著者

立山 良司

出版者

日本ユダヤ学会

雑誌

ユダヤ・イスラエル研究 (ISSN:09162984)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.32, pp.77, 2018 (Released:2021-05-09)

著者

貫井 万里 立山 良司 小野沢 透 近藤 重人 鈴木 恵美 池田 明史 今井 宏平 吉岡 明子 保坂 修司 浪岡 新太郎

出版者

日本国際問題研究所

雑誌

研究報告

巻号頁・発行日

pp.1-155, 2019-06-10

著者

立山 良司

出版者

ロシア・東欧学会

雑誌

ロシア・東欧学会年報 (ISSN:21854645)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.2000, no.29, pp.141-143, 2000 (Released:2010-05-31)

著者

立山 良司

出版者

日本ユダヤ学会

雑誌

ユダヤ・イスラエル研究 (ISSN:09162984)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.31, pp.68, 2017 (Released:2020-10-29)

著者

立山 良司

出版者

独立行政法人 日本貿易振興機構アジア経済研究所

雑誌

中東レビュー (ISSN:21884595)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.2, pp.103-121, 2015 (Released:2019-12-07)

参考文献数

47

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The American Jewish community as a whole still remains very much supportive of Israel’s policies. Most American mainstream Jewish organizations and their leaders have hardly criticized Israel’s position regarding the occupation, settlements, and the peace process. But over the last ten years or so, different views and opinions have become more visible in the American Jewish community, as represented by J Street, a “pro-Israel and pro-peace” lobby. What has brought about this diversification in the American Jewish community over their attitude toward Israel’s policies?Many opinion surveys indicate that younger American Jews have become more critical of Israel’s policies with regard to the Palestine question and the peace process. This may be attributed to a shift in identity among young American Jews. Older American Jews tend to see Israel as democratic, progressive and peace-seeking, etc. In addition, they perceive Israel as a safe haven for Jews. But younger Jews draw from memories and impressions scene in recent events, such as the First and Second Intifada, and the military confrontations with Palestinian groups based in Gaza, all of which are perceived as morally and politically more complex than the wars Israel fought between 1948 and 1974.Communities in the Jewish diaspora try to influence the policies of their homeland in order to protect their identity and sets of values. While the American Jewish community is still strongly committed to liberal democratic values, its counterpart in Israel has leaned toward the political right and toward ethno-religious nationalism. The diffusion of identities and sets of values in both communities may bring about further shifts in the relations between the two communities.

著者

立山 良司

出版者

国際安全保障学会

雑誌

国際安全保障 (ISSN:13467573)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.43, no.3, pp.1-14, 2015-12-31 (Released:2022-04-01)

著者

立山 良司

出版者

国際安全保障学会

雑誌

国際安全保障 (ISSN:13467573)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.37, no.2, pp.1-22, 2009-09-30 (Released:2022-04-14)

著者

立山 良司

出版者

国際安全保障学会

雑誌

国際安全保障 (ISSN:13467573)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.35, no.1, pp.171-176, 2007-06-30 (Released:2022-04-20)

著者

立山 良司

出版者

一般財団法人 日本国際政治学会

雑誌

国際政治 (ISSN:04542215)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.2005, no.141, pp.25-39,L7, 2005

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Since autumn of 2000 the circle of violence has derailed the Israel-Palestinian peace process. In order to prevent the resurgence of violence both parties had tried to promote security cooperation and form an effective security regime between them, but failed to do so.<br>It is reported that since 1988 till 1998 thirty-eight formal peace accords were signed, and of them thirty-one failed to last more than three years. Various factors, such as security dilemma, existence of spoilers, and intervention by external parties, cripple the implementation of the peace accords, including the Oslo peace agreement. In addition, the asymmetrical relations between Israel and Palestinians have heavily affected the peace process and resulted in its failure.<br>One of the most salient asymmetrical relations is the difference in the nature of both parties. Israel is an independent sovereign state with very powerful armed forces, and has occupied The west Bank and the Gaza Strip. As such, Israel uses its armed forces under the name of invoking the right of self-defense, and has an almost excusive power to determine a future of the occupied territories. On the other hand, despite the establishment of their own self government, Palestinians are still under occupation and struggling for establishing an independent sovereign state. The asymmetrical future also results in a very wide gap between both parties' perceptions of peace. From Israeli viewpoint, a peace should bring an end of any form of violence and eliminate the threat of military and terrorist attacks. For Palestinians, a peace should realize both an end of occupation and an establishment of an independent Palestinian state. Furthermore over the peace process both parties, i. e. the Israeli Government and the Palestine Authority/PLO, have taken even conciliatory attitudes and policies toward spoilers in their own constituencies with the intention to broaden their power basis.<br>A number of proposals and suggestions for a military intervention by a third party have been made, but no international presence in the occupied territories has been materialized. Taking into consideration the asymmetrical characteristics between the two parities, however, an international presence could make valuable contributions to restoring a peace process in the following two aspects. First, an international presence could ease to a certain extent an asymmetrical feature of the relations and reduce the feeling of vulnerability on both sides. And by doing so, an international presence could narrow the gap of perceptions concerning peace. Second Israel and Palestine are no exception that political leaders manipulate security concerns to solidify their positions and extract additional resources from their society and consequently they create and intensify the security dilemma. The introduction of an international presence could decrease the possibility of this kind of manipulations.

著者

立山 良司

出版者

日本国際問題研究所

巻号頁・発行日

pp.1-3, 2018-06-15

著者

中西 久枝 内藤 正典 嶋田 義仁 伊勢崎 賢治 大坪 滋 末近 浩太 吉川 元 立山 良司 中村 覚

出版者

同志社大学

雑誌

基盤研究(A)

巻号頁・発行日

2010

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中東の紛争では、中東の内外からの外部勢力の介入が紛争の長期化をもたらす実態が明らかになった。また、紛争防止策として、(1)国家再建時にすべての勢力をそのプロセスに包含すること、(2)イスラーム社会組織が果たす社会サービスの分配機能への着目、(3)難民や避難民の保護と共生のしくみを域内で構築すること、(4)民主化への移行期は、治安・雇用の創出・市民社会の政治参加への拡大などの課題への舵取りが紛争の再燃防止になること、などが挙げられる。

著者

中村 覚 吉川 元 伊勢崎 賢治 高橋 和夫 中西 久枝 澤江 史子 栗栖 薫子 森 伸生 北澤 義之 立山 良司 坂井 一成 泉 淳 小林 正英 細井 長 齊藤 嘉臣 末近 浩太 土佐 弘之 木村 修三 小塚 郁也 福田 安志

出版者

神戸大学

雑誌

基盤研究(A)

巻号頁・発行日

2007

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本プロジェクトは、国際関係論、安全保障論、中東地域研究の専門家による協働研究を通じて、日本における中東の安全保障問題に関する本格的な研究の基盤づくりを目的とした。また、中東における武力紛争の傾向や特質に関して論ずるのみではなく、短期的な紛争解決と、中長期的な予防レジームの構築に関する課題と可能性に関して考察した。その際に特に、日本への政策的示唆を生み出す視点を重視した。また当該の研究課題の遂行のために必要とされる国外の研究者とのネットワーク作りと同時に、国外への研究成果の発信で成果を上げた。