. 事実これまでにも, プラットホームから転落して列車にはねられ, 重篤な損傷を被った事故が数多く報告されている. 我々は視覚障害者の駅プラットホームからの転落事故について多数の事例を収集してきた. 本研究では, これらの事故を視覚障害者の基本的歩行特性や環境要因との関連から分析し, 歩行環境の改善や人的援助の導入を中心にして, 事故防止策に関して提言を行う.