著者

由井 義通

出版者

The Human Geographical Society of Japan

雑誌

人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.38, no.1, pp.56-77, 1986-02-28 (Released:2009-04-28)

参考文献数

80

被引用文献数

6 1

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High buildings can have a multiplicity of functions. Their role is increasing more and more in land use of the city region. Recently, because of rapid increase in residential buildings, the residential structure of the whole city is changing. Residence in condominiums and apartment houses is a new life style in Japan, because traditionally Japanese did not have a habit of dwelling in high-rise housing. The characteristics of residents in residential buildings vary in relation to housing occupancy, the quality of house and so on. The purpose of this study is to clarify the development process of condominiums and the characteristics of the residents in residential buildings. The results of this study are summarised as follows:1. In Hiroshima City, there are some areas around the city center in which population showed an increase in the period 1975-80. Because private developers constructed many condominiums in those areas, there was an increase in home-owning households in the neighbourhoods of city center. After 1978, new condominiums which were constructed by private developers are concentrated in a 1-2km zone from the city center. In the central city regions, many offices, stores, and parking lots were converted into condominiums. On the other hand, in marginal city areas many warehouses and housing estates were converted into condominiums. The location and quality of condominiums vary according to their developers.2. Using the 1970, 1975 and 1980 Population Census of Japan, it was found that the structure of age, household members and occupations of residents varies according to the kind of housing. So a kind of segregation appears. The characteristics of residents in condominiums, public housing and company housing for employees are different.In private housing, there are rental housing in which many younger households with a few members reside and resident-owned housing in which many middle-aged households with 3-4 members reside. Many of these residents are engaged in white collar occupations. In public housing, there are many elderly people, especially in older units which are located near the central city area. And the ratio of elderly people who rent old public housing is increasing. By contrast, in new public housing in the suburbs the residents tend to be younger. Many of the residents in public housing engage in blue collar occupations. Blue collar workers living in company-provided housing tend to be younger than the civil servants living in officially-provided housing.It is thought that the in crease in condominiums in the inner city is inducing gentrification because residents of condominiums are white collar workers with a high socioeconomic status.3. By obtaining information through questionnaires given to residents in 34 samples of condominiums which were selected randomly in the old city region of Hiroshima City, the characteristics of the residents were clarified.There is a tendency for people to decide to migrate in order to increase their living space or because of work transfers. When they purchase a new house, they think much about living space, the convenience of traffic, access to their work place and convenience of shopping rather than the overall environment of the neighbourhood. People generally relocate a short distance, but there are variations in this pattern according the age and district.As is mentioned above, it is thought that development of condominiums will play an even greater role in urban renewal in the near future. So it is important to analyze their development process and the characteristics of their residents.

著者

田中 和子

出版者

The Human Geographical Society of Japan

雑誌

人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.48, no.4, pp.321-340, 1996-08-28 (Released:2009-04-28)

参考文献数

99

被引用文献数

1 2

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Friedrich Ratzel wrote several papers (1878, 1879, 1895b, and 1895c) and book reviews (1881, 1887, 1894, 1895a, and 1897) relating to Japan, and during 1889-1902 at Reipzig University, he gave four lectures on the world outside Europe, including Japan (Fig. 1.). His notes (manuscripts and materials) for those lectures, which are listed in Tab. 1. A and B, have been preserved in the Archives of Geography, Institute of Regional Studies (Geographische Zentralbibliothek/Archiv für Geographie, Institüt für Länderkunde), Leipzig.The examination of his writings revealed Ratzel's discourse on Japan, which has never been investigated by geographers, in connection with his extensive geographical work. This paper makes it clear that:A) Ratzel was interested in Japan and maintained study and a material collection throughout his academic career (Tab. 2).B) At the watershed of 1895 when Japan won the Sino-Japanese War, his negative evaluation of Japan turned to a positive one. Parallel with this change, his research-focus in Japan itself was transferred, that is, his ethnographical and anthropological study shifted to the political geography of Japan as an island empire.C) In his writings before 1895, he pointed out that 1) the physical and mental features of the residents of the Japanese Islands were inferior to those of Europeans, 2)the strange social class system, which, essentially, the Meiji Restoration did not alter at all, and 3) the mysterious pluralistic jurisdiction among East Asian countries, which could easily cause a political dispute. Ratzel's sense of values with reference to European culture and his contempt for an uncivilized race in East Asia were obvious.D) With Japan's defeat of China, Ratzel realized the characteristics of a land of islands and a marine nation, which were common to England. After revisions and rearrangement (Tab. 3.), his discussion of the political geography of islands (1895c) was publishedas the chapter of ‘Islands (Inseln)’ in “Politische Geographie” (1897). Ratzel expected that Japan would follow the achievements of England in the near future. The most important reason why he changed his evaluation was that Japanese could master Western culture, technology, and social and political systems within a short term.E) According to Ratzel, because the Japanese were a marine nation with high learning-ability and followed Europe, they succeeded in the reexpansion of marine transport over the ocean, and exceeded thier neighbors China and Korea-China used to be accompanied by Japan and Korea respectively, in culture as well as politics.F) Ratzel's continuing study of Japan could be a synthetic chorography, which describes and explains a peculiar combination between a land of islands in the Pacific Ocean and a marine nation with high learning-ability. The possiblity that he preparedthe publication of “Japan” can not be denied.

著者

市川 和子

出版者

一般社団法人 人文地理学会

雑誌

人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.61, no.2, pp.126-138, 2009 (Released:2018-01-10)

参考文献数

29

被引用文献数

2

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This paper discusses how urban open space is made into a gathering place for youth within the dynamics of two different relationships, that among youths, and that between adults and youths. As a case study, I interviewed youths who gathered in front of Mito Station in Ibaraki Prefecture.The public open space in front of Mito Station is laxly regulated by the local government, so that youths who cannot find affordable space for leisure activities at their homes, schools, or in the local community tend to gather there. They include street dancers, BMX riders, street musicians, and loiterers. Friendly relationships between groups are limited to those of the same or similar leisure activity. The relationship between dancers or BMX riders is fairly friendly. On the other hand, their relationships with the street musicians or loiterers is not so friendly.At Mito Station, control of the space by the police shapes use by each leisure activity group. The degree of strictness of control differs according to each leisure activity. For example, the control of the street musicians is stricter than that of the dancers or the BMX riders. Policemen tend to enforce control on various kinds of street performers from the perspective of their own sense of morality. The control by police of the loiterers is based rather on a sense of paternalism. We can see the policemen’s differing level of control through these examples.Mito Station has been made into a youth gathering place by two relationships. One relationship is among the youths themselves, and the other is between the youths and the policemen. How the youths feel in the public open space depends on the policemen’s level of control. For musicians or loiterers, the public open space isn’t a comfortable place to stay in because of the policemen’s stricter control. For dancers or BMX riders, the place is much more comfortable, because of the policemen’s relative tolerance. Thus the policemen’s level of control affects the relationships among these youths.Therefore, the creation of a gathering place for youths within an urban open space depends on the nature of the youth’s relationships.

著者

西山 志保

出版者

The Human Geographical Society of Japan

雑誌

人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.49, no.1, pp.64-75, 1997-02-28 (Released:2009-04-28)

参考文献数

35

被引用文献数

1

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This paper attempts to review the theoretical framework of the urban restructuring process proposed by M. Castells and D. Harvey, and to examine the effectiveness of their western theories through field survey of restructuring urban space and local communities in Tokyo.M. Castells and D. Harvey have explained the restructuring process of urban spaces focusing on the mechanism of capital accumulation, but their analytical concepts are different. Castells uses the concept of the Dual City. This concept means that residential segregation and segmentation of spaces do exist among classes according to whether they heve access to a high level of education and culture or not. Harvey uses the concept of Flexible Accumulation, which means almost all new societal systems have the aim of capital accumulation. Castells puts stress on a change of the social structure in the global cities, while on the other hand Harvey examines the urban space, focusing on the relationship between global cities and local communities.For research purposes, I picked two case study areas in downtown Tokyo. One is Misaki-cho where many residents own their own land and buildings, and the other is Kanda-Tsukasa-cho where almost all residents live on leased land. These two local communities are located near the heart of Tokyo, and they contain many small scale businesses. But the pattern of landownership and community history are completely different.The conclusions are as follows:1) The residential space in Tokyo has became more segregated and segmented by the occupation and income of the residents. So the concept of the Dual City is applicable to Tokyo to some extent. Also rapid increase of offices and big changes of land use in Tokyo have been a part of the urban process of Flexible Accumulation at the global level.During the 1980's, Tokyo was affected by the global changes in more or less the same way as New York and London.2) At the local community level, landowners in Misaki-cho rebuilt their own buildings before the bubble economy, so they could cope with the structural economic changes during the 1980's individually. On the contrary, in Kanda-Tsukasa-cho, rapid increase of land prices did force changes in the residential land use to offices. So, we may conclude that the global changes did not directly affect local changes, but the history, socio-economic characteristics and social relationship of the local communities was an influence upon the restructuring and transformation process of urban space.In the next stage of my research, I will try to make it clear how the local community responds to the huge global economic pressure and resists capital accumulation. This is none other than building a new theoretical framework to bridge the macro-global changes and micro-local changes of urban spaces.

著者

笠石 隆秀

出版者

The Human Geographical Society of Japan

雑誌

人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.3, no.2, pp.65-73, 1951-04-30 (Released:2009-04-28)

参考文献数

10

著者

岡本 耕平

出版者

The Human Geographical Society of Japan

雑誌

人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.50, no.1, pp.23-42, 1998-02-28 (Released:2009-04-28)

参考文献数

183

被引用文献数

5 4

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Behavioral geography, which started in the 1960s, had lost its impetus on account of internal division and various criticism from radicals and humanists in geography after about 1980. Because of its perceived lack of social relevance at a time when social issues had become the major focus of human geography, behavioral research was often relegated to a minor role within the discipline.Behavioral geography, however, has revitalized since 1990. This stems from two sources: the theoretical pluralism in post-modern geography and interdisciplinary studies with psychology, cognitive science, and GIS.This paper has three purposes. First, it outlines a history of behavioral geography and describes its revitalization in the 1990s. Second, the geographical studies on cognitive map and cognitive mapping, which has been the most important research theme in behavioral geography, are critically examined. Third, this paper pursues the future development of behavioral geography surveying the new ideas in recent psychology and examining the raison d'être of cognitive studies in human geography.In discussion, this paper makes the following pleas. 1) Behavioral studies in geography should look hard at routinized non-awareness activities in our daily lives in societal and cultural context. 2) The focus of the study should be on ‘behavior in space’, not on‘spatial behavior’, 3) The study on ‘vista’ will bring fertile perspectives to behavioral geography. 4) Behavioral geographers should notice that human spatial knowledge has various aspects.

著者

山岡 義昭

出版者

The Human Geographical Society of Japan

雑誌

人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.29, no.3, pp.313-332, 1977-06-28 (Released:2009-04-28)

参考文献数

79

著者

横山 淳一

出版者

The Human Geographical Society of Japan

雑誌

人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.46, no.1, pp.43-65, 1994-02-28 (Released:2009-04-28)

参考文献数

54

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Thünen's“location theory”of agriculture is one of the basic principles in geography and economics. In this theory a visionary uniform space called“The Isolated State (Der isolierte Staat)”has already been established. This isolated state is 50 miles (deutsche meile; about 375km) in diameter, and the agricultural zones are arranged in a concentric circle. In the center only one large city is located, and the concentric circles of agriculture are, from inside, free agriculture (die freie Wirtschaft), forestry (Forstwirtschaft), crop rotation system agriculture (Fruchtwechselwirtschaft), field-grass agriculture (Koppelwirtschaft), three-field system (Dreifelderwirtschaft) and cattle breeding and dairy (Viehzucht). The boundary distances of each type outward from the large city are 4, 7, 24.7, and 31.5 miles respectively.In this article, I tried to reexamine the structure of Thünen's circles according to Thünen's logical point of view. The basic conditions are as follows: the farm acreage is 100, 000 square Rutes (217ha), the rye crop yield per 100 square Rutes is 8 Sheffels, and the price of 1 Sheffel of rye is 1.5 Taler at the city.The main problem is the conversion process from the Koppelwirtschaft to the three-field system. Thünen says that a crop of 8 Sheffels in the Koppelwirtschaft is proportional to 6.72 Sheffels in the three-field system. In the case of the Koppelwirtschaft divided into seven, the acreage of one section is about 14, 300 square Rutes, and in the three-field system, the acreage of one field is 12, 000 square Rutes (fields, 36, 000; permanent pasture, 64, 000). According to this, in the conversion process from the Koppelwirtschaft to the three-field system, the total fertilizer given to the rye fields increase 1.17 times. This indicates a larger increase of rye crop in the three-field system than in Koppelwirtschaft. In my calculation, 8 Sheffels in Koppelwirtschaft is proportional to 8.42 Sheffels in the three-field system.If this is true, the“Landrente”(bid rent) of Koppelwirtschaft is 1, 111 Taler, while the Landrente of the three-field system is 1, 137 Taler; and the dominance of Koppelwirtschaft is overthrown. In Thünen's circles, the Koppelwirtschaft would be replaced by the three-field system, and have to disappear. As a result, in my calculation, the structure of Thünen's circles consists of free agriculture, forestry, three-field system, and cattle breeding and dairy. The distances from the large city should be revised to 4, 7, and 33 miles respectively.

著者

新宅 勇

出版者

一般社団法人 人文地理学会

雑誌

人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.15, no.3, pp.306-320, 1963-06-28 (Released:2009-04-28)

参考文献数

27

著者

吉田 敬市

出版者

The Human Geographical Society of Japan

雑誌

人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.20, no.5, pp.570-586, 1968-10-28 (Released:2009-04-28)

著者

青木 栄一

出版者

The Human Geographical Society of Japan

雑誌

人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.39, no.6, pp.522-536, 1987-12-28 (Released:2009-04-28)

参考文献数

38

被引用文献数

4 2

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Transport Geography has had a long history from the mid-19th Century onwards, being imported to Japan in the 1920's. In spite of such a long history, however, geographers' contributions in the form of comment or criticism on current transport problems have been rather few in Japan. The introduction of quantitative methods into transport geography after the 1960's has not changed the situation. There have seldom been discussions or coordinations with persons belonging to other related fields of study such as economics, sociology, engineering, and so on. In this paper, the author analyzes the stagnation of transport geography in regard to the study of current transport problems.The author points out the existence of two different types of transport geography. They are: (1) the analysis of transport phenomena through regional environment, and (2) the explanation of other phonomena using transport as indices or factors. While the first type remains a minority, the second type has played the leading role in transport geography in Japan after the 1950's, being of little use in analyzing or criticizing current transport problems, and some transport geographers have had little interest in current transport problems.The author suggests the importance of study for transport facilities and transport enterprises through regional environment, in both physical and social view-points, in the area of the former type of transport geography. The most important stress in such studies should be placed on the historical processes of decision-making for transport facilities and transport enterprises through an integrated system of technology, administration and policy, economics, and culture, each including its historical development. Through such an integrated system of study, transport geography will be able to contribute to practical analysis and criticism of current transport problems, and lead the study in the direction of policy-making. In other words, a transport geographer must become a transport generalist.The author also refers to the current study of transport geography in English-speaking regions, trying to analyze the process of decision-making in transport facilities and transport enterprises.

著者

佐藤 弘隆

出版者

一般社団法人 人文地理学会

雑誌

人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.68, no.3, pp.273-296, 2016 (Released:2018-01-31)

参考文献数

51

被引用文献数

4

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2015年,文化庁は「山・鉾・屋台行事」をユネスコ無形文化遺産に再提案することを決定した。この行事は「地域社会の安泰や災厄防除を願い,地域の人々が一体となり執り行う」点に価値が見出されており,日本各地で本登録に向けて盛り上がりをみせている。しかし,現代都市の人口変動は「山・鉾・屋台行事」をはじめとする伝統的な都市祭礼の継承を困難にしている。本稿では都市祭礼の継承のあり方を示すために,都市祭礼の運営基盤を社会・経済・場所的側面から調査する。事例とした都市祭礼は京都市都心で行われる祇園祭の山鉾行事である。山鉾33基の運営基盤の現状とその変遷が統計資料の分析やフィールドワークを通して明らかにされた。山鉾を持つ町内は同じ都心に複数あるが,それらは等質でなく,それぞれの人口や土地利用の現状に差異がみられる。そして,山鉾行事の運営基盤もそれにともない再構築され,多様化していった。都市の変容にともなう祭礼の運営基盤の再構築は,その継承につながっており,全国の都市祭礼の継承を考えるうえで重要な視点となる。

著者

津川 康雄

出版者

一般社団法人 人文地理学会

雑誌

人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.70, no.3, pp.426-427, 2018 (Released:2018-10-31)

著者

三木 一彦

出版者

The Human Geographical Society of Japan

雑誌

人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.53, no.1, pp.1-17, 2001-02-28 (Released:2009-04-28)

参考文献数

77

被引用文献数

3 3

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From the 18th century, making a visit to sacred mountains became popular among Japanese people. Many such pilgrimages had a regionally distinctive sphere of religion. Mt. Mitsumine, in Chichibu County (nowadays in Saitama Prefecture), was one of the spiritual centers for such pilgrimages. It attracted people from Kanto and Koshin Districts from the middle of the 18th century. This study examines the cult of Mitsumine in Edo (present-day Tokyo), focusing especially on the social background behind its development.According to an account at the beginning of the 19th century, the Mt. Mitsumine shrine afforded facilities to receive visitors. Pilgrimages were generally undertaken by religious groups called "ko". In Edo, the cult of Mitsumine was believed to prevent misfortunes, such as fire and bandits. Visits to Mt. Mitsumine from Edo increased between the late 18th and early 19th centuries. The Mitsumine followers of Edo also evangelized their belief to its suburbs and more remote areas.The Mitsumine-ko in Edo tended to be organized by the trade guilds. Tatekawa-ko was the most influential supporter of the cult. The group consisted mainly of timber wholesale and commission merchants, and its members mostly lived in eastern Edo. A large volume of timber was transported from the mountains in the Kanto District to Edo, and Chichibu County, where Mt. Mitsumine is situated, had also become one of the sources of timber. The commercial relation between Chichibu and Edo is said to have facilitated the penetration of the cult into Edo.Since the early 19th century, the change in the distributive system loosened the unity among the timber merchants. Religious circles such as Tatekawa-ko played a crucial role in reestablishing a solid network among the merchants. Moreover in Edo, where fires frequently occurred, the merchants, particularly timber traders, were making a profit from them. Thus, the charms of Mitsumine were considered as an indulgence among the merchants. For these reasons, the Mitsumine cult in Edo was established and maintained.The study concludes that social background profoundly affected the development of belief.

著者

高橋 誠一

出版者

The Human Geographical Society of Japan

雑誌

人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.42, no.5, pp.442-465, 1990-10-28 (Released:2009-04-28)

参考文献数

59

被引用文献数

2 2

著者

松村 嘉久

出版者

The Human Geographical Society of Japan

雑誌

人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.45, no.5, pp.491-514, 1993-10-28 (Released:2009-04-28)

参考文献数

73

被引用文献数

3 3

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Most modern nation states have been formed through their central governments' delimitation of national boundaries in frontier areas, which were often inhabited by ethnic minority groups. To relax possible ethnic tensions, the central governments have presented ethnic policies. Because the minority policy in a nation is one of the most important factors affecting the process of national integration, it is crucial to explore the development of the policy in detail.The ethnic minority people in China account for only 6.7% of the country's whole population However, since the area of their resident districts accounts for more than fifty percent of the nation, and are located at strategically important points, national integration of ethnic minorities has been an essential problem for the Chinese government. Whereas it is said that the government accomplished political equality, it admits the existence of ‘inequality as a matter of fact’: inter-ethnic differentials in both economic and cultural terms. To ameliorate this problem, the government has attempted to implement policies of economic development and ethnic education in the minority districts. To date, their specific circumstances have been rather unclear, however. In particular, with regard to Yunnan Province, Japanese scholars, including geographers, have thus far paid attention to cultural aspects almost exclusively. The purpose of this paper, keeping Yunnan's historical and geographical factors in mind, is to elucidate the development of ethnic minority policy by the Chinese goverment in the province.In the second section, the current situation of the minority ethnic groups is discussed briefly. The twenty-four groups with more than ten million people account for 31.7% of the province's whole population, and these compose eight autonomous prefectures and twenty-nine autonomous counties. Furthermore, the twenty-four groups can be divided into sub-groups. These imply the variety and complexty of the province's ethnic composition. Generally, the percentage of minority population is higher in the frontier districts than in the central districts of Yunnan, and particular minorities tend to concentrate partly according to altitude.The third section is devoted to an explanation of ethnic policy during the period between 1949 and 1958, when an essential aim of the Chinese government's policy was to integrate minority groups into the new system of the communist nation. Even at the time immediately after the foundation of the nation, the central Yunnan districts were under long-standing control of the Han Chinese in terms of socio-economic activities, suggesting a relatively easy integration of them by the Chinese Communist Party. However, the influence of the party in the frontier districts was negligible, because the districts formed a buffer zone, where the powers of Britain, France, the Kuomintang Government and native nationalist headmen were complicated. The Yunnan government sent there a minority maneuvering party in order to establish a better relationship with the minorities, support their lives and investigate their circumstances. In particular, integration policy in terms of economy and distribution was taken seriously at the beginning of this period. With regard to political matters, autonomous districts were established through the assumption of minority leaders to important posts in the Chinese Communist Party, and, as a result, a great part of the frontier districts came under the rule of the party. Minority groups were divided into four different types from the historical stage standpoint of social development. The Yunnan Government presented four land reform methods, correspondent to this minority grouping. Although the land reform based on this method and establishment of collective farms began in 1955, they have made less progress in the frontier districts than in the central parts of the province.

著者

立見 淳哉

出版者

The Human Geographical Society of Japan

雑誌

人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.52, no.6, pp.552-574, 2000-12-28 (Released:2009-04-28)

参考文献数

37

被引用文献数

2 1

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The author analyzes the historical change of agar's production area via a framework of study based on 'regional regulation (régulation régionale)'. This study deals with the development of Gifu and Shinshu agar's production areas by paying attention to the outbreak and collapse of local regulation mechanisms. The mode of regulation of the production areas that adheres to a structure of 'nestedness' in space is determined while mingling together with the coordination in spatial scale (global/national/regional/local and so on). However, the greatest impact on sustaining stable regimes of economic management (régimes économiques de fonctionnement) in production areas operates at the local level, since competition among industrial areas is coordinated by local institutional devices (dispositifs institutionnels).The competition in Gifu agar's production area is coordinated by 'domestic industrial coordination (coordination domestique)'. This is a mechanism coordinated by negotiation among firms and wholesale dealers concerning decisions on quality and prices. In Shinshu agar's area, in terms of price, it is coordinated by 'civil coordination (coordination civique)', which is characterized by a 'convention' determined by the enterprise union. In addition, this form is understood as coordination beyond the pursuit of individual profits through the sharing of common interests. On the other hand, in terms of quality, competition was coordinated by 'industrial coordination (coordination dite industrielle)', which is accomplished by the coordination of national standards. In this mechanism, competition was coordinated and stimulates the development of the production area by the induction of local industrial devices.In the meantime, there was great concern that agar's production area would decline because of an overseas production shift, competition, changes in the norms of consumption, decline in agricultural production, and the reluctance of agriculture to maintain business among young farmers.These global and national changes made the mode of local regulation extremely unstable. Strictly speaking, the most significant component of this decline was destined to be in the form of the coordination of each production area, so that the crisis arose in the face of environmental change at the global and national levels.In the case of the 'domestic coordination' of Gifu agar's production area, it was possible for the firms to keep their production stable. However, these firms have many problems such as the subordination to wholesale dealers, a lower rate of profit and the temporary business of the farmers. The existing crisis in this form was revealed in terms of decreases in income and the depletion of successors caused by the national decline of agriculture.Considering Shinshu agar's production area, the quality of agar was controlled by 'industrial coordination', but its demand diminished. This change was brought about by the lack of a concern and convention for quality. Therefore, each firm was unable to cope with changes in the norms of consumption, or competition in production.However, the coordination forms in this critical period began to change by struggling to grope for a new form of coordination, especially in the case of innovative firms.In Gifu agar's production area, the firms have changed their production term into a year, and have specialized agar's production to enlarge business. In Shinshu agar's area, firms have successfully coped with the crisis by setting up more innovative operations and by making use of the large customer network. Thus, the agar's production areas are coordinated by each local institution. Faced with losing the validity of existing coordinations, they transformed their system to revive their production.

著者

服部 亜由未

出版者

一般社団法人 人文地理学会

雑誌

人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.63, no.4, pp.303-323, 2011 (Released:2018-01-23)

参考文献数

81

被引用文献数

2

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In order to scrutinize the fishery management of Hokkaido in the Taisho and early Showa eras when there were poor herring harvests, this paper focuses on the actions of herring fishery people with special reference to the records of the Minami family.The volume of the herring catch was changing, but the timing of change in the herring harvests differed by region. The herring fishery in Takashima changed dramatically during the Taisho and early Showa eras.Many of the herring fishery laborers were migrant workers. They did not work in the same fishery every year, but moved to other fisheries which gave them better conditions. The maximum concern in the fishery management, therefore, was whether a sufficient supply of very good migrant workers could be secured.How did the Minami fishery procure manpower?Employing workers was generally entrusted to the leader of herring fishermen every year. He called together workers from around his home. However, even as the poor herring catches continued, it was hard to attract workers, and so the managers themselves also came to try to employ fishery workers. The start of this practice corresponded to the year when the entire Minami fishery ran a deficit. From that time on, they went on business trips to Akita Prefecture during the two weeks after the New Year to solicit laborers.How did fishery managers deal with persistent poor catches?First, the location of the herring fishery could be shifted. If it were possible, the Minami fishery could have expanded the fishery into a richer region, but this was impossible. Therefore, it bought raw herring in Sakhalin where there was still a big catch and processed them in Takashima. The system of herring fishery changed from fishing in Takashima to purchasing raw herring from Sakhalin. Second, the Minami fishery tried to make up for the loss of the herring fishery by operating various other fisheries. Not all herring fishery losses could be compensated through this approach, however, so the Minami still had to rely on herring fishing in the following year. Third, fishery managers supplemented their fishing income by operating side businesses. In the case of the Minami family, the management of a public bath and the leasing of houses, lots, and fishery places were important and helped mitigate the various challenges of operating the fishery. It was steady income and made up for the deficits in the fishery.

著者

渡邉 英明

出版者

一般社団法人 人文地理学会

雑誌

人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.63, no.5, pp.447-461, 2011 (Released:2018-01-23)

参考文献数

70

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On the Echigo Plain, the gangi arcades, a type of arcade constructed from the timber eaves of adjacent buildings, were built in many market towns through the Edo Period. These arcades were traditional in towns with heavy snowfalls. Over the years there have been many studies done on gangi arcades, but very few discuss their history. The purpose of this paper is to improve the understanding of gangi arcades between the 18th and 19th centuries. This is a case study of Sanjo Town, Echigo Province.Sanjo Town was developed as the castle town of the Sanjo Domain in the late 1610s. After the abolition of the Sanjo Domain in 1623, Sanjo Town continued to flourish as a market town and a river port town. The main street of Sanjo Town, called Honcho Street, was built along the Ikarashi River. The gangi arcades were built on both sides of Honcho Street, Honji Street, and Hachiman Street by the mid 18th century. People used these arcades as covered walkways. In the mid 18th century, Ichinokido Village and Tajima Village, the villages adjacent to Sanjo Town, started to build some stores with gangi arcades. However Sanjo Town’s people called for a ban on these new buildings, and the people of these villages gave up building gangi arcades.Gangi arcades were also used in a commercial fashion. For example, a merchant who set up the stalls of a periodic market using the gangi arcade style on Honji Street was described in the record of Sanjo earthquake in 1828. In the late 19th century, people set up mago-bisashi, boards attached in front of gangi arcades in the winter to secure the places for the stalls of the periodic market. These attachment boards were set up along streets with gangi arcades, and they were concentrated around both ends of Sanjo Town.In Sanjo Town, stores with gangi arcades were constructed until the late 19th century but use of the gangi arcade style was discontinued by the 1930s.

著者

川久保 篤志

出版者

The Human Geographical Society of Japan

雑誌

人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.51, no.2, pp.117-139, 1999-04-28 (Released:2009-04-28)

参考文献数

46

被引用文献数

1 2

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While deregulation and trade liberalization are now in progress internationally, the importation of agricultural products is also increasing rapidly in Japan. To cope with this development, there has been a trend towards the pursuit of intensive agriculture and higher value-added products in agricultural regions. In this paper, the author discusses the example of forced-grown mandarins to investigate the influence its popularity has had on the market and on agricultural areas.Two particular points of significance of the impact of forced-grown mandarins on the market were found in Gamagoori city, Aichi Prefecture. The first is that new products were provided in the summer market in which fruits were scarcely supplied. The second was that the quality of naturally grown mandarins improved. This is due to demand for quality naturally grown mandarins as a result of competition with forced-grown mandarins which have a high quality in the September market.In addition, the significance to agricultural areas can be summarized as follows. First, was the expansion of the basis of the labor force due to the fact that the succeeding generation of the farming family returned from their non-agricultural occupations. This was in large measure a consequence of the characteristics of forced-grown mandarins, such as higher profits, longer harvest times, higher productivity per unit area of land and tolerance of different weather regimes. The second point is the facilitation of intensive management in infacility growing. As a result, the scale of naturally grown mandarins became smaller while the planted mandarin species changed to early mandarins in expectation of the transplantation of mature trees to green houses. In addition, to improve the level of productivity, a large-scale development of in-house grown mandarin complexes was accomplished with some success. The third point is that farming establishments growing plants other than mandarins in their green houses appeared in response to the success of forced-grown mandarins.However, from the viewpoint of the maintenance and reorganization of agricultural areas, there are two important limitations. The first is that part of the management of naturally grown mandarins was abandoned as a result of the intensive management of highly profitable forced-grown mandarins, and this led to a decline in the agricultural environment of surrounding mandarin farms due to damage by disease and harmful insects. The second point is that the continuation of growing mandarins by senior farmers has been made difficult due to the fact that producing forced-grown mandarins is more labor intensive than producing naturally grown mandarins and that considerable investment is required for the construction of proper facilities. As a result, there are some agricultural areas where forced-grown mandarin production is declining.In conclusion, it cannot be said that the introduction of forced-grown mandarins has successfully resulted in a long-term activation of all growing areas throughout the country.