著者

岡本 知 金崎 肇

出版者

一般社団法人 人文地理学会

雑誌

人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.5, no.4, pp.282-290,321, 1953-10-30 (Released:2009-04-28)

参考文献数

11

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Nanatsuka-cho in Ishikawa Prefectre is a very peculiar settlement located on a coastal dune.The surface of ground water being so deep, and consequently drinking water being inconvenient to get, they sink a well by means of a special technique handed down from time immemorial. Every well there is a common well.They exclusively crop the fields aud there is no paddy-fields. Before the war, more than half of the arable land was occupied by mulberry-fields, which were changed to others for raising the staple food during the war. Today the fruit-tree is the chief crop there. However, the arable land belonging to each farm-house being limited, farming can't be the main industry in the settlement. What are prosperous in Nanatsuka-cho are fishering and silk iudustry. The former is remarkable in the north half of the settlemet, and the latter in the south half. Therefore, it combines two characters of silk industry settlement and fishing industry one. This fact gives rise to the problem as to dividing the settlement into two areas.

著者

福宿 光一

出版者

一般社団法人 人文地理学会

雑誌

人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.11, no.6, pp.498-509,580, 1959-12-30 (Released:2009-04-28)

参考文献数

26

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The author investigated the seasons for charcoal making and its main factor in the Izu Islands, and has obtained the following results:1) The charcoal makig in the Izu Islands reaches more than 50 per cent of the annual output between December and March, and the method of production is a typical one employed in a winter season. The same kind of method is found in the mainland of Japan on the slopes of mountainous districts facing the Pacific Ocean.2) The reason why the production of charcoal became an important industry in winter is due to the fact that the farmers have more leisure in winter in the area where the mountain slopes face the Pacific Ocean. But in the case of the Izu Islands the reasons are different in each island.a) In Izu-Oshima island, a great deal of charcoal is made in winter (from November to March) because during this season a number of settlers come from Yamagata Prefecture to do the job of charcoal making. This practice is very rare in other parts of Japan. b) In Miyake island and Hachijo island, charcoal making is done by using the leisure hours of both farmers and fishermen. Particularly it is done in the interval (from November to February) between the gathering of agar-agar, in summer and the fishing of flying-fish in spring.c) It is an exceptional case with regard to Aoga-shima island. Since this island suffers much from inconvenient maritime transportation, especially in winter, the suspension of steamship service is very common, and the charcoal making is done only in summer and in autumn when there is any possibility of shipment.

著者

ズール リチャード 大山 修一

出版者

一般社団法人 人文地理学会

雑誌

人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.69, no.1, pp.73-86, 2017 (Released:2017-04-28)

参考文献数

38

被引用文献数

1 6

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ザンビアにおける都市と地方の不均衡な開発は,地方から都市への人口移動を引き起こしたが,都市における住宅開発は順調に進まなかった。本稿は,ザンビアの土地政策の歴史をみたうえで,経済の自由化と土地商品化の動きにともなう都市の住宅問題,宅地をめぐる争議を検討する。主要な問題は,都市における住宅のうち80%がインフォーマル,あるいは,開発計画の適用地域外であるということにある。これらの地域では,水や電気の供給,下水道やゴミ収集といった衛生に関する行政サービスは乏しく,洪水が起きたり,あるいは,コレラや赤痢などの感染症の発生もみられる。ザンビアでは,1964年の独立時に,人々の移動が自由となった結果,都市の住宅不足が深刻な問題となった。さらに1995年に土地法が改正されたことにより,貧困削減を目的として,土地の資産価値を認め,首都への資本集中を進めた。この土地法の改正は,土地所有権の強化と都市の開発を進めることになった。ザンビアにおける住宅開発は,住民の主体性に任せる「自助努力による住宅開発」にもとづいているため,地価や物価の上昇のなかで住宅を確保できない住民も多い。ザンビアにおける潜在的な問題として,都市部における住宅地の競合と行政による土地接収に対する都市住民の過激な反応にともなう社会秩序の混乱を指摘しておきたい。

著者

鈴木 公

出版者

一般社団法人 人文地理学会

雑誌

人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.14, no.3, pp.236-255, 1962-06-28 (Released:2009-04-28)

参考文献数

33

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The solution of the city problems in Japan is one of the most important things in land planning. The chief object of this paper is to deal with cities in Kagoshima Prefecture, a so-called “backward Prefec-ture, ” which have suffered vicissitudes over two different periods, one being (A) the “Fumoto” period (times of the castle town, 1602-1869) and the other (B) the contemporary times (1869-), and to analyze and classify them to understand the characteristics of both types, and the distribution of the cities, and thus to contribute some materials for the impending problem of the cities which are to be solved in the coming years.The elements analyzed of a city in the case of (A), are (1) the amount of Koku of rice produced in a Go (village), (2) the population of Shizoku (samurai) and Sotu (the footman soldier or servant to samurai) in a Go, (3) the standing army in the year 1870 when the militery government was established, (4) Kakushiki (the situation) and the power of defence of Fumoto (the little castle town) and (5) the facilities of the commercial transportation (e.g. stage, fair, harbour). Then, we define that each of these items gets a full mark, (100 maximum) and we can get valuations by percentage.In the case of (B) the five items ((1) the population (2) the industry (3) the commerce (4) the communication (5) the culture and the sightseeing) and the thirty subitems are given. we also define that each of these items gets full malk, (100 maximum) and we arrive at the valuations by percentage. The figures are totalized and divided by thirty to get the average. The materials used in this paper are from the national and the prefectural statistical books and from some opinionaires.The results of this research tell us that, in Kagoshima Prefecture which had been reformed from a han (a feudal domain) “Kagoshima han”, Kagoshima City where its prefectural office is so remarkably large as to be ranked in the top class of minor cities in all Japan, but other cities are small ones with no particular attraction of urban life. From the point of their distribution, in the “Fumoto” period the defencetowns on the prefectural border were large next to the castle towns, and after them came the defence-towns around Kagoshima City; nowadays they are annexed to that main city or have developed into little satellite towns.In the middle region about 50km away from Kagoshima City, whence it is unusual that people come on shopping trips or commute to the central city, there are a few larger cities belonging to the A class of little cityies in our division, such as Sendai, Kanoya, which show some alterations from years to years. Generally speaking, in this prefecture, there are no tourist towns nor newly-developed industrial ones, so the distribution of the cities has scarcely changed, but remains almost as it had been in the “Fumoto” period. And so, the less-changing of the distributon of the cities is characteristic of Kagoshima Prefecture.

著者

アシムウェ フローレンス アキイキ

出版者

一般社団法人 人文地理学会

雑誌

人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.69, no.1, pp.87-99, 2017 (Released:2017-04-28)

参考文献数

59

被引用文献数

1 2

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本稿では,ウガンダの高収入世帯において,土地や財産の所有について女性が副次的な位置づけで,女性による土地や財産の管理がいかにはばまれてきたのかについて分析する。女性の財産所有に対する権利は弱く,「貧困の女性化」といわれるように女性は貧困状態におちいっている。女性は結婚後に家計にとって副次的な役割しか担うことができず,離婚や別居することになると,自分自身で生きていかなければならなくなる。土地や財産所有権に関するジェンダー間の不平等は,家父長制を重んじる文化や社会の価値観だけでなく,女性のエンパワーメントの障害をつくりだす法制度によっても生み出されてきた。本稿では,高学歴の女性が,土地購入や家屋の建築に際して経済的な貢献をしたにもかかわらず,所有権を取得できない事例を示している。また,別の事例では,女性がみずからの名前を土地所有証明書に入れることができず,女性は土地の所有権を保有できず,土地の使用権のみを保有するにすぎなくなっている。これらの事例では,夫が財産をみずから単独の所有物として登録している。本稿は,ウガンダにおける世帯の所有する土地や財産の権利の複雑な動態を理解する一助となり,サハラ以南アフリカだけでなく,発展途上国において女性がもつ土地・財産に対する権利の現状に関する知見を提供するものである。

著者

西原 純 齋藤 寛

出版者

The Human Geographical Society of Japan

雑誌

人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.54, no.2, pp.109-130, 2002-04-30 (Released:2009-04-28)

参考文献数

136

被引用文献数

2

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With the restructuring of the Japanese economy during the 1980s, many large enterprises were obliged to downsize or shut down mines and industrial plants. In this paper, we explore the closure of the Takashima coal mine in 1986 by its owner Mitsubishi, one of Japan's largest corporations, as a typical example of industrial decline in one of Japan's peripheral regions. This coal mine had been operating on the small island of Takashima for 118 years. In particular, the authors examine the difficulties experienced by redundant workers in different hierarchically-defined classes in reacting to the closure and the need to reorganize their lives.The results of the research are as follows:(1) During the mining era, there existed a three-tiered social structure, organized by Mitsubishi's mining company, consisting of three differentiated classes of workers: the managerial staff, Mitsubishi's own miners, and miners working for subcontractors. The workers in each class had quite different backgrounds, particularly with regard to educational attainment and occupational skill.(2) When the mine closed, the managerial staff were not retrenched, but instead were relocated from Takashima island to other establishments owned by Mitsubishi. All of the miners, however, whether employed by Mitsubishi or by subcontractors, lost their jobs, and had to seek new jobs and new lives outside of Takashima island.(3) In comparison with workers made redundant by other restructuring industries, such as steel and shipbuilding, Mitsubishi's former miners received a great deal of economic support from both the government and the company. Miners previously employed by subcontractors received little help, however, from their former employers.(4) Former miners, whether previously employed by Mitsubishi or by one of its subcontractors, experienced much greater difficulty in finding new jobs than workers made redundant by other industries. There were also big differences between former Mitsubishi miners and those previously employed by subcontractors in terms of the locations where new jobs were found, the size of their new employers and the salaries they received.(5) During the six months following the closure, out-migration was highly selective: those most likely to leave Takashima island were people of comparatively high social status, such as managerial staff, Mitsubishi's former miners, and younger heads of households. Since then, the municipality of Takashima has failed to revitalize its local economy and has suffered from severe depopulation and a rapid ageing of the community.(6) Miners made redundant by the closure of other Japanese coal mines in the 1980s experienced similar difficulties to those experienced by Takashima's miners in finding new jobs and rebuilding their lives, reflecting the common characteristics of miners everywhere.

著者

木村 辰男

出版者

人文地理学会

雑誌

人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.15, no.3, pp.269-291, 1963

被引用文献数

1

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(1) 等運賃線は,運賃の地域的構造を示す一つの有効な方法である。そしてその構造は場所によって非常に変化し,かならずしも模式的な同心円にはならない。(2) 鉄道車扱貨物運賃の複雑な構造は,わが国の鉄道で現在行なわれているさまざまの制度や,大都市・地形による路線の迂回に基づくものであり,とくに前者の制度的な要因は重要な意味をもっている。(3) トラック貨物運賃の構造は比較的同心円状を示すが,山地では迂回も多くなり,運賃構造もいくぶん不規則になる。鉄道のような制度的要因に左右されることはほとんどなく,主に地形による道路網分布の疎密に左右される。しかし全般的に鉄道に比べれば規則的である。(4) 末端運送の諸掛りを考慮に入れた鉄道運賃とトラック運賃の構造をつき合わせることによって,両交通機関の運賃競争力の分界線が得られる。これは貨物の種類によって変動し,また都鄙の度合いによって差異のみられる鉄道諸掛りや,トラック運賃のダンピングの程度によっても変化する。(5) この分界線は種々の地理的意味をもっており,鉄道・トラックの運賃構造の結節地域を画定する。また,これは交通機関選択の重要な基準になり,両交通機関の競合・補完の問題を中心にして,交通地理における運賃のダイナミックな一つの側面を示しているものといえる。(6) しかし現実における交通機関の選択に際しては,運賃ばかりでなく運送速度その他の運送のサービスの質的な面についての諸考慮もあわせて行なわれる。運賃を当面の課題として取り上げた関係で,本稿ではこれらの問題を一応見すごすことにするが,個々の貨物の動きと運賃その他の運送のサービスなどとの関連については,今後の考察にゆずりたい。(7) 本稿では車扱運賃だけを対象にしたが,近時における路線トラック事業の進展は,むしろ小口扱においての鉄道・トラックの競合関係が強くみられるから,小口扱貨物運賃の検討も必要である。(8) 最近は経営合理化の観点から,鉄道貨物取扱駅の大幅の整理と,それに伴う貨物集約輸送体系の新しい組織化が進行しつつあり,これに伴って運賃構造にも大きな変化がもたらされようとしている。これについては,貨物運賃構造の図示法の問題とも関連して,今後の検討がなお必要である。

著者

応地 利明

出版者

一般社団法人 人文地理学会

雑誌

人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.34, no.5, pp.410-428, 1982-10-28 (Released:2009-04-28)

参考文献数

38

被引用文献数

1

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One of the characteristics of the history of Japanese geography in the modern period is the fact that the establishment of chairs was rather late compared with other sciences. It was not until 1907 that the chair of geography was founded at Kyoto Imperial University, the first one at any Japanese University. Before 1907, a few geographical books were written by non-specialists of geography and they received a warm welcome. Eminent among them were “Jimbun Chirigaku Kogi (Lecture on Human Geography)” (1888) and “Nihon Fukei Ron (On the Beauties of Natural Scenery of Japan and their Implications)” (1894) by S. Shiga, “Chirigaku Ko (Consideration of Geography, The Earth and Man)” (1894) by K. Uchimura, and “Jinsei Chirigaku (Geography of Life)” (1903) by T. Makiguchi.Shiga and Uchimura were graduates of Sapporo Agricultural College, predecessor of the present Hokkaido University. Makiguchi, who was not a graduate of S.A.C., was a teacher at a normal school in Sapporo at the time he wrote his book, from 1897 to 1901. In addition to the above, I. Nitobe, who was a classmate of Uchimura's at S.A.C., introduced Meitzen's concept of the morphology of rural settlements for the first time in Japan in his book “Nogyo Honron (Main Discourse on Agriculture)” (1898). He was one of the promoters of The Research Society for Study of the Native Land, which exerted a considerable influence on the rise of human geographical studies in the 1910's and 20's.We can safely say that Sapporo is one of the birthplaces of modern Japanese geography. However, Sapporo Agricultural College had no department of geography. Geography was not taught even as a separate subject, though S.A.C. had unique characteristics of a liberal art college compared with the other higher educational institutions at that time.At the Library of Hokkaido University, there are collected various notebooks of the lectures delivered by American professors and recorded by Japanese students. Among them, there is found a notebook under the title of “Lecture on the Geography of Europe by Dr. J.C. Cutter, M.D., Notes by S. Ibuki, 1881”. Dr. Cutter was invited as a professor of physiology, comparative anatomy and English literature. In the introductory part of his lecture on English literature, he taught the geography of Europe, which is considered to be one of the earliest lectures on geography delivered at a higher educational institution in modern Japan.In the present article, the Japanese translation of Prof. Cutter's lecture is made with explanatory remarks of the author. The lecture is composed of two parts, chapters 1 to 8, and 9 to 16. The former part contains physical geography of Europe, with an introduction entitled “Physical geography in relation to social conditions and pursuits” in the first chapter. The second part deals with the appearence and diffusion of races and languages in the Eurasian Continent with special reference to Aryan problems.His lecture is highly characterized by the Euro-centric viewpoint which was prevalent in the 19th century. For example, he taught: “Semitic and Aryan languages were for a long time confined to the continent of Asia in which they occupied only small parts. They are now universally distributed. This group of languages have attained the highest degree of perfection. These types of languages are spoken by majority of the white type of the human species. They were introduced into Europe from India by the Aryan invasions or infiltration. From the Aryan mother tongue have sprung all the European languages. They are now used by peoples occupying about 3/15th of the earth's surface. It is the people using these languages who have been the leaders in civilization in historic periods”. This quoted opinion is typical of Europeans in the mid-19th century. It was accepted by some students at S.A.C., and rejected by others.

著者

中村 周作

出版者

人文地理学会

雑誌

人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.37, no.4, pp.310-331, 1985

被引用文献数

2 3

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Itinerant peddling has played an important role in the retailing of seafood predating shop-selling in Japan. The origins of peddling forms we find today go back to the early Meiji Period (the late 19th century). In this period, the goods dealt with by peddlers were salt, fish and shellfish, which included fresh, salted and dried varieties. The author has classified the retail forms from the viewpoint of the relationships in the goods, the place of purchase, and markets:I: salt-peddling.II: peddling of fresh fish and shellfish, II-a: from the suburban fishing villages to urban region, II-b: from the fishing villages located in the region which distibutes the salted and dried fish to urban region, to the neighbouring farming villages, II-c: from the remote fishing villages to their neighbouring farming villages, II-d: activity within the urban region.III: the peddling of salted and dried fish (from the remote fishing villages to the broader hinterlands).Since modern times, however, such trade forms of peddling have been largely transformed along with the changing socio-economic circumstances. For instance, first the salt-peddling disappeared through the enforcement of the salt monopoly-system. Also, the peddling areas of fresh fish expanded and the remote fishing villages were included in the distribution-networks of the cities with the development of transportation facilities.The aim of this paper is to consider the spatial pattern of such behaviour, because some past studies on peddling in Japan have been lacking in this viewpoint. For this purpose, the writer first tried to make clear the distribution and distinctions of the peddling forms all over Japan and next investigated in detail the distribution and behavioural patterns of peddling in the San'in District, Western Japan.The results are as follows:1. The peddling forms according to how the goods are carried are classified as follows; a), carrying poles with hanging bamboo baskets ("Ninaiuri"), b), bamboo baskets carried on the head ("Kaberi" or "Itadaki"), c), handcarts, d), bicycles, e), motorcycles, f), automobiles.But a) and b) disappeared about 1960; c) and d) have been used since about 1960; e) and f) since about 1965.2. The number of peddlers who can be observed today is estimated to be roughly 37, 600 persons. Among them, the number using automobiles is about 15, 500 persons.3. The peddlers, except for those using automobiles mostly distribute to the markets located at the place of seafood production and the fishing villages in the metropolitan suburbs. On the other hand, the automobile-using peddlers are mainly working in the inland and isolated regions. Furthermore, in the San'in District, the latter spread remarkably from seashore inland.4. The motives for forming a peddling group are to purchase the goods in the same place, or to use the same transportation facilities.5. Finally, the behavioural patterns of peddling are classified as follows according to the distinctions among peddling forms and purchase-place:I: peddling in the place of production, II: paddlinng in the place of consumption, A: peddling without automobiles, B: peddling with automobiles.Therefore, these combinations make four types; I-A, I-B, II-A and II-B. In the San'in District, with respect to the age structure of peddling groups, in general, A) consists mainly of an old-aged class and B) of a middle-aged class. Concerning the sex of the peddlers, females predominate in I-A. On the other hand, the number of males increases more in proportion as the types tend towards I-B, II-A and II-B. These groupings can be further divided into twelve behavioural patterns.I hope that such results gained from this case study can be applied to more general issues.

著者

野中 健一

出版者

人文地理学会

雑誌

人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.41, no.3, pp.276-290, 1989

被引用文献数

1 2

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The purpose of this paper is to investigate how people obtain and eat Vespula sp., a kind of wasp, and how such habits are distributed in Japan. A general survey based on the literature and quastionnaires given to authorities was conducted for each part of Japan, and field work was conducted by interviewing in Central Japan, where examples of this habit can be seen. Among several kinds of wasps which are eaten in Japan, especially immature Vespula have been eaten cooked in various ways. This is because people feel it more tasty than any other wasp, and they can find the nests easily, catch them without any danger and obtain large numbers of the immature wasps from one nest. This haibit is not spread all over Japan but concentrated particularly in some parts of Central Japan.The results of the survey in Central Japan are as follows: there are six kinds of foods made of Vespula, that is, raw Vespula, roasted Vespula, boiled Vespula, mixed rice maze-gohan with Vespula, sushi with Vespula and, a kind of rice cake with soy bean sauce (gohei-mochi) containing Vespula. These recipes are listed here according to increasing complexity in cooking process. People eat these foods 1) occasionally, 2) daily, or 3) daily and on special occasions. In the area where the usage of Type 1) is found, Vespula is usually roasted and eaten only occasionally. In the area of Type 2) boiled Vespula in soy sauce is eaten as a daily food and even stored in many places. It is used as a side dish for daily meals or relish for drinking. Moreover in the area of type 3) boiled Vespula can be used on special occasions such as festivals and parties. The foods which need a longer cooking process tend to be used on special occasions. The usage of type 3) is seen in eastern Mino Province (Gifu Pref.) and its surrounding regions.People obtain Vespula by hunting or purchasing. Methods of hunting are classified into four types according to ways of discovering the nests. They are: (1) discovery by chance, (2) discovery by simply running after Vespula, (3) discovery by making Vespula hold a mark and running after it, and (4) breeding after finding the nest. An assorted mix of hunting (2), (3) and (4) is adopted in eastern and southern parts of Sinano Province (Nagano Pref.) and eastern Mino Province as well as mountainous areas in Mikawa and Owari Provinces (Aichi Pref.). People who want to eat Vespula may also purchase canned Vespula or their nests with immature wasps. The former are sold as souvenirs in some cities of Shinano Province, and the latter are mainly used as raw materials for cooking in eastern Mino Province. These are regions where active hunting is also popular.Generally speaking, the intensiveness of eating and that of hunting are closely related. That is, the more positively Vespula is eaten, the more actively hunting is conducted. The kind of foods (Figure 3), their uses (Figure 4), and the hunting methods (Figure 5), show similar areal distribution. These neighbouring three regions, that is, eastern Mino, the southernmost part of Shinano and the mountainous area of Mikawa, form the core with the highest intensity. The custom becomes less pervasive in regions that are located farther from the core. This shows a kind of cultural circle with a concentric structure. This is also the core area of Vespula eating in Japan.

著者

木地 節郎

出版者

人文地理学会

雑誌

人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.2, no.4, pp.91-95, 1950

著者

米田 巖 潟山 健一

出版者

人文地理学会

雑誌

人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.43, no.6, pp.546-565, 1991

被引用文献数

2 2

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Nearly half a century has passed since Trewartha pointed out in his presidential address to the 49th annual assembly of A. A. G., that geography is fundamentally anthropocentric.Generally speaking, recent trends in geographical researches in Japan and abroad as well seem to have remained unchanged. However, something must have changed in those two decades. The main aim of this article is to evaluate some new underlying currents in recent geographical research work from a humanistic point of view. Just as D. Porteous has pointed out in his essay, the reason why geography is so dull and boring is closely connected not only to ways of explanation, but to presentation in geographical works. In most cases, human contents are lacking.Authors have tried to make clear other factors responsible for this present situation. Most of geographical research work in Japan and abroad has been so far made with special emphasis on"seeing"through eyes. Little attention has been paid to other human senses. It can be said that most geographers have tended to heavily depend on visual organs, suffering from auditory, tactile, olfactory, and taste disorder.In our minds, we instantly create images in a more configurative and unified way by using five senses at the same time. What is mostly urgently needed is how to reconstruct all the things we have sensed in geographical content. Some new underlying currents in humanistic geography seem to be deeply concerned with this hidden aspect as described above, and have come up as the emerging new geography. The 1980's has witnessed tremendous progress, leading surely to a so-called sensuous geography, which is not fully developed at the present time.D. C. Pocock, D. Porteous, Yi-Fu Tuan and A. Buttimer are preeminent among the sensuous geographers. Authors see that the holistic point of view can be basically traced back to J. G. von Herder. Along with these new currents, Michael Polanyi has also come to realize the importance of tacit knowing, from epistemological and ontological view points. In addition, A. Berque has also greatly contributed to opening up a new era in humanistic geography and paved the way to clear elucidiation of the complicated multi-dimensional structure of climate by applying a new concept, médiance.In Japan, T. Watsuji was the first to systematize the significance of human existence with special reference to climate (Fûdo). He often refers to the works of Herder, because the Herderian way of interpretation of our world should be properly treated. Authors are also contending that all the geographical observation so far made must be reviewed and reevaluated in these respects. Holism runs against reductionism.Thick description of geographical phenomenon is thus to be made. Fuller attention should be paid again to Herderian holism in this respect in order to humanize human geography.The objectivity-oriented scientific movement seems to have been believed to be true up to the present time. However, authors understand that objectivity-oriented reductionism is far from being complete in the sense that this methodology is based on one-sided observation and reasoning, neglecting the five human senses to the sacrifice of the richness of the lively world. Well balanced observation and reasoning can only be realized through close contact with the five human senses.

著者

千葉 徳爾

出版者

一般社団法人 人文地理学会

雑誌

人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.16, no.5, pp.449-462, 1964-10-20 (Released:2009-04-28)

参考文献数

19

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It is said that in the village communities of the Shima Peninsula, though they have similarity in natural conditions and historical background, their traditional folk-customs are varied in all aspects. I also had my own experience when I was a member of the research committee for folk-customs in the district. For instance, the customary abdication system of the headship of a family, found at Kou Village, in the eastern end of the Peninsula and famous in its separate type of each household, has not found its resemblance in any other place in the vicinity.I have been interested in this problem from the geographical standpoint, and here present a preliminary essay which will explain some of it. I think that the regional differences in various phases of these customs have been made in comparatively recent times, and that before that they had been alike in any village of this Peninsula, because the fragments of the ancient customs in some villages have the common features with the other Japanese folk-customs. One of the causations would be the destructions of frequent typhoons and tsunamis. The detailed explanation will be given in my future report when I get more certain data. In this introductory report, accordingly, I have explained those which have been regarded as the instances of the compultion of the community are, in fact, those of the transformation of the age class system which was characteristic of the ancient community, by seeing the following examples: the abdication system in Kou Village, the ceremonies of the contracts between formal fathers and formal sons in Matsuo Community and the system of theocratic self-government in Tategami Village Block Association.The origin of the age class system in this Peninsula is a historical problem still to be elucidated. But it may be an important geographical factor that these folk-customs passed through the Meiji Era, an age of great reforms, and was affected by the governing classes of the villages because of their remote locations.

出版者

一般社団法人 人文地理学会

雑誌

人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.52, no.2, pp.204-209, 2000-04-28 (Released:2009-04-28)

著者

丸井 博

出版者

一般社団法人 人文地理学会

雑誌

人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.25, no.2, pp.240-253, 1973-04-28 (Released:2009-04-28)

参考文献数

28

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The writer has studied the development and the present conditions of the small hydroelectric plants along the Shiba River flowing south at the foot of Mt. Fuji. The results of this study are as follows.1) There are 21 small hydroelectric plants along the Shiba River (Fig. 4), but their facilities are old and supply only a part of demand of electricity for the electric light and industrial power in this region. However, their cost of electricity production is low because the repayment of facilities has already ended. In addition, they are maintained as the urgent electricity in case of troubles of the long-distance transmission lines to this region from the hydroelectric or thermalelectric plants in other regions.2) The first hydroelectric plant along the Shiba River was the Inogashira Hydroelectric Plant built in 1910. The completion of this plant was the one step to the modern hydroelectricity production in the Shizuoka Prefecture. The reason why the hydroelectric plant was built first along the Shiba River in the Shizuoka Prefecture was that there were a lot of sites for hydroelectricity production and the developing paper and pulp industry at the southern foot of Mt. Fuji demanded much electricity.3) Four electric companies competed sharply for the production and supply of hydroelectricity along the Shiba River and the Fujisuiden Company held a dominant position. But, after all most hydroectric plants belonged to the Tokyo Electric Power Company which supplied electricity to Tokyo and amalagmated the Fujisuiden Company.4) All the hydroelectric plants along the Shiba River whose capacities are from 250 KW to 4, 000 KW are conduit type. About 70 per cent of the 590-meter water head from the highest plant to the lowest one is used for genera-tion (Fig. 5).5) The area of the Shiba River was early reclaimed as the agricultural land and at present the water rights for both irrigation and electric generation are much complicated (Fig. 8). The hydroelectric plants obtained the water rights for electric generation by paying various compensations, but the electricity production by a lot of plants decreased to a degree during the period of irrigation to the paddy fields from May to July, because irrigation rights take precedence. This kind of reduction of electricity production is far larger than the seasonal reduction (Fig. 6).

著者

杉浦 直

出版者

The Human Geographical Society of Japan

雑誌

人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.43, no.5, pp.415-438, 1991-10-28 (Released:2009-04-28)

参考文献数

77

被引用文献数

1 3

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One of the important problems in social geography is to examine the relationship between the spaces defined by institutional bases and real life spaces of people, in other words, between so-called formal regions and substantive regions. An institutional space, such as an administrative area, does not usually remain as a pure formal region, but grows to a territory with some actual involvement of people. If the institutional framework were abolished, for example, the substantive framework of regions would not likely disintegrate immediately, but would persist for a certain period of time. In Japan the division of feudal clan territories had long been fixed in the Edo Period, but it was almost entirely replaced by a new prefectural system after the Meiji Revolution. This paper attempts to examine to what degree a former clan boundary has influenced the affiliations and organizations of people and how the actual integration has proceeded since the institutional framework of feudal territory dissapeared, through a case study of a region comprised of the Oniyanagi and Aisari Districts, northeastern Japan, where a former clan boundary divided these two districts.The Oniyanagi and Aisari Districts now belong to the same incorporated municipal unit, Kitakami, Iwate Prefecture, but in the Edo Period the former belonged to the territory of the Morioka Clan (Nanbu Territory) and the latter was a part of the Sendai Clan (Date Territorry). In this study the four aspects of spatial organizations, i. e. 1) administrative areas, 2) social and cultural spaces, 3) economic spaces, and, 4) communal life spaces, and their changes from the beginning of the Meiji Period to the present are examined with special attention to the separation and integration of the above two districts, through an intensive field research. And we consider, through this research, the territoriality of a region where its institutional framework has been drastically changed.According to our research it is shown that each community of the two districts has had its own cohesiveness, to varying degrees, in each aspect of the spatial organizations through the history of the modern era (after the Meiji Revolution) of Japan. In other words the two districts discussed here have continued to show a strong feeling of territoriality even after the former feudal boundary was abolished. However, it is also true that integration of the two districts in administration as well as in educational activities were tried several times repeatedly, and cooperation and intercommunication in social and cultural lives were also often attempted, especially in recent times after Kitakami was established as a city in 1954. Namely, the opposing forces toward separation as well as integration have operated among these former border areas, and the relationship between these forces has created the essential character of the history in this region.Although it is not easy to indicate the exact factors which cause the above-mentioned phenomena, we can suggest some general notions. First, as for the conditions which have supported the separation and independence of each district, the following information can be summed up; 1) cultural differences and perception gap caused by a continuing barrier function of the former clan boundary, 2) differences in agricultural practices and irrigation systems which are closely related to the physical conditions of each district, and, 3) social secession which would be fed back to further separation in social organizations. Second, the backgrounds for the movements toward integration can be summarized by indicating following three factors; 1) geographical conditions, especially the lack of evident physical dividing lines at the border area, 2) enlargement of economic regions, especially the growing urbanization of Kitakami, and, 3) political situations, especially the formation of large administrative units such as Iwate Prefecture or the city of Kitakami.

著者

山崎 修

出版者

人文地理学会

雑誌

人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.6, no.5, pp.360-373,407, 1954

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Okino-Shima is a small island, belongs to Kochi prefecture, on the southern part of the Bungo Channel. As this island is on the border line of Kochiand Ehime prefecture, it has been being to keep the peculiar characteristics as the historical, economical and cultural point of contact between the southern power and the northern one. This is also due to the double-sided natural characteristics of the island. The southern part of the Bungo Channel on which the island lies, is the transitional area between the Pacfic and the Seto Inland Sea. Temperature is high in this area, therefore this island has the oceanic characteristics as the wild growing place of the subtropical plants.They got the abundant haul near the island, and fishing was the most important industry with agriculture. But now the main industry is agriculture with few fishing. They cannot extend their farm on the island, population comes also to the maximum. As the island is mountainious, the small terrace farm and the residential land is on the sharp slope. The most houses are low due to many starms.Historically the island was included in the market area of Uwajima before the war, but during the war it was included into that of Sukumo artificially owing to the rationing system. As the sea transportation between the island and Sukumo has been facilitated, their economic relation has been closed. But now it is going to be included into the market area of Uwajima.

著者

籠瀬 良明

出版者

一般社団法人 人文地理学会

雑誌

人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.3, no.3, pp.63-68, 1951-07-30 (Released:2009-04-28)

参考文献数

4

著者

山田 朋子

出版者

人文地理学会

雑誌

人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.55, no.5, pp.428-450, 2003

被引用文献数

2 2

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Hideaki Ishikawa was one of the most important Japanese modern city planners. He was convinced that cities had to enrich people's lives, and he wanted to establish modern city planning as a discipline. Ishikawa was well-known as a man of unique ideas and he enthusiastically studied amusement places (sakari-ba). In this paper, I focus on how he developed his ideas on amusement places and how he put them into practice in designing amusement places for rich people's enjoyment during the period of time he worked in Nagoya (1920-1933).To better understand Ishikawa's practices, I refer to H. Lefebvre's conception of recognition of space. Lefebvre's conception has three dimensions. "Representations of space": conceptualized space, the space of planners; "Space of representation": space as directly lived, the space of "inhabitants" and "users"; and, "Spatial practice": creation of space by the interaction of the other two dimensions. From this, therefore, city planning would be regarded as "representations of space", while amusement places in which people enjoyed their lives would be regarded as "space of representation." "Space of representation" has the possibility of creating a new movement of thought to counter the control of space by city planning.Ishikawa always criticized Japanese city planning as being just a plan for land use which did not significantly consider people's lives. So he searched for a way to create a city planning for the people. He wrote a series of thirty-four articles on "The story of a Local City" in the magazine, Creation of the City (Toshi Sousaku). He explained his vision of the modern city and about how city planning should be conducted. Ishikawa was gradually able to create his own theory of amusement places in his planning.The following four keywords characterize his modern city planning in his serial writing. The keywords are: "city planning for the night", "small city doctrine", "a bustling and lively square", and "hometown city". The first one, "city planning for the night", was an idea to restore the functional role of the night. Ishikawa thought that many planners made a plan for the "industrious time" when people worked during the daytime, but, at night, people were set free from their labors and relaxed. Ishikawa changed this idea and reorganized a plan for people to enjoy their leisure time at night. He paid attention to street lighting, especially lighting for buildings, the layout of amusement facilities, and so on.The next idea is "small city doctrine". Ishikawa rejected the big city. He insisted that an ideal city should be within the scale where people could feel intimacy among neighbors. Though a city may be big, each town in a city should have a center which would be a psychological anchor for people, which should be combined organically, and in which the center should be a lively square.The next idea is "bustling and lively square". Ishikawa recognized that people tend to gather in a square to look for closeness with one another, and also a square should offer people some way to satisfy their desires. Thus, he noted the importance of shopping and regarded shopping malls as "an casting vote". He therefore combined squares with shopping malls.The last keyword is "hometown city". Ishikawa recognized the importance of the square in Western cities, but stressed that Japanese city planning should not blindly imitate Western cities without considering the character of each city. Ishikawa thus decided to transform the Western square into an amusement place (sakari-ba in Japanese) where people could enjoy flowing down the street.

出版者

一般社団法人 人文地理学会

雑誌

人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.21, no.5, pp.534-541, 1969-10-28 (Released:2009-04-28)