著者

織田 武雄

出版者

一般社団法人 人文地理学会

雑誌

人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.1, no.3, pp.33-43, 1949-07-05 (Released:2009-04-28)

著者

河野 通博

出版者

一般社団法人 人文地理学会

雑誌

人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.1, no.2, pp.35-45, 1948-11-05 (Released:2009-04-28)

著者

中口 毅博

出版者

The Human Geographical Society of Japan

雑誌

人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.35, no.5, pp.465-476, 1983-10-28 (Released:2009-04-28)

参考文献数

34

被引用文献数

3

著者

長島 雄毅

出版者

一般社団法人 人文地理学会

雑誌

人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.67, no.1, pp.1-19, 2015 (Released:2018-01-30)

参考文献数

92

被引用文献数

12

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This study explores the nature of the labor market in late Edo period Kyoto, labor migration to Kyoto, and the regional structure of Kyoto and its surrounding areas, based on the employment and replacement of merchant’s servants. Previous studies on such themes have been conducted mainly in the historical demography field, and some of the proposed theories from that work include a dual structure of the urban labor market. This study builds on previous research by examining the Endo household which operated a drapery shop in Kyoto.The Endo household’s servants were live-in, as with other merchant households. They were largely divided, depending on their workplace, into tana-omote (front office) and oku (domestic). The former group was composed of male clerks and their trainees, known as tedai. The latter group did housework and was further categorized into two types: genan (males) and gejo (females).On the whole, the servants came from eight provinces, including Kyoto, the north Kinki region, and the Sea of Japan region. It seems that the distribution was influenced by conventional economic ties and areas of other large cities.Many of the tedai were from Kyoto and were employed because of their connections to the Endo household. One such connection was through bekke, the Endo household’s branch families. Other connections were neighbors and business partners of the household. The bekke was an especially important connection. Their children often became live-in servants in the merchant’s household. In contrast to the tedai, most genan were from the predominantly agricultural hyakusho class in the north Kinki and Hokuriku regions. However, because the genan are not recorded in the old documents of the Endo household at the end of the Edo period, daytime employees may have replaced them. The gejo were from various socioeconomic groups, hailing mainly from Omi (modern-day Shiga Prefecture) and Kyoto.As a result, the dual structure of the urban labor market is evident in this case study of the Endo household. The distribution of birthplaces and systems of servant’s replacement varied according to their duties: tedai, genan, and gejo. Thus, it is necessary to examine merchants’ servants based on their backgrounds and actual working condiitons in order to understand labor migration to Kyoto.Studying servant employment by considering historical demography gives insight into the labor market, labor migration, and urban society.

著者

吉田 雄介

出版者

The Human Geographical Society of Japan

雑誌

人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.54, no.6, pp.597-613, 2002-12-28 (Released:2009-04-28)

参考文献数

37

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Relying on the data gathered from field work, this research note aims to explore the spatial spread of zilu (cotton carpet) hand-weaving industry from the 1950's until the beginning of 1970's in Meybod of Yazd province, Iran.The division of labour of zilu weaving within each unit is articulated on the basis of skill seniority, i. e., unskilled and highly skilled labour. Young boys from the age 5 or 6 participate in unskilled tasks to help skilled workers or master weavers: they beat the weft with a beater comb. A weaver begins as a boy working for his master, and after several years, progresses to skilled work, and eventually becomes an independent master. This skill seniority plays a crucial role in the spatial dispersion of this industry.The author divided the development and change of zilu industry over the past two decades in Meybod into three stages. These three stages are as follows:(1) Zilu weaving industry have a long history in Meybod and can be traced from its history back to the Middle Age. But until the beginning of 1950's, zilu weaving industry had only existed in neighboring villages around Bashnighan which is a part of the center of Meybod region. The mode of zilu production was principally household-based and its labour supply was mainly provided by household members with additional apprentices from outside.(2) Since the beginning of the 1950's when zilu was in heavy demand suddenly, master weavers of Bashnighan have begun to utilize child labour in the surrounding villages to raise the productive capacity and to increase the number of looms within their workshops. These new children labour were literally wage labour rather than arduous apprentices. As a result of these changes, the mode of production of zilu weaving industry has been changed to the manufacture mode.(3) From the end of the 1950's zilu weaving workshops began to be located in surrounding villages of Bashnighan gradually. Practically there was no constraint for a young weaver who had learned weaving skills in Bashnighan to seek independence. Newly independent weavers could also acquire the necessary capital outlay to establish their own workshop and buy some materials with assistance from their family members or merchants. Eventually zilu workshops were widely distributed all over the Meybod region.

著者

西部 均

出版者

The Human Geographical Society of Japan

雑誌

人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.53, no.4, pp.369-386, 2001-08-28 (Released:2009-04-28)

参考文献数

102

被引用文献数

1 1

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This paper focuses on town planning in Osaka City in the 1920s from a socio-spatial dialectical perspective. When I looked back on town planning at that time, I realized the significance of the relationships between the central urban districts and the peripheral rural districts, between residential suburbs and Osaka City and between the state and Osaka City. Thus, I applied geographical ideas, such as geographical imagination, space, place and scale to the various aspects of town planning history. Through this approach, I make clear the process of the use of politics among Osaka municipal bureaucrats, State bureaucrats and Osaka councilmen. This process is represented in the form of conflicts concerning spatial scales within their geographical imaginations.In Osaka City during World War I, citizens had encountered capitalistic industrialization primarily dependent upon heavy industry, a mass influx of laborers and serious urban problems such as a housing shortage. In order to cope with those problems, Osaka municipal bureaucrats imagined Osaka City as an organism, dependent on the discourse of the Garden City, and projected the reorganization of urban space.However, with the establishment of the town planning area, the bureaucrats in the Ministry ent of Interior proposed the Province as an organism, the larger urban range containing Osaka City and some middle central places like Sakai City together, and forced Osaka City to compete with such central places in order to aim at moderating its demands against the state. Thereby, they attempted to maintain Osaka City under their control. Meanwhile, Osaka councilmen strenuously resisted the incorporation of rural districts into Osaka City and tried to scale down the urban range. In this sense, the conflicts between the geographical imaginations of three agents came to surface as the politics of spatial scale.This politics materialized in the network of the rapid transit system. Osaka municipal bureaucrats regarded the network as a facility to organically link each district within Osaka City. However, bureaucrats in the Ministry of Railways insisted on cutting down the network on the periphery for the benefit of the railway corporations that run along the planned system. Meanwhile, Osaka councilmen wanted to reduce it in the rural districts in the area.As a consequence of this conflictual process, the geographical imagination of Osaka municipal bureaucrats institutionalized the spatial scale which could come to guarantee the reorganization of Osaka City as an organism, and it has been manifest that their geographical imagination has the capacity to resolve the housing problem, to prevent population spillage and to claim self-government in great cities against the state. The material facilities established in town planning such as the rapid transit system were initiated in the context of the politics of the geographical imagination such as the one which has been outlined above.

著者

朝倉 槙人

出版者

一般社団法人 人文地理学会

雑誌

人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.66, no.1, pp.16-37, 2014 (Released:2018-01-27)

参考文献数

60

被引用文献数

3

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This study examines the relationship between the tourist gaze and local residents whose life spaces have recently become valuable as tourism resources. A large number of studies have been done on the impact of tourism on the local host society by presupposing and applying two influential concepts: the tourist gaze of J. Urry and the objectification of culture of Y. Ohta. However, these concepts cannot necessarily be applied to local people, who themselves have come to be tourism resources, especially in modern-day “new tourism.” Although residents have become increasingly important and indispensable factors in tourism, they cannot always accommodate themselves to the tourist gaze because they are living their daily lives as well as engaging in tourism practices within their life spaces. Therefore, this paper aims to examine how local residents understand the tourist gaze and carry out their own tourism practices within their life spaces, with special reference to Higashi-Iya, Tokushima Prefecture. In considering these issues, it is important to analyze both the influence of the tourist gaze on the regional promotion plan in Higashi-Iya, and the meaning of tourism practices for local residents (mainly tourism actors).The findings are summarized as follows: First, the regional promotion plan in Higashi-Iya is closely related to an image of authenticity advocated by a chief consultant of the project, Alex Kerr, stemming from the atmosphere of Higashi-Iya in the early 1970s. Second, tourism practices by many local residents are based on their feelings toward and sense of daily life and sincerity rather than with the tourist gaze in mind. In other words, local residents, including active actors, do not necessarily directly accommodate themselves to the tourist gaze. Such a posture by the residents has led to the unique charm that is characteristic of Higashi-Iya, an unsophisticated and authentic rural area. It seems that the relationship is advantageous to both the local residents and the planning consultant in Higashi-Iya because it facilitates participation in tourism practices for the former and provides an authentic image of Higashi-Iya for the latter. However, some residents are not willing but are forced to engage in personal practices of tourism on the basis of their daily experiences and sincerity. That leads to the third point: why do they engage in such tourism practices ? It is clear that some regional factors, such as tourism being a key industry, depopulation, remoteness from cities, etc., are interrelated and have a causal influence on the relationship between local residents and the tourist gaze. In this context, many local residents in the region have a negative perception of tourism because of lower and uncertain income and difficulties with the increase in the number of tourists, especially compared with the neighboring tourism region of Nishi-Iya. It is concluded that how the tourist gaze affects the local society is closely related to its conditions; this kind of tourism practice within life space can presumably be seen in other rural areas, especially those suffering from severe economic conditions such as Higashi-Iya. In sum, the relationship between local residents and the tourist gaze is more complicated than has previously been assumed and is closely related to the local conditions.

著者

原田 伴彦

出版者

一般社団法人 人文地理学会

雑誌

人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.8, no.6, pp.403-414,480, 1957

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When I compare the town in Middle Ages with that of Modern Ages, I found a pretty remarkable difference in quality between the former and the latter, although both are towns under feudlism. In my article, I go through the process of changes from the Middle Ages to the Modern Ages, from the viewpoint of prospect of towns.<br>How many towns were there? How were they scattered? The towns in Middle Ages were rather few. They were 500 and so. On the other hand, in the Modern Ages. I found much more towns-nearly 4.000, most of which came into existence in the Modern Ages.<br>It is remarkable that the towns in the Middle Ages generally enlarged to grow into those in the Middle Ages and many of those which were formed in the Modern Ages also lay their foundation in the former ages.<br>The characteristic of the towns in the Middle Ages is that of some villages, some farm villages which scattered about. The military, industry and commerce, each of those three was on its way to separate from agriculture, and the social division of labour between the towns and the villages had not been completed on the contrary, in the Modern Ages, the towns were completely separated from the villages. The city, where the military class and commercial class live, is quite different from the villages, a dwelling place for the agricultural class. Accordingly the towns changed into a large, single group consisting of many houses that are in close order. This changes was inclined to be hastened through the agreement or the planned construcion of towns of &ldquo;Daimyo-Lord&rdquo; in the Modern Ages.<br>The rapid increase of population is the most distinct characteristic of the towns in the Modern Ages. This phenomenon was brought about as many people removed from the farm-villages to the towns from the latter half of the 16th century. In this process, &ldquo;Ji Samurai&rdquo;-who lived in the village, the landowner and merchant became &ldquo;Samurai&rdquo;-who lived in the town, or upper class merchants in the town, and many of middle and lower class farmers, common tradesmen or artisan.<br>To make a long article short, the town in the Middle Ages, which had character of community connected with the land, changed and grew into the towns in Modern Ages, modern society in which gainning profit and making the most proffessional ability are fundamental.

著者

杉浦 芳夫

出版者

一般社団法人 人文地理学会

雑誌

人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.55, no.5, pp.407-427, 2003

被引用文献数

2

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The purpose of this paper is to revisit Christaller's central place theory in terms of the society and thought of Weimar Germany. This attempt will aim to provide another text-reading of the canon <i>Central Places in Southern Germany</i>. To that end, literary research was undertaken mainly using a biographical paper on Christaller (Hottes, R., 1981), an autobiographical paper (Christaller, 1968), Christaller's text (1933), and his papers and newspaper articles published until 1934. The results are summarized as follows.<br>Christaller, a child of a lower middle-class family, who spent his childhood in Jugenheim near Darmstadt, joined the Wandervogel movement before or after entering Realgymnasium. Although the Wandervogel was originally a hiking club of Gymnasium students, it aimed to return to nature and to the Middle Ages, and possessed a strong dislike for cities and modern civilization. Within Wandervogel, some people started various life reform movements-educational reform, clothes reform, vegetarianism, nudism, the Garden City movement, and land and housing reform-to regenerate decayed industrialized urban societies. When he was enrolled in Heidelberg University, Christaller took part in the German Youth movement that was more ideological than the Wandervogel movement. Christaller's paper (1921) on the proletarian youth movement certainly shows his commitment to that movement.<br>His personal experience of serving in the First World War, together with the influence of his fellow soldiers-Carlo Mierendorff, Theodor Haubach and Carl Zuckmayer, made him become socialistic. Following his discharge, he intended to bring about land and housing reform in order to provide low-price housing for the poor in Berlin, based on his own experience as a laborer during the postwar period-for example, as a miner in the Ruhr region. When Christaller worked as a secretary in the homesteading office of the Union of the German Civil Service in Berlin, with the help of Adolf Damaschke, the leader of the League of German Land Reformers, he was eager to bring about land reform and to facilitate the provision of public housing. This is illustrated by a report calling for approval of the Land Reform Act (Lubahn and Christaller, 1922), based on a questionnaire survey inquiring about the realities of the homestead system movement. Notably in a Berlin construction firm, where he was employed after his retirement from the homesteading office, his pioneering work of house construction with the introduction of the prefabrication method would have left its mark on German architectural history like those of famous architects such as Ernst May and Bruno Taut, if the work succeeded. Unfortunately, he was frustrated in these attempts partway, changed his mind, and resumed his discontinued undergraduate studies at the University of Erlangen. In the end, he completed a seminal geography dissertation dealing with the theoretical location of urban settlements.<br>With his knowledge from his undergraduate major in economics, Christaller sought to build a theory on how to distribute goods and services efficiently and equitably, which would result in bringing about social justice when the theory is applied in practice. Following the publication of his dissertation in 1933, he wrote two controversial papers on the issue of reorganizing German administrative areas which complemented the dissertation. Since sufficient time was unavailable for the already middle-aged Christaller, in the dissertation he fully expounded his ideas which he seems to have been developing in his mind for some years. For Christaller, this might imply an attempt to recover his youth lost on account of the setbacks he suffered in being involved with the problems of land and housing reform.

著者

植村 善博

出版者

一般社団法人 人文地理学会

雑誌

人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.65, no.2, pp.167-180, 2013 (Released:2018-01-26)

参考文献数

38

被引用文献数

1

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The Great Tohoku Earthquake of 2011 has posed questions for geographers concerning their awareness of and the contributions they can make to reducing damage in the future and to regional reconstruction in the wake of the gigantic devastation throughout the region caused by the earthquake disaster.There have been two periods of intense seismic activity in the western Pacific region. The first was during the period of the 1920’s to the 1930’s, and the other is from 1995 up to the present. Severe earthquake damage has occurred in Japan twice in 1925, in 1927, and in 1995; in Taiwan in 1935 and 1999; and in New Zealand in 1931 and 2011, all caused by inland earthquakes. The author has examined severe earthquake damage in the western Pacific Rim from a geomorphological viewpoint. Based on research of historical earthquake damage that occurred in the region, some important lessons were obtained and can be summarized as follows:1) Multi-scale analysis is essential for analyzing earthquake damage to buildings and its causes. Such analysis is also necessary for programs to mitigate damage that can be adapted to the appropriate scale.2) In order to mitigate direct damage by surface faulting we need to legislate land use controls in active fault zones. Additionally, an earthquake memorial museum should not only be for memorializing tragedy but also for education and as a tourist destination, and it needs to have content that is substantial.3) Governmental organizations for rehabilitation should be set up quickly after a disaster, and a comprehensive plan for reconstruction of a safer and more beautiful town must be presented as quickly as possible.4) It is necessary to move forward with research that grasps the entire process from the occurrence of an earthquake disaster up until reconstruction and includes an internationally comparative perspective.

著者

濱田 琢司

出版者

The Human Geographical Society of Japan

雑誌

人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.54, no.5, pp.431-451, 2002-10-28 (Released:2009-04-28)

参考文献数

106

被引用文献数

1

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This paper is an investigation of the development and maintenance of tradition in a small pottery village, Onta Sarayama, in Kyushu, Japan. Onta pottery gained broad recognition when it was "discovered" by non-locals in the early part of the twentieth century, and these "outsiders" have been influential in fixing the image of traditional pottery from Onta since that time. However, potters in Onta have not always given in to external pressures with regard to their work, but rather subjectively select those aspects of tradition which they feel will be beneficial to them in the long-term. As a result, the contemporary pottery tradition of Onta is an amalgamation of influences from both internal and external sources. Using Onta as an example, I describe the processes through which local people subjectively insert images from outsiders into their own traditions and especially focus on how they regard authenticity.In the early 1930s, a member of the Japanese Folk Craft Movement visited Onta for the first time. Since then, the great value of its traditional potters and their works has been widely recognized and Onta has became one of the most famous folk craft pottery villages in Japan. The Onta pottery tradition has four important characteristics: 1. The number of pottery households within the community is fixed. 2. Potters produce clay themselves from raw materials. 3. Pots are made on kick wheels and fired in traditional kilns which use wood for fuel. Electric kilns, wheels, and clay processing mills are not used. 4. Work is done collectively, not by individual artists. Today, Onta is the only pottery village maintaining such a community-wide traditional production system in Japan.However, during the Mingei boom of 1960-70s, Onta experienced a period of transition. The popularity of the village and the demand for the pottery made there became very high. At that time, potters in Onta considered introducing electric machines, and some sought their own way as individual artists. However, in the end, they decided to continue with the traditional method outlined by the Folk Craft Movement above. At that time, in many Japanese potteries, the production system was changing and machines were introduced. I consider why only Onta maintained the traditional method.In the paper, I argue that the potters of Onta recognized the value of the external folkcraft ideals and employed them positively for their own purposes. This is one example of how local people act in such a situation, specifically the interaction between potters and members of the folk craft movement.In summary, this interaction helped potters recognize the images which outsiders have of them and their work and influenced them in shaping the direction their work has taken. Clearly, the tradition of Onta pottery has been produced and maintained through the interaction between outsiders and the local people.

著者

立岡 裕士

出版者

The Human Geographical Society of Japan

雑誌

人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.37, no.3, pp.193-214, 1985-06-28 (Released:2009-04-28)

参考文献数

167

被引用文献数

2

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The purpose of this study is twofold; (1) to clarify the problems of introducing the method of neo-Kuhnian history of science into the history of geography, pointing out the defects of earlier arguments about the validity of paradigm concept in geography by some methodologists, and (2) to throw new light on a theme not so well studied so far, diffusion (i. e. advocacy, acceptance, transformation) of theories, with a case study of the Hartshornian paradigm.Although some critics have considered ‘paradigm’ in geography as a model of scientific development, paradigm is a device for grasping both social and intellectual aspects of science together. Actually such critics have paid attention to the social aspect of geography, but they identify it with external influences as though it were separable from its intellectual aspect. Scientific knowledge is dependent on the context of scientific community, which has become apparent after institutionalization.Obtained from studying natural sciences, the methods of the history of science must be modified in some degree so that they are applicable to geography. Institutionalized geography has two different aspects from academic science; one is that the codification in geography is less developed, and the other is that the circle of the profession is not closed. However, geography is not so deprived of autonomy as industrialised science. So, with alterations on some items which result from the above differences, such as social relevance and the undefined nature of groups of geographers, we could apply the framework used to analyze academic science to institutionalized geography.Under the condition of less developed codification, a theory with little concreteness has much room for various interpretation. And frequently this is the case with geography. Therefore, diffusion of a theory in geography always involves some transformation of its meaning. Nevertheless historians of geography have shown little interest in this aspect except in the transfer of a theory beyond the boundaries of disciplines or of nations. This is probably because they have seen the transformation as external and contingent noise, unconsciously assuming communication of a shared code. Yet we should view this process adopting a communication model in which sender and receiver have their own codes, respectively, which are dependent on their past experiences and present situations. At this point we can study such transformation and fixation of theories as social and essential phenomena, not as personal nor accidental. In sum, diffusion of theories should be examined in the following respects: the context of advocate, his intent, the context of accepters, and the condition of the medium.The context in which The Nature of Geography (NG) was brought forth consisted of two parts: 1) Hartshorne's career of study leading to NG, 2) the group into which he had been socialised and with which he had common experiences.Hartshorne was incorporated into the ‘invisible college’ of the field conferences (FC) which was organized by W. D. Jones and Sauer for studying methods of land-use survey. At the outset they treated this theme from the viewpoint of environmentalism, but with the expansion of the study they had gotten off environmentalism into regionalism by the early thirties. The central problem in their methodological debates was the conventionalisation of procedures for regional study. And with it there were theoretical problems, such as the necessity for and means of generalization and synthesis, visibility as the criterion for research, and treatment of the time-dimension. Some alternative sets of answers to these questions were presented.From 1924 to 1939 Hartshorne had changed his subjects of inquiry but nevertheless some traits were consistent

著者

阿部 治平

出版者

一般社団法人 人文地理学会

雑誌

人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.35, no.2, pp.139-154, 1983

被引用文献数

2

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This paper outlines the conditions of farming and grazing on the Tibetan Plateau and describes recent trends.<br>1) The pasturage extends in a semicircular belt along the provincial border from Changtan, Kansu, Suchung, and Yunnan, with summer-grazing in North Changtan, which is the least fertile area.<br>The Golmud-Lhasa road divides the plateau from South Changtan to the Gandise and Nyanqentanglha Ranges into eastern and western sectors. To the east is a good grazing area of high mountain meadows which produce 0.9-1.025t/ha of hay. To the west is a dry plain only good for sheep grazing.<br>The agricultural belt of the Ngiali area (Yarlung Zangbo Valley, Nu River, Lancang River, Jinsha River and Xinin City) is on the Tibetan Plateau. It produces mainly highland barley, wheat (winter and spring), rape, peas, and also provides pasturage. The traditional system of land utilization is a five-year crop rotation of highland barley-highland barley and peas-peas-wheat or rape-fallow.<br>2) The agricultural administration of the Cultural Revolution period is characterized by the following three points:<br>a) Increase in the production of winter wheat by order of the administration.<br>b) Development of cultivation and excessive grazing for the purpose of increasing food production.<br>c) Increased poverty.<br>Item (c) is a result of (a) and (b). Winter wheat gives greater yield, but because of the long growing season (300-350 days) increased winter wheat cultivation resulted in the reduced production of highland barley and zhanpa (barley flour) which is the staple food of Tibetans. In the period of the Cultural Revolution food production had been put in the forefront, but poor harvests were experienced in spite of cultivating good land.<br>Until the fall of 1980, production levels of livestock were assessed officially by the total number of head at the end of the year, leading to over-stocking and an increased burden on the grazing lands in the fall and winter. In addition, much of the best grazing land was converted to crop land, and as a result the deaths of livestock increased. This policy ruined farming on the Tibetan Plateau, whose previous econmic foundations were fragile. In addition to that, the Cultural Revolution, which began in 1966, gave rise to a great number of political scandals at the same time that people lost econmic incentives in their agricultural labor.<br>3) After the Cultural Revolution, a new policy began in Qinghai Province in 1979 and in the Tibetan Autonmous Region in 1980. Various systems of production responsibility, including private management, were adopted during the following phase of production administration. The agricultural practices reverted, and much cultivated land was returned to grazing ground.

著者

山根 拓

出版者

The Human Geographical Society of Japan

雑誌

人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.39, no.1, pp.1-24, 1987-02-28 (Released:2009-04-28)

参考文献数

64

被引用文献数

2 1

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The post office network has been developing in Japan since 1871. In the formation of this network, the post office has contributed to the formation of modern spatial organization in Japan. In order to explain this geographical situation concretely, the distribution of this communication facility during different development periods is compared with the growth of central places and the distribution of other public facilities, and so the hierarchical linkages in the postal system are presented as one example of a modern integrated system formed by rational interregional relations. This paper discusses these points based on a case study of Hiroshima Prefecture.The results obtained are as follows:(1) The history of the post office network can be divided into three phases (1871-1900; 1900-1945; 1945-), according to features of its growth.a) Before 1882, the post office network was developed in many places at the same time. This sudden expansion was caused by historical and political conditions in the Meiji era and the introduction of post office management by contractors. After 1882, a number of post offices were closed because of the contractors' financial difficulties. During the Meiji era, post offices developed in central places belonging to higher class than the lower order central places where primary schools and/or village offices were located.b) In the second phase (1900-1945) the post office network became denser. A number of non-collection-delivery post offices were concentrated in densely populated urban areas. On the other hand 70% of the settlements in rural areas having a town office or village office got post offices. The allocation of collection-delivery offices was nearly completed during this phase. The reformation of postal districts was carried out in order to bring them into conformity with administrative districts and the homogeneity of each area.c) The reopening of closed post offices in war-damaged cities (e. g. Hiroshima) characterized the locational development of these facilities in the postwar period. However the basic locational development pattern did not change. In urban areas the distribution of post offices has become denser in city centers and then expanded to suburban areas. Today most of the lower order central places in rural areas have also received post offices. Depopulation in rural mountainous areas has caused some closures of post offices in recent years. These closures will probably have an important effect on the locational development of post offices in the near future.(2) The hierarchical linkage among post offices is made clear by analyzing the internal organization of postal services. As indicators of this system, the grade of post offices, mail routes, the flow of funds used in post offices, and some designated post office were selected. As a result, it was found that the hierarchical linkage, which included the Hiroshima office as a first order center, and Kure, Fukuyama, Onomichi and Miyoshi offices as second order centers, has been formed and tightened in relation to modernization of the central place system. Especially, the centrality of the Fukuyama and Miyoshi offices has increased in recent years. Additionally, since the 1930's third order centers have began to appear, for example Mihara, Takehara, and Shobara offices. They have been established in central places reorganized as municipalities since the 1930's and had their status raised to ordinary post offices in the 1940's.Two aspects of the post office -its locational development and its hierarchical integration-were dealt with. These two aspects of the post office indicate effects of national policy and the reformation of the regional system at the same time.

著者

神原 哲郎

出版者

The Human Geographical Society of Japan

雑誌

人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.47, no.2, pp.189-206, 1995-04-28 (Released:2009-04-28)

参考文献数

48

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The purpose of this paper is to clarify the spatial organization of the postal network. For this purpose, this paper deals with the locational development of post offices (1871-1993) and the spatial change of the mail transportation network (1969-1993) in Nagasaki Prefecture, in which there are a large number of detached islands.The results of this analysis are summarized as follows:1) The postal services of Japan started between Tokyo and Osaka in March 1871, and the service areas expanded to Nagasaki in December of that year. Thereafter many post offices were established in Nagasaki Prefecture. Particularly in urban area (e. g. Nagasaki and Sasebo), the locational densities of post offices became crowded. On the other hand, the development of networks in rural areas (particularly detached islands) was slow, therefore many post offices had to be established by the requests of local administrations. At the end of World War II, 92% of the cities, towns and villages as of 1912 got post offices.2) After World War II, the locations of newly-established post offices were completely restricted within urban areas. On the contrary, postal agencies entrusted by the Ministry of Posts and Telecommunications were established in rural areas. As a result, the allocation of post offices in urban areas became closer, and the postal network was promoted into the rural settlements, too. Recently, because of depopulation and improvement of transportation facilities, collection-delivery post offices in rural areas have been changed into non-collection-delivery ones, non-collection-delivery ones in the outlying settlements also having been changed into postal agencies.3) The main network of mail transportation had been formed by railways, and the branch network by automobiles and omnibuses until 1984. A drastic improvement of mail transportation network was carried out in 1984, and most of the mail-routes were formed by automobiles and airlines. The mail transportation network depended upon railway's schedules before 1984, however, it became possible to establish independent routes of mail transportation after that.4) Under the new system, the Nagasaki Central Post Office is operating as the regional sorting center of Nagasaki Prefecture except for Iki and Tsushima Islands. The routes between Nagasaki Central Post Office and large-scale offices (futsu post offices; e. g. Sasebo, Isahaya, etc.) consist of main lines by private-use trucks, the routes to small-scale offices (tokutei post offices) consisting of branch lines by private-use light vans. As a result, the network characterized by the Nagasaki Central Post Office as the first order center is organized, and the range where express mail from/to Nagasaki city can be deliveried in a day has expanded in most areas, but has been reduced in some parts.In the spatial organization of the postal network, the author may point out the existence of various regional differences: between urban areas and rural areas (particularly outlying settlements), between the mainland and detached islands, and between Nagasaki city and other areas.

著者

小川 都弘

出版者

The Human Geographical Society of Japan

雑誌

人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.44, no.5, pp.586-606, 1992-10-28 (Released:2009-04-28)

参考文献数

122

被引用文献数

1

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The purpose of this article is, based on a postmodervist perspective to attempt to reformulate the methodological framework for multiple-readings of the messages of picture-maps of manors (_??__??__??__??_, syoen-ezu) in medieval Japan. The author's approach, called‘sociocartology’, is broadly socio-linguistical or semiotical. The summary is as follows:The syoen-ezu as a socio-legal document in medieval Japan was explored here under five themes: the bibliographical background of each individual syoen-ezu; the cartographic conventions in medieval Japan; the syntax of each syoen-ezu as encoded text; the cartographic discourses in each syoen-ezu; the historico-sociological phase of geographical lore, from the viewpoint of the‘sociocartology’, in which the messages of the syoen-ezu in the context of the linguistic lifestyles and the political behaviour patterns of the medieval Japanese people were studied systematically.The primary function of the syoen-ezu, was to provide geographical information about various objects that exist cosynchronously in the manorial territory (called‘Function-A’), to represent the paticular events occuring there and the ruler's political attitude towards such (called‘Function-B’), and to convey not only the ideological contents, but also the ethos that were differentiated from the literal meanings which were manifest in these maps (called‘Function-C’). Function-B and Function-C had been neglected by historical geographers.As to the Function-B, using R. Bartes' methodology, the author considered distortions of the cartographic language which were deliberately induced by cartographic artifice, and reformulated the hidden rules of cartographic distortion (J. B. Harley, 1988) in the paradigm of cultural semiotics. On this basis the highly variegated cartographic discourse, made up from various social dialects among the map makers according to differences of the sociohistorical context, was reconstructed from the standpoint of both map-maker and mapreader.As to Function-C, the notion of geosophy as ideology of the lord of the manor was equivalent to that of fusui (_??__??_, geomantik) and inyo-gogyo (_??__??__??__??_) originated from ancient Chinese philosophy. The physical landscape of the syoen-ezu was, therefore, not due to what was seen in itself, but something to be reconstructed ideally in the medieval geosophical field. For the God of Wealth and Longevity of the manorial lord, some ideal landscape types and imagined genius loci types were prefered above all as the physical basis of manorial territory to be depicted.Reading maps from the view point of sociocartology is to elucidate the politics of meaning according to the manner in which objects and events had been expressed by forms under varying historical conditions. A manorial territory here may be seen as a construction of language as well as a land based novel, of economics, and sociopolitics (Tuan, 1991). Thus every reading of a syoen-ezu will offer us the possibility of challenging received ideas about the politics of place.

著者

作野 広和

出版者

The Human Geographical Society of Japan

雑誌

人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.48, no.6, pp.527-549, 1996-12-28 (Released:2009-04-28)

参考文献数

61

被引用文献数

3

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This paper aims to identify the changes in the structure of surviving lower order centers in rural-mountain regions where the population continues to decrease as a process of increasing control by cities over lower order centers; and to clarify the mechanisms of the control. A case study was made of site development of retail businesses, manufacturing industries, and branch establishments of the service industry in Maniwa district of Okayama Prefecture. What follows is a brief overview of this paper and its conclusions.Local shopping areas, composed of independent retail stores whose operations depended on local demand, have lost their economic role to large-scale retail stores with local capital. In addition, large-scale retail stores with outside capital, whose head offices are located in Okayama or cities in other prefectures, have recently entered Maniwa district. The development pattern of these stores is in accord with the level of the centers. It can, therefore, be assumed that, in the same way as chain stores have spread, capital from higher-ranked cities has been gradually spreading to lower-ranked centers; and, this phenomenon started affecting lower order centers in the 1990s.With manufacturing industries, the establishment of factories by major firms or their subcontractors has significant meaning for lower order centers in that it produces great employment opportunities. These factories, however, are controlled and managed by outside regions.This pattern can also be seen in the site development of branch establishments which have the function of office work for the service industry. That is, there is a hierarchical control structure in which business establishments in nearby cities or prefectural capital areas locate branch offices in lower-ranked centers. At the same time, a pattern in which business establishments that have their main offices in a metropolitan region locate branch offices directly in lower order centers in depopulated rural-mountain regions was also observed.Thus, it can be concluded that lower order centers function not just as relatively decentralized lower-ranked centers. Rather, they also function as a medium of direct control over rural-mountain regions by metropolitan regions, through the connections between main offices located in national centers and the branch offices.In conclusion, the power of higher-ranked cities to control lower order centers through various channels is growing. These channels include large-scale retail stores and chain stores, the factories of manufacturing industries and subcontractors, and branch establishments which have the function of office work. Consequently, the autonomous nature of these centers, which is based on serving local needs, is being lost; and in its stead, a heteronomous control by higher-ranked cities can increasingly be observed.

著者

中山 昭則

出版者

The Human Geographical Society of Japan

雑誌

人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.52, no.4, pp.372-384, 2000-08-28 (Released:2009-04-28)

参考文献数

37

被引用文献数

1 2

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In this paper, the author attempts to discuss the function of 'Shizenkyuyouson' (a farm village as it is best known in English) established for the purpose of regional tourism promotion in the Nakatsugawa district, Iide town, Yamagata prefecture.'Shizenkyuyouson' was founded in 1971 by the Ministry of Agriculture and Forestry in order to encourage regional promotion by using agricultural resources in tourism. Nakatsugawa district is characterized by the management of 'Shizenkyuyouson' by its local residents.'Shizenkyuyouson' was not hampered by a decline in the local population. The utilization of available regional resources, however, paved the way for tourism to flourish.The results of this study are summarized as follows:1) Some parts of the Nakatsugawa district faced a decline in local population during the construction of the Shirakawa dam. The residents of each settlement proposed a regional promotion plan. This led to the creation of a regional promotion policy by the community leaders for the entire Nakatsugawa district. In 1971, a residents' organization was founded and this served as a catalyst for regional promotion.2) The residents focused on regional promotion through agricultural development. As a result, 'Shizenkyuyouson' was introduced as a supplementary industry in 1980.3) 'Shizenkyuyouson' was then facilitated with accommodation, bracken gardens and fishing ponds. It attracted about 80, 000 tourists in 1998.4) The area around Shirakawa Lake has also developed into a tourist resort due to the introduction of 'Shizenkyuyouson'. Today, eight public facilities have been erected around this area. The total amount of investment has so far reached about 8 billion yen. The residents manage some portions of the project.5) The local government now manages many tourist public facilities. As a result, the local residents believe that the development of agricultural parks is too large compared with 'Shizenkyuyouson'. There are also concerns as to whether these agricultural parks are profitable to manage and whether they cause environmental deterioration.

著者

福本 拓

出版者

The Human Geographical Society of Japan

雑誌

人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.56, no.2, pp.154-169, 2004-04-28 (Released:2009-04-28)

参考文献数

79

被引用文献数

1 5

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This paper analyzes the residential concentrations of Korean people in Osaka city and its changes from the end of the 1920s to the beginning of the 1950s. The statistical data and documents on Korean people in the city and their living conditions were obtained from the National Census, Police Survey and local administrative researches. Korean concentrations changed spatially and socially, and the economical and historical factors associated with these changes can be described as follows:(1) The formation of Korean concentrations during the 1920s.Since the beginning of the 1920s, a great number of Korean people migrated into Osaka city, and most of them were composed of single male workers. During this period, three concentrations were formed: (a) the southeastern ward, which was the biggest concentration of Korean workers who were employed in small factories; (b) the southwestern ward, where industrial, constructional, and odd-job workers were dominant, and (c) the ward south of the Yodo River, where most Koreans worked at medium-size glass and textile factories.(2) The expansion of the Korean concentrations during the 1930s to the end of World War II.During this period, the Korean population increased rapidly and was four times larger than it was at the end of the 1920s. Newly-arriving Korean people tended to settle into already-established Korean concentrations and surrounding areas. The actual Korean population distribution pattern and its occupational characteristics did not change. On the other hand, social differentiation within Korean communities became distinctive during this period. The most important development was that a few Korean entrepreneurs managed to establish their own businesses in the southeastern and southwestern concentrations.(3) The disappearance and remnants of the Korean concentrations in the US occupation period (1945-52).Shortly after World War II, many Korean people left Japan for their mother country. The number of Koreans in Osaka drastically and quickly decreased. Because most of the wards in central Osaka had been seriously damaged by the US forces' air attacks in WWII, the Koreans in those destroyed districts lost everything and had no reason to continue their residence in Japan. This situation resulted in the disappearance of the concentration on the south side of the Yodo River. On the other hand, the other Korean concentrations survived in the southwestern and southeastern areas due to less destruction from the air attacks. Fortunately, many Koreans in these areas did not lose their residences and workplaces. Moreover, Koreans who owned a property found it difficult to return to their home country because Korean repatriates were permitted to carry back only a limited amount of money and goods with them. In the remaining concentrations, most Koreans who owned their own business chose to stay in Osaka.Based on the above analyses, the following concluding remarks can be made: (a) Since the establishment of the Korean population concentrations in these three areas, local industrial activities were a major influential factor in determining the employment status of the Korean population; (b) During the US occupation period, residents whose homes were destroyed by the bombing in WWII tended to leave Osaka and their concentrations disappeared. The Korean people who were business-owners and who lived in the less-damaged areas remained in Osaka. Consequently, the southeastern and southwestern Korean concentrations still exist even until today.

著者

井戸 庄三

出版者

一般社団法人 人文地理学会

雑誌

人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.13, no.5, pp.432-439, 1961-10-30 (Released:2009-04-28)

参考文献数

11