著者

滝波 章弘

出版者

The Human Geographical Society of Japan

雑誌

人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.50, no.4, pp.340-362, 1998-08-28 (Released:2009-04-28)

参考文献数

63

被引用文献数

2 2

---

What do tourists experience in travel? What is the meaning of contemporary tourism? These questions have been proposed since the mid 1970's by geographers, anthropologists, and psychologists of tourism in the English-speaking world. Most of the studies attempt to verify MacCanell's theory of authenticity, Turner's process of communitas or Cohen's systematic typology of tourist experience. Are these hypothesis also applicable to the Japanese contemporary tourist experience?The popular travel monthly“Tabi”proves an indispensable source concerning Japanese tourism. Each edition contains travel essays contributed by readers. I compared 155 travel writings in“Tabi”from 1992 to 1995 with the contributors ranging from the young to the aged.In the first analysis, I examined three hypothesis. Turner's communitas was verified only in 3 essays; MacCanell's authenticity in 25 essays; and Cohen's typology in 47 essays. These results show that the existing models are insufficient to explain the Japanese tourist experience.In the second analysis, I tried to treat the 155 travel narratives without hypothesis. Based upon the structuralist textual analysis, I extracted six main subjects: encounter of people, perception of panorama or landscape, discovery of another world, observation of culture and history, solution of problem which arise during travel, and recognition of ones life.The relations between the demographic category and the subjects of tourist experience are summarized as follows. The younger writers emphasize the spatial contrast: they often compare their chosen destination with their everyday environment, and the smaller places they explored with popular tourist sites. The comparison is not neutral: what is unknown or idyllic is evaluated positively, while what is popular or metropolitan is portrayed negatively. The older writers are likely to underline the spatio-temporal contrast: they frequently speak of a spiritual experience following an ordeal, e.g., reverence of a panoramic view after a painful ascent. In terms of encounter, the nuance between age-groups is also clear. The younger tend to analyze systematically the encounter: they underline the contrast between the fragile tourist from the city and the kind and tough local people. For the older, the encounter is more realistic: there exists mutual communication between the local and the tourist.Regarding gender, more of the men observe the culture, history, and life style of the destination than women. Observation often leads to comprehension by accompanying the discourse of cultural comparison between native country and destination. On the other hand, women are more concerned with the solution of problems which may happen in their travel. In some cases, they write about the aid given by a local person in an encountered difficult situation; and in other cases they stress their sense of accomplishment after surmounting difficulties. Women are more concerned with self-presentation than men.Under divers tourist experiences, we can find out one common structure the spatiotemporal contrast. Men seek the spatial contrast between life-space and tourist space, between famous place and little place, and so on. Women pursue temporal contrast between difficult situation and accomplishment, between assisted tourist and assisting local person, and so on.The structure of contrast in the tourist experience resembles the system of objects proposed by Baudrillard. Both try to contrast some elements with others: goods in Baudrillard, and spatio-temporal experiences in travel writings. In this respect, we can say that travel writing is a part of a contemporary semiotic world. But we can also remark that there is a considerable difference: the contrast is symmetric in the system of goods and asymmetric in the narrative of travel. The asymmetry of the latter is the result of the real space.

著者

水津 一朗

出版者

The Human Geographical Society of Japan

雑誌

人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.38, no.1, pp.1-6, 1986-02-28 (Released:2009-04-28)

被引用文献数

1

著者

Shimpei SEGAWA

出版者

The Human Geographical Society of Japan

雑誌

Japanese Journal of Human Geography (ISSN:00187216)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.47, no.3, pp.215-236, 1995-06-28 (Released:2009-04-28)

参考文献数

94

被引用文献数

4 3 8

---

Buildings are moulded by and reflect order, social relations and ideas. However, how people build not only results from but also exerts influences upon how they think: order, social relations and ideas find expressions in actual buildings.As a message any building has to be decoded by those who use or observe it. But while it is composed of a multiplicity of signs, it also invites a plurality of readings and meanings. It must thus be considered on the basis of whose beliefs or whose view of the world a particular reading and meaning circulated in society is made up.The powerful in society often bring up unintentionaly as well as deliberately a certain reading and meaning of a building. Rather, the dominant are those who manage to present them that may be taken in as unquestioned and thus “natural”. Buildings are major arenas where reading and meaning publicly unfold.The material of my discussion is the Taman Mini Indonesia Indah (Beautiful Indonesia in Miniature Park), popularly known as Taman Mini, located in a suburb of Jakarta, the capital city of Indonesia. It is both a recreation park and a cultural theme park containing examples of traditional architecture, museums, religious buildings, movie theaters, gardens, and other cultural and historical exhibitions and facilities alike. It is designed to provide visitors with an overall insight into Indonesia's people, arts, social customs, history and living environment.My purpose is to reveal the use of the Taman Mini by investigating its design, location and way of representing, considering the socio-political setting of which it is a part. Both in the selectivity of its content and in the signs and style of representation the Taman Mini works to support the order favorable to those who have built it.In November, 1971, when the government was shifting to pro-capitalistic development policies, the President's wife first announced an idea to build a museum-park complex aiming at making Indonesia known to international tourists and raising national consciousness. A few years before, the republic saw the most crucial time in its post-colonial history. Late on the evening of 30 September 1965, army units launched a limited coup in Jakarta ostensibly to remove a group of generals said to be plotting against the then (and first) president. They killed six leading generals, the corpses of whom were later discovered in a well near the present site of the Taman Mini. The coup was crushed in twenty-four hours by special forces commanded by Major General Suharto. These events laid basis for a gradual seizure of power by him and the installation of the so-called New Order.Mrs Suharto's idea immediately came under attack by intellectuals and students, for being for her prestige and a waste of domestic funds, and for the compulsory clearing of small-holder farmlands at the site at a low rate of compensation. She insisted on fighting for her project and declared it was of service to the people to deepen their love for the fatherland. At last the President uttered a statement affirming his full back-up to his wife's project. Construction of the vast park began in 1972, and the opening by the President occurred on April 20, 1975.Some facilities and exhibitions of the Taman Mini are precise replicas with more perfection than their originals. Others are drained from immediate functions and actual life by being replanted regardless of the backgrounds on which they should be. They are all signs of“Indonesian-ness”, and the Park serves as a sketch map showing in public space how Indonesia is organized.The Taman Mini conveys a set of values. The juxtaposition of provincial architectures, houses of worship, folk ways of life, handicrafts, and performing arts visualize the cultural diversity and relativism of Indonesian society.

著者

山口 晋

出版者

一般社団法人 人文地理学会

雑誌

人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.60, no.4, pp.279-300, 2008 (Released:2018-01-06)

参考文献数

87

被引用文献数

2 2

---

In this study, I clarify the conflict between the practices of artists who are active on the urban streets and the control by the Tokyo Metropolitan Government in the Heaven Artist Program. Specifically, I attempt to show a part of the control in the urban space by empirically describing the awareness and reactions of artists with regard to this control by the government. I will address the “Heaven Artist Program,” which is the street artist license system and part of the cultural policy of the Tokyo Metropolitan Government, to explain the relationship between the practices of artists and the control by the government in the Heaven Artist Program. The method of the study involves analyzing narratives from interviews of Heaven Artists and the staff of the Heaven Artist office in the Tokyo Metropolitan Government. In the following text, I present the findings that emerged in this study.First, with regard to the control of the Tokyo Metropolitan Government, recruitment and auditions of Heaven Artists are held every year. I understand the need for artists obtaining a license, because they are constantly applying for them. However, Heaven Artists who have obtained a license are subject to various rules. The places at which a large number of Heaven Artists are active are the Tokyo Metropolitan Museum and Ueno Park. However, for 60% of all the activity facilities and sites, the usage rate is less than 10%. The field manager exercises strict control, based on rules, over the activities of the Heaven Artists.Moreover, the practices of Heaven Artists in the light of such control results in the artists interpreting the rules broadly and escaping the control of the government while pretending to obey it. This behavior of Heaven Artists depends on their dissatisfaction with regard to the strict rules and control of the Heaven Artist office. However, although Heaven Artists have voiced such dissatisfaction, they have not jointly demanded program improvements from the Heaven Artist office. This is because Heaven Artists utilize not only this program but also other activity opportunities. Thus, Heaven Artists not only choose this program but also use other activity opportunities to a large extent. In the case of this choice, income becomes an important factor. As artists, income from creating art is their bread and butter and a direct evaluation of their talents. Furthermore, they revalidate themselves as artists by the amount that they earn. Heaven Artists take advantage of other activity opportunities in addition to this program. Further, they frequent spaces controlled by the Heaven Artist office while evading the regulation of this program.

著者

中澤 高志

出版者

一般社団法人 人文地理学会

雑誌

人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.64, no.3, pp.259-277, 2012 (Released:2018-01-24)

参考文献数

43

---

In September 2008, Lehman Brothers Holdings, a major American financial services firm, filed for bankruptcy, which consequently resulted in the global economic downturn. Many Japanese multinational companies, especially export-oriented manufacturers, downsized their factory floor employment mainly by reducing the number of subcontracted workers. In this paper, the author analyzed factors related to the workers who were placed in manufacturing factories by temporary staffing agencies or subcontractors, and who lost their jobs because of the economic downturn. The author analyzes the casework records of the consultation desk, which was established by a local municipality located in Kyushu, Japan, of those who had lost their jobs. Over a thousand workers lost their jobs as the economy of this locality was supported by a few export-oriented plants.Most visitors to the consultation desk had worked at specific plants but were not directly employed by the owners of their workplaces. Their move to the locality was mediated by a temporary staffing agency or subcontractors. When the financial crisis broke out and the restructuring of employment began, many workers who had lost jobs went back to their hometowns to seek family support. However, most visitors to the consultation desk did not have reliable families. Moreover, some of them had been remitting parts of their wages to their parents. This heavily strained their budget. Some households, such as those consisting of only couples where both partners were subcontracted workers, or households containing sick persons, etc., suffered even more severe circumstances.Typically, the residences for subcontracted workers are company-supplied dormitories. They are furnished, and workers who lived there did not need to provide either guarantors or deposits. However, the rents for the dormitories, plus a surcharge for the furniture, were relatively high, although the subcontracted workers did not receive large wages. Thus the visitors to the consultation desk rarely had any savings.With the reduction in the number working days and hours, the workers’ incomes were reduced to such an extent that they could no longer sustain their lives. Unemployed and isolated from their families, they exhausted their meager financial resources and soon had to evacuate the dormitories. Some workers arrived at the consultation desk in a condition of homelessness and hunger.The factors that contributed the difficult conditions of the workers are: (1) lack of contact with families, a source of support; (2) lack of financial resources; (3) lack of direct employment contracts; (4) lack of housing facilities independent of employment; and (5) migrant status. They were the first ones to lose their jobs because they were not employed directly. They lost their housing because it was bound to the employment contract. They could not withstand the hardship because they did not have financial or family resources. Moreover, they were migrants in the locality.

著者

竹内 祥一朗

出版者

一般社団法人 人文地理学会

雑誌

人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.72, no.1, pp.1-20, 2020

被引用文献数

1

---

<p>本稿は,近世の官撰地誌史上の重要史料である『筑前国続風土記』の編纂過程を検討し,さらにこれと福岡藩政や作者である藩儒・貝原益軒の知的実践との関係を論じ,その成果を近世官撰地誌史に位置づけるものである。まず,『筑前国続風土記』の編纂過程について,日記や藩政史料などを用いて検討した。その結果,『筑前国続風土記』の地理情報は藩の支配機構を回路として収集される一方,益軒独自の書物収集によって蓄積されていたことが明らかになった。また,『筑前国続風土記』編纂を成り立たしめた藩儒益軒の知的実践,とりわけ地理的知識の形成は,参勤交代などの移動と藩の職務の遂行を背景としながら,移動先の各地の特性に応じて展開されていた。特に京都では幕藩体制の枠組みを離れた,儒者や公家からなる独自のネットワークを利用して情報の蓄積が図られていた。最終的に,『筑前国続風土記』は型式や政策との関係の点で,官撰地誌史上の17世紀と18世紀の間に適切に位置づけられることを確認し,さらに益軒の考えや配慮に由来する『筑前国続風土記』の個性は19世紀以降の地誌編纂に継承されていくことを指摘した。</p>

著者

水内 俊雄

出版者

The Human Geographical Society of Japan

雑誌

人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.36, no.4, pp.289-311, 1984-08-28 (Released:2009-04-28)

参考文献数

40

被引用文献数

4 2

---

The importance of improvement in living condition in urban areas recently has been stressed in Japan. We can point out three issues in this trend. First, blighted areas have already appeared in suburban areas of densely built “bunka” apartment house. Second, revitalization of the inner city is being watched with keen interest. Third, criticism of existing urban policy which is busy pursuing construction of urban infrastructure is developing new ideas for improvement of urban living condition. From these viewpoints, we can see only two examples of improvement in poor housing distrcts. In fact, Japan has a long tradition of renewal of poor housing districts. Unfortunately, these kinds of districts, i.e. minority group ghettoes, we call “dowa” districts, have not been properly analysed. There are two reasons for this lack of research. First is the tendency for Japanese scholars to avoid topics and ignore groups that are the object of majority prejudice. Second is the record of heavy-handed political intervention in the conduct and findings of such research.This paper at first clarifies the historical formation of poor housing districts in prewar Japan. Second, we focus on the “Renewal of Poor Housing Districts Act” of 1927, making clear how this act was created and put in force. This research also attempts to put “dowa” districts in their proper place among all kinds of poor housing districts in Japan. In addition, we set value on this housing act as the the first public project to improve living conditions in Japan, and reveal the counter-responses of the people concerned.In post-war Japan, especially after 1960, the pace of renewal projects quickened and many projects attained good results. These results were achieved mainly by minority-group peoples' movements, and such movements were linked to political influence. The historical approach adopted in this paper aims to pursue the origin of these movements and their political attitudes in pre-war Japan.The “Renewal of Poor Housing Districts Act” was authorized by the Department of Social Welfare of the Ministry of Interior. Before the enactment of this act, the Department of Social Welfare conducted many investigations of poorer peoples' living and housing conditions. These investigations not only helped in the enactment, but also added special characteristics to this act. One such characteristic is observance in principle of rehousing people in the same location, and the other is omission of concrete standards in selection of renewal areas. The former is the result of imitating the housing acts in England. The latter is explained by the fact that the Department of Social Welfare had no need to define selection standards since they had already gained information about location of the poor housing districts.Projects in accordance with this act began in 1928, rehousing nearly 4000 households by 1942 in 6 big cities: Tokyo, Osaka, Kyoto, Nagoya, Kobe and Yokohama. The 16 districts selected or planned for selection were divided into three types. This selection reflected the existing three types of poorer peoples' districts at that time. The first type were those of minority groups, i.e. “dowa” districts originating in the pre-modern era. The second type were residential districts of urban miscellaneous laborers centering around flophouse, and the last one was residential districts of lower factory workers. The latter two emerged in modern era after 1868. Seven of the selections were of the first type, and these cases became a precedent for post-war projects. From the viewpoint of the people concerned, Nagoya and Kyoto showed special responses toward the renewal projects. Considering the historical conditions in pre-war Japan, people at that time did not possess any legal ways of opposition and had limited opportunities for achieving their demands for improvement.

出版者

The Human Geographical Society of Japan

雑誌

人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.44, no.3, pp.366-412, 1992-06-28 (Released:2009-04-28)

著者

藤塚 吉浩

出版者

一般社団法人 人文地理学会

雑誌

人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.46, no.5, pp.496-514, 1994-10-28 (Released:2009-04-28)

参考文献数

136

被引用文献数

3 3

---

This paper seeks to review the gentrification studies in the Western countries, and obtain implications for Japanese cities.The article begins with a review of the literature concerned with social effects of gentrification. In the capitalist countries, at the outset, many people expect that gentrification is caused by private ecnomy. However the effects of gentrification are not so expected for the several reasons. One reason is that most of inmovers to the gentrified neighborhoods are not part of a ‘back to the city movement’, but ‘staying in the city’. The other is that gentrifiers revitalizing abandoned areas are limited in number. On the contrary, it causes the displacement of the socioeconomically weak. Most of them are low income, elderly and minority. They feel the sting of the displacement caused by urban revitalization. Furthermore it results in producing a lot of homeless people.The third chapter treats with five theoretical issues, which are institutions, stage models, rent-gap theory, the new middle class, and marginal gentrifiers. According to the institutionalist approach, central and local government, estate agents, and building societies, are the inducers of gentrification. The stage model explains the gentrification process positively by inmovers' attitude to accept risks in the deteriorated areas. Rent-gap theory explains gentrification structurally by the movement of capital, back to the inner city. The new middle class is on the rise due to industrial restructuring.They prefer to live near the city center, so they cause gentrification. They prefer not only historical architecture, but also modern amenities. Inmovers to the gentrified neighborhoods, are not only the new middle class. There is also the formation of reproducing marginal gentrifiers. Marginal gentrifiers come to live in the inner city because of alternative life-styles. Many researchers agree that no approach cannot explain the phenomenon alone, and some of them seek to integrate several approaches.In section four I argue the applicability of researches on social effects and theoretical approaches in Western countries for Japanese cases. First I show two bases for the occurrence of gentrification in Japanese cities. One is the recent trend of upgrading living spaces. Most Japanese houses are built of wood, so they become obsolete without maintenance. It is easy to scrap obsolete houses and renovate new ones. Recently there are many cases of rehabilitating modern Western-style buildings and reforming the living layout of condominiums. The other is the restructuring of the inner city. In the 1970s most central cities lost affluent people. Many heavy industries scattered from metropolitan regions to nonmetropolitan areas. Although the inner city area in the central cities lost population, it also provides opportunities to increase population again. Actually recurrence of population appeared in some of those large cities during the late 1980s. I argue that three primary factors may cause gentrification in Japanese cities. The first one is industrial restructuring. Industrial restructuring produces new professionals. They may be potential gentrifiers. The second one is suburbanization. Expanding urban regions make a long commute to the office in the central city. So many people prefer to live not so far from the office. The third one is the supply of condominiums. Many people invested in them during the late 1980s, because of lower interest rates. Most of them located in the inner city and induce inmovers.Second, I discuss future directions for research on gentrification in Japanese cities. There may be three main issues. The first one is resettlement in the inner city. Municipal officials of most large central cities are working to prevent the population from decreasing.

著者

野中 健一

出版者

The Human Geographical Society of Japan

雑誌

人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.41, no.3, pp.276-290, 1989-06-28 (Released:2009-04-28)

参考文献数

20

被引用文献数

2 2

---

The purpose of this paper is to investigate how people obtain and eat Vespula sp., a kind of wasp, and how such habits are distributed in Japan. A general survey based on the literature and quastionnaires given to authorities was conducted for each part of Japan, and field work was conducted by interviewing in Central Japan, where examples of this habit can be seen. Among several kinds of wasps which are eaten in Japan, especially immature Vespula have been eaten cooked in various ways. This is because people feel it more tasty than any other wasp, and they can find the nests easily, catch them without any danger and obtain large numbers of the immature wasps from one nest. This haibit is not spread all over Japan but concentrated particularly in some parts of Central Japan.The results of the survey in Central Japan are as follows: there are six kinds of foods made of Vespula, that is, raw Vespula, roasted Vespula, boiled Vespula, mixed rice maze-gohan with Vespula, sushi with Vespula and, a kind of rice cake with soy bean sauce (gohei-mochi) containing Vespula. These recipes are listed here according to increasing complexity in cooking process. People eat these foods 1) occasionally, 2) daily, or 3) daily and on special occasions. In the area where the usage of Type 1) is found, Vespula is usually roasted and eaten only occasionally. In the area of Type 2) boiled Vespula in soy sauce is eaten as a daily food and even stored in many places. It is used as a side dish for daily meals or relish for drinking. Moreover in the area of type 3) boiled Vespula can be used on special occasions such as festivals and parties. The foods which need a longer cooking process tend to be used on special occasions. The usage of type 3) is seen in eastern Mino Province (Gifu Pref.) and its surrounding regions.People obtain Vespula by hunting or purchasing. Methods of hunting are classified into four types according to ways of discovering the nests. They are: (1) discovery by chance, (2) discovery by simply running after Vespula, (3) discovery by making Vespula hold a mark and running after it, and (4) breeding after finding the nest. An assorted mix of hunting (2), (3) and (4) is adopted in eastern and southern parts of Sinano Province (Nagano Pref.) and eastern Mino Province as well as mountainous areas in Mikawa and Owari Provinces (Aichi Pref.). People who want to eat Vespula may also purchase canned Vespula or their nests with immature wasps. The former are sold as souvenirs in some cities of Shinano Province, and the latter are mainly used as raw materials for cooking in eastern Mino Province. These are regions where active hunting is also popular.Generally speaking, the intensiveness of eating and that of hunting are closely related. That is, the more positively Vespula is eaten, the more actively hunting is conducted. The kind of foods (Figure 3), their uses (Figure 4), and the hunting methods (Figure 5), show similar areal distribution. These neighbouring three regions, that is, eastern Mino, the southernmost part of Shinano and the mountainous area of Mikawa, form the core with the highest intensity. The custom becomes less pervasive in regions that are located farther from the core. This shows a kind of cultural circle with a concentric structure. This is also the core area of Vespula eating in Japan.

著者

中山 修一

出版者

The Human Geographical Society of Japan

雑誌

人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.11, no.5, pp.402-417,480, 1959-10-30 (Released:2009-04-28)

参考文献数

6

---

Among persons who have thought about the old capital at Nagaoka (784-794, the capital directly preceeding the one at Kyoto and to the south-west of modern Kyoto), there have been some who believed that the fact that in its center an ancient flood plain extended from north to south and that in its southeast quadrant there was a wet depression was an important reason for abandoning it. Having myself personally walked over the sites of the capitals which succeeded one another after the Taika Reform, 646 A.D., at Naniwa, Asuka, Otsu, Fujiwara, Heijo, Kuni, Heian, I have thought upon the natural conditions peculiar to the founding of the capitals.The first one was built along the upper reaches of the Asuka River where floods were few, and the later capitals gradually moved down toward broad plains and to wide slopes giving way to the southward. Still it is clear that the imperial palace which was the center of these capitals always stood upon an eminence or on the slope of one. And as their populations grew sites abundant in sail and water resources were looked upon with faver as capitals. As a result I perceived that Nagaoka with its hillock must have been a rather desirable site. I found, too, that the damp bottoms in its southeast were not in the old times flooded as much as people think. Therefore, I think it is not suitable to say that Nagaoka was abondoned because its site was disadvantageous.

著者

阿部 和俊

出版者

一般社団法人 人文地理学会

雑誌

人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.59, no.5, pp.432-446, 2007 (Released:2018-01-06)

参考文献数

18

被引用文献数

1 2

---

The purpose of this report is to consider the identity of the discipline of human geography, focusing on urban geography. In order to do this, the author first examined the urban geography articles-research essays, short reports, research notes, views, and editorials-published in Geographical Review of Japan, Japanese Journal of Human Geography, Tōhoku Geography Quarterly, Annals of the Japan Association of Economic Geography, and Geographical Sciences from 1945 to 2005, considering them from the three viewpoints of: 1) whether they analyzed cities as points (point analysis) or areas (area analysis); 2) whether they analyzed cities or phenomena in cities; and 3) the changes apparent in the descriptive style of analytical results.As a result, it was clear that the number of urban geography studies had increased between 1945 and 2005. Moreover, the following points became evident: 1) a decrease in point analysis studies; 2) an increase in area analysis research; 3) an increase in studies of urban functions; 4) a decline in studies using quantitative methods; 5) an increase in studies that looked at people or social groups; 6) an increase in studies hard to classify by existing categories; and 7) an increase of studies ‘in’ rather than ‘of’ cities.As for changes in the descriptive style of analytical results, studies recording the actual voices of those surveyed increased. This is a descriptive style seen in folklore and sociology.Next, the mutual interaction between human geography and other humanistic and social science fields was considered from three perspectives: 1) the research citations listed in human geography articles published in Geographical Review of Japan, Japanese Journal of Human Geography, and Annals of the Japan Association of Economic Geography from 1971–1975 (earlier period) and 2001–2005 (later period); 2) the research citations listed in articles in Japanese Sociological Review during 2003–2006; and 3) research citations listed in single-author books.The results: 1) In the geography articles, the number of citations in each article had increased. 2) But the proportion of citations from within the discipline of geography itself declined. 3) In the earlier period, many of the citations were from the fields of history or economics, but in the later period the citations from sociology increased. 4) In the later period, there was an increase in citations from many ‘other fields’.In the articles published in Japanese Sociological Review, it was evident that: 1) citations from within the field of sociology were proportionally higher when compared to those from geography in geographic articles; and 2) there were extremely few citations in sociology articles from the field of geography. This trend was about the same in single-author books.How should we think about these facts? Does the fact that citations from geography are so few in sociology (and not only in sociology!) mean that geography’s research findings are not valued? But surely it must indicate that they are ignorant of and indifferent to geography’s findings.On the other hand, how should geographers themselves think about the fact that the level of citations from their own discipline has declined? If one reacts negatively, it means they do not value their own field, but if one reacts positively it means that geographers have an abundance of curiosity and spare no pains in hunting down the findings of other disciplines.Along with the changes in the descriptive style of analytical findings, as people who have chosen the field of geography, surely we need to seriously reconsider our own standpoint and the identity of human geography. We should be deeply concerned that if we are lax in this effort, it may mean the withering and even extinction of human geography.

著者

土居 浩

出版者

The Human Geographical Society of Japan

雑誌

人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.48, no.4, pp.398-407, 1996-08-28 (Released:2009-04-28)

参考文献数

45

被引用文献数

1 1

著者

中島 芽理

出版者

一般社団法人 人文地理学会

雑誌

人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.74, no.2, pp.155-177, 2022 (Released:2022-07-19)

参考文献数

90

被引用文献数

2

---

本稿では1960~70年代の大阪府の釜ヶ崎を事例として,東京都の山谷の事例も交えながら,アルコール依存症の様々な回復システムが生産される過程を「癒しの景観」という概念を用いて明らかにする。日本では近代以降,男性中心の飲酒慣行が形成されてきた。そのため,アルコール依存症も男性特有の疾病とみなされてきた。医療機関と日本の家父長制的な飲酒慣行に即して発足した自助グループである断酒会によって,まず治療の対象とされたのは,家族のある依存症者であった。単身アルコール依存症者は,既存のシステムに包摂されることによって,かえって排除の対象となった。それは,単身男性労働者に特化した地域として構築された寄せ場において,「問題」として前景化した。山谷では,断酒会や医療機関の無力が新たな主体を生じさせ,AA(Alcoholics Anonymous)という組織が展開した。釜ヶ崎では医師が軸となって断酒会や行政,民間福祉団体に対して働きかけが行われ,単身アルコール依存症者の回復が目指された。これにより,断酒会の方法を唯一のものとする「大阪方式」が確立された。このように,アルコール依存症の「癒しの景観」は偶有的な過程においてつくられるものであり,それぞれの地域における主体の布置によって異なるものとなった。

著者

成瀬 厚

出版者

The Human Geographical Society of Japan

雑誌

人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.45, no.6, pp.618-633, 1993-12-28 (Released:2009-04-28)

参考文献数

99

被引用文献数

11 6

著者

藤本 利治

出版者

一般社団法人 人文地理学会

雑誌

人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.13, no.2, pp.133-138, 1961-04-30 (Released:2009-04-28)

被引用文献数

1 1

著者

小泉 佑介 祖田 亮次

出版者

一般社団法人 人文地理学会

雑誌

人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.73, no.3, pp.245-260, 2021 (Released:2021-10-31)

参考文献数

50

被引用文献数

3

---

本稿では,1980年代以降の英語圏における地理学者を中心に発展してきたポリティカル・エコロジー論(PE 論)が,いかにして独自の枠組みを発展させてきたのかについて検討する。特に本稿では,2000年代以降の PE 論における新たな展開として,スケールの議論に注目した研究に考察の焦点を絞る。PE 論の系譜をたどると,1980年代は文化生態学や生態人類学,新マルサス主義の分析視角に対する批判的検討を出発点として,生態学と政治経済学の統合的アプローチを提示した。1990年代には PE 論独自の枠組みを模索する中で,ポスト構造主義的な視点に基づく社会理論との接合を目指す研究が増加し,取り扱うテーマも環境・開発に関わる言説やジェンダー研究へと広がりをみせた。2000年代以降は再び生態学的な視点への関心が高まっており,こうした流れと連動するかたちでスケールの議論に関する研究が注目を集めている。特に PE 論のスケールに関する議論は,土壌や植生といった自然環境条件に基づく「生態的スケール」と,社会的・政治的なプロセスを通じて構築されるスケールとの相互作用に着目していることを特徴としている。今後の展望としては,地理学と生態学のスケールに関する議論を相互に参照しつつ,資源管理や環境ガバナンスのスケールに注目した実証研究を積み上げることで,PE 論独自のスケール論を発展させていくことが期待される。

著者

門井 直哉

出版者

The Human Geographical Society of Japan

雑誌

人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.50, no.1, pp.1-22, 1998-02-28 (Released:2009-04-28)

参考文献数

64

被引用文献数

1

---

The administrative area of Kohri, the early form of ‘county’ in late seventh century Japan, has been regarded as a succession to the territory previoasly held by a specific powerful clan. This thought is based upon the fact that many Kohri were established according to the applications by the clans. However the existence of such applications did not always mean that the territory of Kohri coincided with that of the clan, and the relation between the territory of Kohri and that of the powerful clan has not yet effectively been inquired.In this paper, the author has surveyed the distribution of ancient tombs and has reexamined the folklore on the powerful clans in the provinces of Tango, Wakasa, Hitachi, Ise and Harima. As a result, Kohri can be classified into four types: A) those consisting of the area ruled by specific powerful clan; B) those containing the area ruled by specific powerful clan as a part; C) those containing the areas ruled by plural powerful clans; D) and those not containing the specific areas ruled by powerful clans. Among these types, the old image of the territory of Kohri assumed they were all type A. However it is remarkable that there were many cases of types B, C and D. This means that the territory of Kohri was demarcated not only by succeeding to the territory of a specific powerful clan, but also by following a policy of the ancient state.Examining historical records, it has been found that type B was standard, but A was not. The process of the establishment of Kohri is summarized as follows: (1) In 646, members of specific powerful clan (Kuninomiyatsuko) in each area were appointed as local government officials, and new local administrative districts were established. (2) Considering the number of Kuninomiyatsuko, the territories of these local administrative districts might be wider than the areas originally ruled by them. (3) In 649, these local administrative districts were rearranged to Kohri. (4) Consequently the type B is regarded as the basic type of Kohri, and other types are later versions which evolved in the period of re-dividing Kohri in and after 653. (5) It is supposed that powerful clans, who missed the positions of officers of Kohri in the first stage, demanded such positions for keeping their powers in their territory, or that the necessity arose to control the territory of Kohri more smoothly.The territory of Kohri is fundamentally a region that was formed by the political intention of the ancient state, and the character as a formal region is stronger than that as a substantive region.

著者

金坂 清則

出版者

The Human Geographical Society of Japan

雑誌

人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.27, no.3, pp.252-295, 1975-06-28 (Released:2009-04-28)

参考文献数

103

被引用文献数

4 1

---

Many studies have been published to deal with Japan's urban growth which began at the Meiji era, but there seems to be very few works which focus its examination on the urban functions and city and region relationship on a meso-scale, and have a scope to develop into macro-scale study of the whole region. Since a regon exists as a part of the whole, attention to such a direction will be urgently needed.The writer intends to explain a historical change in the city and region structure in the Niigata Plain-the country's second largest plain-and its surroundings for the period of about seventy years since the early Meiji era. To this end the processes of forming the Ura Nippon Region must be unraveled dynamically and regionally, and location and the sphere of influence of urban functions, which may be classified into four categories-administrative, cultural, economic and transportational, are examined in relation to city size and distribution of cities. Parts of the results obtained are summarised as follows.1. In 1879 there were thirty-three cities and towns in the objective region, and thirty-four in 1935. Cities in 1879 are classified into three, ie. a city in Class I, four in Class II, and twenty-eight in Class III (See Figure 1).2. The four cities in Classes I and II were separated each other by 30 to 40 kilometres, and the distances between Class III cities were around 6 to 9 kilometres, the intervals being quite uniform. The outline of this structure had already been formed by the middle of the eighteenth century. Since that time most of those cities have had periodical fairs, and half of them were nuclei of textile and hardware industries which had been located at the rural settlements around them (See Figures 1 and 2).3. On this foundation the administrative and cultural institutions such as government offices and schools began to be located corresponding to city size at the early years of Meiji. At the same time economic activities, especially of modern manufacturing industies which tend to be unevenly distributed, began to be accumulated around those cities. The framework of established orders among cities was therefore not broken down but was solidified more as the time passed.4. Consequently larger cities genarally developed more in proportion to their scale. If the Zipf's rule is applied, the three largest cities had smaller scale than the rule's ideal value, and Class III cities larger than the same in 1887, and the case was reversed in 1935. As a result the difference in the scale of the largest and the smallest cities increased by 2.7 times during the period. This was also the process when the order among cities became rank-sized (Table 11).5. After the middle of the Meiji era the objective region was gradually subordinate to Tokyo, and formed into a part of the Ura Nippon Region. The trend was definitely fixed at the mid-Taisho years. The cities developed only slowly in this region, and their influence over the countryside remained weak. Therefore the countryside began to be controlled by the cities outside this region and by the outer realm. The large-scale landlordship was the most important internal factor to keep the rural country into stagnation.6. Another factor to bring about such change to the region was a drastic change in transportation: a shift from maritime and river-borne traffic to the modern railway. This should not be overlooked.

著者

三上 正利

出版者

The Human Geographical Society of Japan

雑誌

人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.4, no.2, pp.94-108,173, 1952-04-30 (Released:2009-04-28)

参考文献数

40

---

Originally Slavs were farming peoples that dwelled in forests. A forest, on the other hand, served as protection of an agricultural, society such as Slavs' against surrounding enemies, and at the same time it provided its people with furs, one of the important exports of Russia since olden times. And yet this trade in furs as a direct motive plus international economic situation contributed to the conquest and first cultivation of Siberia. In course of time, however, with a sudden decrease of the number of furred animals in this region a fanatic state which might have been properly described as the “fur age” began to move from the west to the east of Siberia only to disappear. And in place of the “fur age, ” settlement by farming people in the southern part of Siberia began to stretch out from one steppe to another.When we see a chart of population distribution in Siberia of the present day, we have to take into account such a historical background as stated above.