著者
鈴木 貴久子
出版者
一般社団法人 日本オリエント学会
雑誌
オリエント (ISSN:00305219)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.42, no.2, pp.22-39, 1999 (Released:2010-03-12)

Medieval Arabic books of culinary, hygiene and pharmacology indicate that there were at least nine different types of pasta at the time. The records also provide us with detailed information on shapes, production process, recipes, commercial production, and medical use of pastas, as well as when and where they were eaten under what circumstances, and how pasta dishes were received by people back then.According to the definition in medieval books of hygiene and pharmacology, pastas in the medieval Islamic period were made from dough kneaded without adding yeast and then cooked in soup or boiled in hot water.1) Itriya, rishta These noodle-type pastas were the most popular in the medieval Middle East. Itriya had been known in the Middle East since before Islam. A twelfth-century geographer al-Idrîsî says that Itriya was then manufactured in Sicily on industrial basis and was shipped to various regions along the Mediterranean coast. Rishta was served during banquets at the Mamluk court in the fifteenth century. In the sixteenth century Egypt, it was served as a special diet for the sick people.2) Kuskus, fidâsh, muhammas, taltîn: These are the pastas from the Maghrib region. The first three are grain-like in shape, while taltîn is a pasta cut into small, thin square. Sha'îrîya is another kind of pasta shaped like barleycorn and was consumed only in Mashriq. Kuskus first appears in a book of culinary compiled in Mashriq in the mid-thirteenth century. A sixteenth century essay on cooking cites kuskus as one of the foods sold at al-sûq.3) Tutumâj, shashaburk: These are the pastas from the Central Asia. In the Middle East, they make their first appearance in the books of culinary and pharmacology in the mid-thirteenth century. In China, two cooking books, both compiled in the mid-thirteenth century, carries a recipe of tutumâj, which is transliterated into Chinese as “_??__??__??__??_ or _??__??__??__??_ tu'tu'mashih.” It appears that the dish had been regarded exotic in both China and the Middle East. Tutumâj is a flat pasta with square or disc-like shape. Shashaburk is tutumâj stuffed with ground meat. They were both served with yogurt. According to a thirteenth century Arab pharmacologist al-Kursî, tutumâj is a loan word form Turkish.Mention in Arabic records on kuskus, which is from the Maghrib, or tutumâj, which is from the Central Asia, suggests that there was a massive migration from these regions to the Middle East in the mid-thirteenth century.
著者
鈴木 貴久子
出版者
The Society for Near Eastern Studies in Japan
雑誌
オリエント (ISSN:00305219)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.42, no.2, pp.22-39, 1999

Medieval Arabic books of culinary, hygiene and pharmacology indicate that there were at least nine different types of pasta at the time. The records also provide us with detailed information on shapes, production process, recipes, commercial production, and medical use of pastas, as well as when and where they were eaten under what circumstances, and how pasta dishes were received by people back then.<br>According to the definition in medieval books of hygiene and pharmacology, pastas in the medieval Islamic period were made from dough kneaded without adding yeast and then cooked in soup or boiled in hot water.<br>1) <i><b>Itriya</b></i>, <i><b>rishta</b></i> These noodle-type pastas were the most popular in the medieval Middle East. <i>Itriya</i> had been known in the Middle East since before Islam. A twelfth-century geographer al-Idrîsî says that <i>Itriya</i> was then manufactured in Sicily on industrial basis and was shipped to various regions along the Mediterranean coast. <i>Rishta</i> was served during banquets at the Mamluk court in the fifteenth century. In the sixteenth century Egypt, it was served as a special diet for the sick people.<br>2) <i><b>Kuskus</b></i>, <i><b>fidâsh</b></i>, <i><b>muhammas</b></i>, <i><b>taltîn</b></i>: These are the pastas from the Maghrib region. The first three are grain-like in shape, while <i>taltîn</i> is a pasta cut into small, thin square. <i>Sha'îrîya</i> is another kind of pasta shaped like barleycorn and was consumed only in Mashriq. <i>Kuskus</i> first appears in a book of culinary compiled in Mashriq in the mid-thirteenth century. A sixteenth century essay on cooking cites <i>kuskus</i> as one of the foods sold at <i>al-sûq</i>.<br>3) <i><b>Tutumâj</b></i>, <i><b>shashaburk</b></i>: These are the pastas from the Central Asia. In the Middle East, they make their first appearance in the books of culinary and pharmacology in the mid-thirteenth century. In China, two cooking books, both compiled in the mid-thirteenth century, carries a recipe of <i>tutumâj</i>, which is transliterated into Chinese as "_??__??__??__??_ or _??__??__??__??_ <i>tu'tu'mashih."</i> It appears that the dish had been regarded exotic in both China and the Middle East. <i>Tutumâj</i> is a flat pasta with square or disc-like shape. <i>Shashaburk</i> is <i>tutumâj</i> stuffed with ground meat. They were both served with yogurt. According to a thirteenth century Arab pharmacologist al-Kursî, <i>tutumâj</i> is a loan word form Turkish.<br>Mention in Arabic records on <i>kuskus</i>, which is from the Maghrib, or <i>tutumâj</i>, which is from the Central Asia, suggests that there was a massive migration from these regions to the Middle East in the mid-thirteenth century.
著者
鈴木 貴久子
出版者
一般社団法人 日本オリエント学会
雑誌
オリエント (ISSN:00305219)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.37, no.2, pp.88-107, 1994 (Released:2010-03-12)

Many cookery books were compiled in the medieval Islamic times and thirteen of them were already indicated by Ibn al-Nadim (d. ca. 387/995) in the Fihrist. Although their importance as historical sources has been recognized, they have been a generally neglected subject of study.My main purpose of study of the Arab cookery books is to describe food availability and dietary life in the medieval Islamic period and to explicate the changes of dietary life under the constant influence of the various factors of political, economical and cultural activities. In this paper I intended to clarify their general character and to point out the strong textual similarities among eight books.As a result, it can be claimed, they were compiled as one of adab Literature. All those authors who compiled cookery books before the 11th century were on intimate terms with Abbasid caliphs in the courts in the capacity as physicians, musicians, bureaucrats and scholars; the authors who compiled them after the 13th century, on the other hand, they belonged to the urban society as the people of the educated class (khassah) like 'ulama's, jurists, scholars and poets. It alludes to the emergence and development of an urban high cooking after this period.Arad cookery books were, generally speaking, compiled with the aim of defining “the healthful diet (al-sahih min al-at'imah)” in accordance with the Islamic law and medical science. As for their contents, a wide variety of subjects are taken up; proper kitchen practices, the nature of various kinds of food stuffs, table manners and preparations for breads, condiments, preserves, sweetmeats, drinks and so on.The comparison of contents of eight cookery books reveals that these cookery books can be divided into four “extended families”.(1) Books that drew information from al-Warraq's work which was written around the end of the 10th century(2) Books that are strongly parallel with al-Baghdadi (d. 637/1239-1240)'s work(3) Books of which a number of recipes of preparations closely parallels those of Ibn al-'Adim (d. 660-1262)'s work(4) Books which were compiled in Maghrib-Andalus in 13th century Despite the similarities among those cookery books, each of them serves as a totally independent source with new information which reflected the social and economical conditions of the areas where they were compiled.In sum, Arab cookery books are important sources for the study of medieval Islamic societies in general.
著者
鈴木 貴久 小林 哲郎
出版者
日本社会心理学会
雑誌
社会心理学研究 (ISSN:09161503)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.30, no.2, pp.99-107, 2014-11-30 (Released:2015-07-24)
参考文献数
29

This study investigated the effects of reputation-making norms on personal network size. Someone who behaved cooperatively/non-cooperatively toward a “bad” person is denoted as C to B/D to B. Reputation-making norms are then defined by a combination of the assessment of C to B and the assessment of D to B. We hypothesized that (1) those who judge C to B negatively would form smaller personal networks than those who judge C to B positively, and (2) those who judge D to B negatively would form smaller personal networks than those who judge D to B positively. We used scenarios to assess the internalized reputation-making norms as an independent variable and investigated their effects on the size of participants' support networks as a dependent variable. Results indicated that the size of the support networks of participants following a norm which does not permit C to B was smaller than that of participants following a norm which does permit C to B. These findings suggest that using reputation made by norms which do not permit spoiling narrows the size of cooperative relationships.
著者
石川 卓哉 鈴木 孝 篠田 昌孝 高士 ひとみ 山口 晴雄 鈴木 貴久 三宅 忍幸 神谷 徹
出版者
一般財団法人 日本消化器病学会
雑誌
日本消化器病学会雑誌 (ISSN:04466586)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.103, no.9, pp.1050-1054, 2006 (Released:2006-09-05)
参考文献数
11

症例は43歳,男性.不明熱のため当院入院.腹部超音波検査で,脾臓に多数の低エコー病変,腹部CT検査で肝臓,脾臓に多発結節状の低吸収域を認めた.猫を1匹飼っており,Bartonella henselae抗体を測定したところ高値を示し,ネコひっかき病と診断した.本症はまれな疾患と考えられるが,肝臓,脾臓に多発性腫瘤を認める不明熱をみた場合,鑑別として本症の可能性を念頭において診断をすすめることが重要と考えられた.
著者
鈴木 貴久 鈴木 孝 木村 昌之 篠田 昌孝 藤田 友康 三宅 忍幸 山本 さゆり 田代 和弘
出版者
一般財団法人 日本消化器病学会
雑誌
日本消化器病学会雑誌 (ISSN:04466586)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.98, no.4, pp.421-425, 2001 (Released:2008-02-26)
参考文献数
8
被引用文献数
1

症例は58歳,男性.高尿酸血症などで当院通院中1999年6月4日より全身倦怠感あり.6月12日黄疸のため当院を受診し入院.入院時検査で肝胆道系酵素上昇,CTにて肝萎縮あり.第18病日に薬剤性劇症肝炎亜急性型と診断され,血漿交換(PE)+血液濾過透析(HDF)を施行し,alprostadil alfadex(PGE1)を併用した.リンパ球刺激試験(LST)陰性だが,経過からbenzbromaroneによる薬剤性劇症肝炎と診断され,内科的治療により救命できたので報告する.
著者
田﨑 典子 鍬塚 大 東 美智子 鍬塚 さやか 鈴木 貴久 波多 智子 宇谷 厚志
出版者
日本皮膚科学会西部支部
雑誌
西日本皮膚科 (ISSN:03869784)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.79, no.1, pp.19-23, 2017

71 歳,男性。2010 年 7月,再発性多発軟骨炎を発症し,内科でプレドニゾロン 20 mg/day の内服治療が開始された。2012 年 3 月,<i>Mycobacterium intracellulare</i> による肺非結核性抗酸菌症を発症し,プレドニゾロンに加え,3 剤併用療法が開始された。2013 年 8 月,発熱と皮疹が出現し皮膚科を紹介された。皮疹は無痛性の 2 cm までの紅色結節で,頚部,上肢,体幹に散在していた。病理組織で真皮浅層から脂肪織にかけ好中球を主体とする密な細胞浸潤を認めた。一般細菌培養,真菌培養,抗酸菌培養はすべて陰性であった。以上より皮疹は Sweet 病と診断した。貧血と血小板減少のために行った骨髄穿刺にて骨髄異形成症候群も同定され,最終的に再発性多発軟骨炎と骨髄異形成症候群を合併した Sweet 病と診断した。 プレドニゾロンを増量,ステロイドミニパルスを行うも効果は一時的で浸潤性紅斑,結節の出没を繰り返し,2014 年 1 月に永眠した。本症例では約 4 カ月の間に臨床的には多彩な皮疹が出現したが,病理組織像はいずれも真皮から脂肪織に至る好中球浸潤であった。このように再発性多発軟骨炎,骨髄異形成症候群,Sweet 病の 3 者を合併する症例は過去にも報告されており,これらの症例につき文献的考察を行った。
著者
朝蔭 直樹 原口 美明 鈴木 貴久 塚田 健次 山本 哲朗 小林 滋
出版者
日本臨床外科学会
雑誌
日本臨床外科学会雑誌 (ISSN:13452843)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.70, no.8, pp.2416-2420, 2009

症例は69歳,女性.24年前より全身性強皮症と診断されている.1年ほど前から直腸脱が出現し早急に増悪,立っているだけで超手拳大の腸管が脱出し当科を受診した.身長149cm,体重34kgと小柄痩せ型で顔面,手指に茶褐色の光沢を持った皮膚硬化を認めた.怒責診では約10cmの直腸が脱出し,脱出腸管は浮腫状であたかもソフトボール状に緊満していた.怒責時腹部CT検査を施行すると,脱出腸管壁内にガス像が認められ脱出腸管反転部内への小腸陥入を伴う直腸脱と診断した.手術は会陰式直腸S状結腸切除術(Altemeier手術)に肛門挙筋形成術を併施した.術後経過は順調で,現在術後1年半経過したが脱出はなく特に排便機能にも問題はない.全身性強皮症は結合組織の線維性硬化性病変を伴い,直腸脱の発症要因の一つと考えられた.本症例のような基礎疾患を有する場合,侵襲が少なく肛門挙筋形成も行えるAltemeier手術は有効であると思われた.
著者
鈴木 貴久 小林 哲郎
出版者
数理社会学会
雑誌
理論と方法 (ISSN:09131442)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.26, no.1, pp.31-50, 2011

本研究は,異なる寛容性を持つ評判生成規範が協力に対してもたらす効果について,先行研究より現実に即した制約を課す進化シミュレーションによって検討した.具体的には,エージェントはネットワーク上で隣接する相手のみと社会的交換を行い,社会的交換における行動決定時とネットワークのリワイヤリング時に評判を参照するが,すべてのエージェントの評判情報を参照できるのではなく,評判が参照できるのはネットワーク上で2 ステップの距離に位置する他者までに限定された.こうした現実的な制約の下で,全エージェントがimage scoring(IS)規範,standing(ST)規範,strict discriminator(SD)規範のいずれかに従って評判を生成する条件を比較した結果,(1)全エージェントが寛容なST 規範に従って評判を生成する場合にはネットワークは密になり社会的交換の数は増加していくが,非協力行動が適応的になって協力率が大幅に低下する確率が高くなること,(2)全エージェントが非寛容なSD 規範に従って評判を生成する場合には協力率は安定するが,ネットワークが疎になり社会的交換の数自体が減少することが示された.この結果から,評判の生成規範の寛容性は,社会的交換における協力率だけでなく,社会的ネットワークの構造に対しても効果を持つ可能性が示された.このことは,協力率のみに注目した非寛容な評判生成規範では,副産物的に社会的ネットワークを縮小することで社会関係資本に対して負の効果を持ちうることを示唆している.さらに,相手の評判値を誤って知覚するエラーを投入したところ,寛容なST 規範に従って評判を生成する場合でも協力率が安定した.このことは,社会的交換がネットワーク構造を持つ制約の中で行われる場合には,寛容な評判生成規範でも高い協力率の維持が可能になりうることを示唆している.
著者
中野 啓史 内藤陽介 鈴木 貴久 小高 剛 石坂 一久 木村 啓二 笠原 博徳
出版者
一般社団法人情報処理学会
雑誌
情報処理学会研究報告計算機アーキテクチャ(ARC) (ISSN:09196072)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.2004, no.80, pp.115-120, 2004-07-31
被引用文献数
2

現在,次世代のマイクロプロセッサアーキテクチャとして,複数のプロセッサコアを1チップ上に集積するチップマルチプロセッサ(CMP)が大きな注目を集めている.これらのCMPアーキテクチャにおいても,従来のマルチプロセッサシステムで大きな課題となっていたキャッシュやローカルメモリ等のプロセッサコア近接メモリの有効利用に関する問題は依然存在する.筆者等はこのメモリウォールの問題に対処し,高い並列性を抽出し効果的な並列処理を実現するために,マルチグレイン並列処理との協調動作により実効性能が高く価格性能比の向上を可能にするOSCAR CMPを提案している.このOSCAR CMPは,集中共有メモリ(CSM)に加え,プロセッサのプライベートデータを格納するローカルデータメモリ(LDM),プロセッサコア間の同期やデータ転送にも使用する2ポートメモリ構成の分散共有メモリ(DSM),プロセッサコアと非同期に動作可能なデータ転送ユニット(DTU)を持つ.本稿では,FORTRAN プログラムをループ・サブルーチン・基本ブロックを粗粒度タスクとする.粗粒度タスク並列処理において,配列の生死解析情報を用いて粗粒度タスクの並び替えを行い,プログラムのデータローカリティを抽出するデータローカライゼーション手法について述べる.データ転送は,コンパイラにより自動生成したDTUによるデータ転送命令を用いてバースト転送を行う.Recently, Chip Multiprocessor (CMP) architecture has attracted much attention as a next-generation microprocessor architecture, and many kinds of CMP have widely developed. However, these CMP architectures still have the problem of effective use of memory system nearby processor cores such as cache and local memory. %This problem has also been one of the most important problems for ordinary %multiprocessors. On the other hand, the authors have proposed OSCAR CMP, which cooperatively works with multigrain parallel processing, to achieve high effective performance and good cost effectiveness. To overcome the problem of effective use of cache and local memory, OSCAR CMP has local data memory (LDM) for processor private data and distributed shared memory (DSM) having two ports for synchronization and data transfer among processor cores, centralized shared memory (CSM) to support dynamic task scheduling, and data transfer unit(DTU) for asynchronous data transfer. The multigrain parallelizing compiler uses such memory architecture of OSCAR CMP with data localization scheme that fully uses compile time information. This paper proposes a coarse grain task static scheduling scheme considering data localization using live variable analysis. Data is transferred in burst mode using automatically generated DTU instructions.