著者

金田 章裕

出版者

The Human Geographical Society of Japan

雑誌

人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.34, no.3, pp.193-214, 1982-06-28 (Released:2009-04-28)

参考文献数

70

被引用文献数

1 1

---

1. The Jori Grid Pattern System is characterized by an interval network of paths and ditches, which divide a given area into units measuring approximately 109m square. By the middle of the 8th Century the system consisted of such a grid pattern, with the arable land in each section divided into regular allotments. About the middle of the 8th Century a new system was introduced, by which the entire Jori System was organized into “Jo”, “Ri” and “Tsubo”. The “Tsubo” was the smallest section of the square, consisting of approximately 1.2 hectares, the “Ri” comprised 36 “Tsubo”, or approximately 654m square, and the “Jo” was a liniar arrangement of “Ri”, whose exact organization varied according to region.In some provinces, such as Settsu, Sanuki and Awa, historical evidence shows that the system of land unit indication followed three stages, as follows: 1) according to former small place names 2) according to the Jori Numbering System with place names attached to it 3) according to the Jori Numbering System onlyA number of historical materials show the process from 2) to 3) in Yamato, Yamashiro, Iga, Ohmi and Echizen provinces in accordance with the fixation of the Jori Numbering System. However this Jori Indication System was not introduced at a time. In Yamashiro province, this system was introduced by 743, but in Sanuki, it came after 757 and before 763, and in Settsu, after 756 and before 767.2. The former type of small place name was divided or changed to fit with the Jori Grid Pattern in stage 1) or 2). This process is shown for Kuso-oki region, Echizen Province in the 8th century (Fig.7). Some of former types of small place names, which were quite extensive (See Fig.7 Left), were divided and changed (See Fig.7 Right) in accordance with increase in arable land.However all of the former types of small place names were not divided in the 8th century. In the Kinki District (near the Capital of Ancient Japan), the greater part of those place names already fit the Jori grid pattern, as shown in Fig.6, but others fit only partially, as shown in Fig.5.In the case of Echizen province, not so far from the capital, those place names partly fitted or were in the process of such adaptation as above mentioned. In the case of Etchu province, far from the capital, such place names were not divided as shown in Fig.8. In the last case, the Jori Indication System was established at once, but the enforcement of the Jori Grid Pattern was probably incomplete, and the Jori Indication System does not seem to have been fixed perfectly.3. After the enforcement of the Jori Grid Pattern and the fixation of the Jori Indication System, the latter began to deteriorate. An early sign of this process was found in the 10th century. In medieval times the small place name began to be used side by side with the Jori Indication System. Almost all these new small place names designated the smallest section of the Jori Grid Pattern. By the end of the Medieval Period, this small place name system became generalized even on the Jori Grid Pattern.4. The plan of the Jori Grid Pattern was completed in the middle of the 8th century, with the introduction of the Jori Indication System. This plan undoubtedly was connected with Handenshuju, one of the important policies of the ancient “Ritsuryo” period, but “Ritsuryo” was established by 701 at the latest. Accordingly, the plan of the Jori Grid Pattern, especially the Jori Indication System, was not peculiar only to “Ritsuryo”. It was necessary for registry affairs rather than for Handenshuju itself. Since the 8th century, the bureaucratic procedures for distinction between private lands and government owned lands became very important, in accordance with the increase of private land.

出版者

一般社団法人 人文地理学会

雑誌

人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.69, no.3, pp.303-371, 2017 (Released:2017-10-20)

著者

山崎 修

出版者

The Human Geographical Society of Japan

雑誌

人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.4, no.6, pp.476-490,544, 1953-02-28 (Released:2009-04-30)

参考文献数

4

被引用文献数

1

---

Twice crops of rice a year appeared in the middle of the Edo era owing to the favorable climatic condition to make for the staple food. But a period of decadence set in the end of Edo era and early in the Meiji due to the poor cultivation and the difficulty of the gradeimprovement. Since the middle of Meiji at the first crop the Kinugasa-wasa had been planted from the end of March to the end of July and at the second crop the Hayakawa shu had deen planted from early in August to early in Novemder. And from early in Taisho the management has been kept eqilibrium. Those days the twice crops a year was cultivated on the seashore plains but early in Showa it has been limited to the Kochi-Aki Plain, due to labor problem.For the twice crops of rice a year the climatic condition is essetial. It can be cultivated by utilization of the possible-climate, optimatic climate and the sunshiny-hour for grow and distribution of the Typhoon. The latter is the direct motive especially. Topography is the second condition. In Kochi Prefecture the rice-farm is scanty due to the mountainious topography, so the intesity of the rice-farm is very high. This geve impitus to appearance of the twice crops of rice a year. But the grade is low, and the fertilizer and the lador are much required. So there is a tendenoy that the second crop has changed in to the realization crop. The agricultural management of the twice crops of rice a year is changing its areal character. The growing area was most large and the crop was high in 7-8th of Showa.

著者

花木 宏直

出版者

一般社団法人 人文地理学会

雑誌

人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.72, no.3, pp.291-294, 2020

著者

小野 三正

出版者

一般社団法人 人文地理学会

雑誌

人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.8, no.2, pp.104-117,160, 1956

被引用文献数

1 1

---

The quick-mastery map, the scale of which was one to twenty thousand, was completed in seven years from 1880 A.D. (13 of Meiji) to 1886 A.D. (19 of Meiji).<br>Its surveying areas get to 176km from east to west, and 180km from south to west, centering around Tokyo Prefecture and 15, 511 square miles in its surveying areas, and is completed in 235 maps.<br>In this surveyworks, the numbers, of the army survey department of the general stuff office completed lots of topographical maps which is so detailed that there was no precedent for it, after making a survey of comparatively extensive regions by using the new western surveying instruments in a short time.<br>It is uncommon that they adopted the French system in a diagram of the the topographical map, and used two kinds of map sizes in a ream of map.<br>Anyhow, a group of these maps was achieved five years ago, and was the first successiful attempt in our country.<br>The temporary surveymap like the former was completed by the hand of army survey department in general stuff office, for six years from 1884 A.D. (22nd of Meiji). The surveying regions are through out the Metoropolitan District, centreing around Osaka, and get to 91km from east to west, and 110km from south to north, and also 4, 668 square miles in araea, they made 92 surveymaps in all. It is similar to the former that the longitude and latitude of the map are 6' and 4' each, and this survey map, too, does not adopt the result of the triangular serveying.<br>They apparently adopt the German system in the diagram of this topographical map, so that we can find out the gravity and toughness of the latter in contrast with the softness of the former, in the topographical description and the form of expression.<br>And also these topographical maps were the first significant ones having campleted about 70 years ago for all over the Metropolitan District.

著者

河地 貫一

出版者

一般社団法人 人文地理学会

雑誌

人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.13, no.1, pp.16-33,94, 1961

---

1) The manufacturing industries in Nagasaki are forming a seaside-industrial area standing for an exclusive accumulation, in a limited area which is closely related with labour and production. This geographical fact in a spatially-occupied area shows the economic structure of industry, as described in the following 2), 3), and 4).<br>2) Nagasaki is a mono-industrial city, in which the production of a metal-machine industry accounts for over 80% of all industrial productions.<br>3) The main metal-machine industry is ship-building of all-round assembly ndustries, and nearly all of them are carried on by correlated enterprises or subcontracted enterprises.<br>4) A colossal monopolistic enterprise, named &ldquo;Mitsubishi&rdquo;, is responsible for over 90% of all productions of the metal-machine industries, and over 80% of all manufacturing industries. This is a regional characteristic of Nagasaki depending upon authority, of course, though these structures are observed in Japanese economics as a general tendency.<br>5) A specially fixed area as described in 1) is the old Fuchi Mura village, portion of Nagasaki City, which was incorporated with Nagasaki at the time of the expansion of the first municipal area, in the 31st year of the Meiji era: 1898. This area had already become an industrial area, at the time when the Mitsubishi ship-building yard and its correlated industries were located.<br>6) As this area was incorporated with Nagasaki City, the port of Nagasaki, which was once a luxury-consuming city, began to show to signs of being newly reconverted to an industrial city in many sections. It was, so to speak, a spatial proclamation.<br>7) The center of the present industrial area in the city is a district belonging to the old Fuchi Mura village, a portion of Nagasaki, just as it was. This indicates that only an exclusive accumulation by regional groups was set forward, not carrying out spatial expansion from the 31st year of the Meiji era: 1898, and later, notwithstanding the industrial extensive growth of Nagasaki after that.<br>8) The industries of Nagasaki have been growing together with the Mitsubishi ship-building yard, and the correlated industries&hellip;&hellip;especially the metal-machine industry, located in the interior of the ship-building yard or in the neighborhood. As other industries in this area repeated the rise and fall of prosperity in proportion to Japanese capitalism, there was no formation of an extensive industrial area with mentioning in this area.<br>9) The industry did not expand spatially, the geographical facts setting forward the exclusive accumulation to the old Fuchi Mura village are nothing else but having a spatially-represented, historical process of which the interior structure of industries shows extreme patterns, as described in 2), 3), and 4).

著者

吉本 昌弘

出版者

The Human Geographical Society of Japan

雑誌

人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.33, no.4, pp.363-376, 1981-08-28 (Released:2009-04-28)

参考文献数

45

著者

辻 稜三

出版者

The Human Geographical Society of Japan

雑誌

人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.45, no.2, pp.178-191, 1993-04-28 (Released:2009-04-28)

参考文献数

57

被引用文献数

4 3

著者

香川 貴志

出版者

一般社団法人 人文地理学会

雑誌

人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.67, no.3, pp.269-270, 2015 (Released:2018-01-30)

著者

森 正人 Mori Masato

出版者

人文地理学会

雑誌

人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.61, no.1, pp.1-22[含 英語文要旨], 2009

---

This article traces some trajectories of social and cultural geography since the end of the 1980s to the early 2000s and attempts to explain how the geography of materiality has become a matter in current Anglophone geography, especially in the United Kingdom. Although the new cultural geography of Japan redefines social and cultural geography and focuses on discursive practices and representations, in Japan there is low awareness of discussions on post-humanism, which is a topic in Anglophone geography. Anglophone geography consists of topics such as materiality, performativity, complexity theory, and actor-network theory. There is no paper in the Japanese or English literature in Japan that discusses such topics. Hence, this article attempts to establish a framework to facilitate the discussion of topics such as those mentioned above. To begin with, the process of development of the new cultural geography is detailed in order to review the questions raised towards the end of the 1980s on both sides of the Atlantic. The new social and cultural geography has progressed beyond the conventional understanding of culture, which is sustained by traditional cultural geography, stressing the complex relation between culture, economy and politics, and has also served to underline the crisis in geographical representations associated with anthropological discussions. In this consideration, moral geography, which forms webs of ideologies through space, place, and landscape, is examined. There have been criticisms of the new cultural geography, of which a problem of reification of the idea of culture is noted here. However, the controversy around this criticism seemingly still retains a problem of metaphysics, and rigidly assumes the existence of 'subject' and 'object'. Phil Crang's paper that intends to combine the cultural aspect with economic geography implies the idea of culture and economy as something performed. It states that there is no linearity or predetermined harmony among cultural, economic and political practices. This point of view was amplified in some lines of discussions in the late 1990s. Second, theoretical frameworks for performativity, hybridity, ethics, non-representational theory, complexity theory, and actor-network theory are outlined in this essay. The power of things, women, nature, etc. that have been objectified is included as these discussions revolve around the issue of western metaphysics which continually attempts to establish a rigid division between the subject and the object. The distinction has been always/already mediated by the corporeal. The traces left by the corporeal or things reveals the impossibility of the execution of the project of western metaphysics. Ethics are centered, instead of moral geography, to grasp the entanglement of humans and non-humans. Third, criticism of the material turn that occurred at the end of the 1990s is studied. The discussion on materiality became a critical vehicle to overcome the weakness of verbal analysis. Mike Crang's papers on heritage show that materiality emerges in various practices and affects people's memories. Materiality is not only an issue of matter. Subsequently, there is reference to a controversy between Daniel Miller, who influenced the material turn in geography, and Michel Callon, who proposed the actor-network theory. It demonstrates how Miller is captured by the classic Hegelian/Marxist concept: Miller assumes the linearity of ideology in a market and the predominance of the subject over the object. It is, therefore understandable that some geographers were accused of continuing to retain Hegelian beliefs, i.e., the belief that there is a binary relation between subject/object, spirit/thing, and human/nature. Finally, the concept of post-humanism that summarizes the bundle of discussions mentioned before, and an ontological understanding of existence (e.g., in geography, space, place, landscape, etc.) are explained. An understanding these topics leads to a grasp of current topics such as affect, complexity, a 'more-than-human world', liquidity, and care.

著者

河地 貫一

出版者

The Human Geographical Society of Japan

雑誌

人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.13, no.1, pp.16-33,94, 1961-02-28 (Released:2009-04-28)

参考文献数

31

---

1) The manufacturing industries in Nagasaki are forming a seaside-industrial area standing for an exclusive accumulation, in a limited area which is closely related with labour and production. This geographical fact in a spatially-occupied area shows the economic structure of industry, as described in the following 2), 3), and 4).2) Nagasaki is a mono-industrial city, in which the production of a metal-machine industry accounts for over 80% of all industrial productions.3) The main metal-machine industry is ship-building of all-round assembly ndustries, and nearly all of them are carried on by correlated enterprises or subcontracted enterprises.4) A colossal monopolistic enterprise, named “Mitsubishi”, is responsible for over 90% of all productions of the metal-machine industries, and over 80% of all manufacturing industries. This is a regional characteristic of Nagasaki depending upon authority, of course, though these structures are observed in Japanese economics as a general tendency.5) A specially fixed area as described in 1) is the old Fuchi Mura village, portion of Nagasaki City, which was incorporated with Nagasaki at the time of the expansion of the first municipal area, in the 31st year of the Meiji era: 1898. This area had already become an industrial area, at the time when the Mitsubishi ship-building yard and its correlated industries were located.6) As this area was incorporated with Nagasaki City, the port of Nagasaki, which was once a luxury-consuming city, began to show to signs of being newly reconverted to an industrial city in many sections. It was, so to speak, a spatial proclamation.7) The center of the present industrial area in the city is a district belonging to the old Fuchi Mura village, a portion of Nagasaki, just as it was. This indicates that only an exclusive accumulation by regional groups was set forward, not carrying out spatial expansion from the 31st year of the Meiji era: 1898, and later, notwithstanding the industrial extensive growth of Nagasaki after that.8) The industries of Nagasaki have been growing together with the Mitsubishi ship-building yard, and the correlated industries……especially the metal-machine industry, located in the interior of the ship-building yard or in the neighborhood. As other industries in this area repeated the rise and fall of prosperity in proportion to Japanese capitalism, there was no formation of an extensive industrial area with mentioning in this area.9) The industry did not expand spatially, the geographical facts setting forward the exclusive accumulation to the old Fuchi Mura village are nothing else but having a spatially-represented, historical process of which the interior structure of industries shows extreme patterns, as described in 2), 3), and 4).

著者

杉山 和明

出版者

一般社団法人 人文地理学会

雑誌

人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.55, no.1, pp.26-42, 2003

被引用文献数

1 1

---

Since the late 1980s, the epistemology of cultural politics that derives from British cultural studies and contemporary critical social theories-referred to as the 'the cultural turn in social sciences and humanities'-has been taken seriously in Anglophone human geography. The purpose of this paper is to investigate the recent progression in youth studies, especially after the deep impact of the cultural turn in Anglophone human geography, and how to apply it in the Japanese context.<br>The author will present four themes concerning geographies of youth: (1) Youth, cultural politics and positionality, (2) home, school and regional community around youth, (3) the progression from production to consumption society and youth in urban spaces and (4) problematizing youth and privatization of public spaces, all of which focus on cultural politics intertwined among various times and spaces.<br>Presenting various research points, the author will identify three significant theoretical aspects in which the geographies of youth mainly rely: the question of the social construction of subjects, the cultural politics of place and identity, and the ethics behind subject positions. The author insists that Japanese human geographers should consider these issues, despite the difficulties involved in their direct introduction into Japanese empirical studies and, that, furthermore, this is necessary in order to explore research practices regarding the studies of youth in the future.

著者

礒永 和貴

出版者

The Human Geographical Society of Japan

雑誌

人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.48, no.6, pp.596-611, 1996-12-28 (Released:2009-04-28)

参考文献数

35

著者

林 泰正

出版者

一般社団法人 人文地理学会

雑誌

人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.66, no.2, pp.138-147, 2014 (Released:2018-01-27)

参考文献数

26

被引用文献数

1

---

This study examines how land use and ownership changed during the construction of a light railway and changed again after its abandonment. The author analyzes the case of the former Tono Railway running through the old Kani district of Gifu Prefecture between 1918 and 1928.The results are summarized as follows: First, in terms of land use, most of the vacant land in the southern segment of the railway right-of-way remained in a state of wilderness after the abandonment of the railway, while the northern part showed a tendency to be transformed back to fields immediately. This difference can be explained by the fact that the land in the northern area was estimated to be more valuable than that in the southern area during this period.Second, from the viewpoint of land ownership, the promoters of the Tono Railway and various influential people had owned the southern part of the railway right-of-way before its construction. This railway land was bought back by the original landowners after the abandonment of the railway. However, the northern segment of the railway land that had belonged to many local people before the opening of the railway later came to be owned by people adjacent to the railway right-of-way.Through careful examination, it was learned that the dismantling of the southern segment of the railway was delayed in comparison with the northern segment. It is possible that the results of this study may help in understanding differences in land use and land values between large and small-scale land owners.

著者

溝口 常俊

出版者

一般社団法人 人文地理学会

雑誌

人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.71, no.2, pp.194-195, 2019 (Released:2019-07-13)

著者

松井 武敏

出版者

The Human Geographical Society of Japan

雑誌

人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.4, no.3, pp.175-183,279, 1952-07-30 (Released:2009-04-28)

参考文献数

28

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(1) In order to clarify the nature of geography, it is necessary (a) to interpret it epistemologically, or methodologically, (b) to expound it from the standpoint of historical development, and (c) to examine it on the basis of real studies. The present essay deals with the nature of geography mainly from the first point of View above mentioned.(2) Science can be classified in to abstract and concrete sciences. Concrete science is further divided into sciences of time and space. Geography is a science of space which belongs to the category of conrete science. The Character of geography lies in the investigation and studying of the structure of a region in the concrete.(3) A region is a unity that is realized on the surface of the earth with which different phenomena are associated. It is a collective object having its own structure and exists in a different dimension from each seprate phenomenon. It forms an object of study peculiar to geography.(4) “To investigate the structure of region means to understand a region not as a simply united whole but as a compound whole made up of elements, and to grasp mechanism of such a make-up. What is characterisitc of geography in the most recent times is that the structure of a region is made clear functionally and the mutual relations of elements composing the whole are grasped in a numerical manner. In the understanding of the structure of a region, the most important subject of study is a correlation between nature and cultural phenomena. The ascertaining of how the component elements are distributed will prove essential in such a study.(5) By studying the structure of a region in the concrete is meant not only that a region is grasped mechanistically on basis of real facts but that a structure which is not be thoroughly understood in such a manner is clarified concretely. In this study the historical consideration plays an important role.

著者

田中 和子

出版者

学術雑誌目次速報データベース由来

雑誌

人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.48, no.4, pp.321-340, 1996

被引用文献数

2

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Friedrich Ratzel wrote several papers (1878, 1879, 1895b, and 1895c) and book reviews (1881, 1887, 1894, 1895a, and 1897) relating to Japan, and during 1889-1902 at Reipzig University, he gave four lectures on the world outside Europe, including Japan (Fig. 1.). His notes (manuscripts and materials) for those lectures, which are listed in Tab. 1. A and B, have been preserved in the Archives of Geography, Institute of Regional Studies (Geographische Zentralbibliothek/Archiv f&uuml;r Geographie, Instit&uuml;t f&uuml;r L&auml;nderkunde), Leipzig.<br>The examination of his writings revealed Ratzel's discourse on Japan, which has never been investigated by geographers, in connection with his extensive geographical work. This paper makes it clear that:<br>A) Ratzel was interested in Japan and maintained study and a material collection throughout his academic career (Tab. 2).<br>B) At the watershed of 1895 when Japan won the Sino-Japanese War, his negative evaluation of Japan turned to a positive one. Parallel with this change, his research-focus in Japan itself was transferred, that is, his ethnographical and anthropological study shifted to the political geography of Japan as an island empire.<br>C) In his writings before 1895, he pointed out that 1) the physical and mental features of the residents of the Japanese Islands were inferior to those of Europeans, 2)the strange social class system, which, essentially, the Meiji Restoration did not alter at all, and 3) the mysterious pluralistic jurisdiction among East Asian countries, which could easily cause a political dispute. Ratzel's sense of values with reference to European culture and his contempt for an uncivilized race in East Asia were obvious.<br>D) With Japan's defeat of China, Ratzel realized the characteristics of a land of islands and a marine nation, which were common to England. After revisions and rearrangement (Tab. 3.), his discussion of the political geography of islands (1895c) was publishedas the chapter of &lsquo;Islands (Inseln)&rsquo; in &ldquo;<i>Politische Geographie</i>&rdquo; (1897). Ratzel expected that Japan would follow the achievements of England in the near future. The most important reason why he changed his evaluation was that Japanese could master Western culture, technology, and social and political systems within a short term.<br>E) According to Ratzel, because the Japanese were a marine nation with high learning-ability and followed Europe, they succeeded in the reexpansion of marine transport over the ocean, and exceeded thier neighbors China and Korea-China used to be accompanied by Japan and Korea respectively, in culture as well as politics.<br>F) Ratzel's continuing study of Japan could be a synthetic chorography, which describes and explains a peculiar combination between a land of islands in the Pacific Ocean and a marine nation with high learning-ability. The possiblity that he preparedthe publication of &ldquo;<i>Japan</i>&rdquo; can not be denied.

著者

川合 泰代

出版者

一般社団法人 人文地理学会

雑誌

人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.58, no.2, pp.181-196, 2006

被引用文献数

1

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<p>The aim of this paper is to study and explain the symbolism of the <i>Shun'nichi</i> in terms of the religious organization, <i>Shun'nichi-kou</i>, in <i>Machi</i> of Nara in the Edo period (1603-1867). The present work is based upon two sources: the first is a sacred map, <i>Mandala</i> of <i>Shun'nichi</i>, which represents a holy place, <i>Mikasa</i> mountain; the second is a ritual conducted by <i>Shun'nichi-kou</i> using the sacred map. This study belongs to the field of cultural geography which incorporates humanistic geography.</p><p><i>Shun'nichi</i> was a sort of unified religion which combined people's faith regarding four different elements: <i>Kohfukuji</i>-temple, <i>Kasuga-Wakamiya</i>-shrine, <i>Kasuga</i>-shrine, and <i>Mikasa</i> mountain. The religion lasted from the Middle Ages to the Edo period in Japan. <i>Shun'nichi</i> was the most powerful organization in Nara in that era.</p><p><i>Mandala</i> of <i>Shun'nichi</i> usually depicts <i>Mikasa</i> mountain in bright green on which many pine trees and Japanese cedars grow. One type of <i>Mandala</i> of <i>Shun'nichi</i> describes <i>Mikasa</i> mountain together with <i>Kasuga</i>-shrine, <i>Kasuga-Wakamiya</i>-shrine, and a part of <i>Kohfukuji</i>-temple; therefore, it looks like a map. Another type of <i>Mandala</i> of <i>Shun'nichi</i> represents a deer as well as <i>Mikasa</i> mountain. All types of <i>Mandala</i> of <i>Shun'nichi</i> show one common belief: as long as the leaves of the trees on <i>Mikasa</i> mountain are bright green, the Gods stay on the sacred mountain. Most of these pictures were described on scrolls.</p><p><i>Shun'nichi-kou</i> in <i>Machi</i> was held on January 21 or another day. <i>Mandala</i> of <i>Shun'nichi</i> was set up on <i>Tokonoma</i> at a member's house (<i>Touya</i>) or a meeting place of <i>Machi</i> (<i>Kaisyo</i>). <i>Tokonoma</i> with <i>Mandala</i> of <i>Shun'nichi</i> was decorated with leaves of evergreen trees such as a Japanese cedar or a pine tree; moreover, rice, sake, and other items were also dedicated. Then they went to the <i>Kasuga-Wakamiya</i>-shrine to dedicate their performance of a special dance known as <i>Kagura</i>.</p><p>Based upon those sources, this paper concludes that the symbolism of <i>Shun'nichi</i> of <i>Shun'nichi-kou</i> was a sacred landscape. The holy place was <i>Mikasa</i> mountain. As long as the leaves of the trees on the mountain were bright green, it was believed that the Gods were present. <i>Kasuga-Wakamiya</i>-shrine, <i>Kasuga</i>-shrine, and a part of <i>Kohfukuji</i>-temple were also often included as a part of the sacred landscape.</p><p>When the Meiji period began, <i>Shun'nichi</i> was banned by the government. After <i>Shun'nichi</i> disappeared, members of <i>Shun'nichi-kou</i> could no longer believe in the sacred landscape.</p>

著者

藤井 正

出版者

The Human Geographical Society of Japan

雑誌

人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.42, no.6, pp.522-544, 1990-12-28 (Released:2009-04-28)

参考文献数

152

被引用文献数

20 12

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Recently there have been many studies about the structural change of the metropolitan area. The first approach to the theme was that from the view of counterurbanization in the United States. But in this study the districts which showed the highest rate of population growth were not remote rural areas but the nonmetropolitan areas adjacent to SMSAs. Then P. Gorden (1979) or P. Hall & D. Hay (1980) disputed that the counterurbanization could be explained in terms of the suburbanization. They found a problem with the structure of metropolitan areas in the study of national scale migration named ‘counterurbanization’.In the four stages of urban development, which Klaassen et al. (1979, 1980) showed, the critical point between the second stage, suburbanization, and the third new stage, desurbanization, was whether the population of the whole metropolitan area increases or decreases. It was the same condition as counterurbanization. When the most rapidly growing district of population then is an adjacent district to the metropolitan area, we can no longer grasp the urban growth within the framework of the metropolitan area. This population decreasing process of the whole metropolitan area is first explained by K. O'Conner (1980) and Y. Taguti (1981) as follows: The new urbanizing zone adjacent to the metropolitan area, exurb, in which more commuters work in the suburbs, does not belong to the metropolitan area defined as a commuting area to the central city. Then, if the population of the adjacent districts increases, the metropolitan area does not expand there as before.The structural change of the metropolitan area has also been analyzed in terms of the suburbanization of economic activities of the central city as by Muller, et al. In this point of view the population suburbanizes first, then manufacturing and retail activities of daily food necessities. In the third stage, large shopping centers are constructed in the suburbs and offices gravitate to them. However the question is the suburbanization of the decision making sector in offices. If that sector remains in the CBD as P. W. Daniels (1974) shows, the regional structure of economic activities in the metropolitan area never change. Economically it is the nodal region which has an apparent node CBD. But in terms of daily behavior of the people, not many people need to go to the CBD or central city frequently. It is an other region than an economic nodal region. Strictly speaking the metropolitan area now is the daily behavior area defined by commuting or shopping to the central city. It is the daily behavior in the area of the central city and around it that is changing now not only in the U. S., but in Japan and European countries.In Japan we don't yet find a decrease of metropolitan area population. However the suburbanization of the central city activities are of course under way just as R. A. Erickson (1983) and A. Kellerman (1985) have shown for the metropolitan areas in the United States of the 1950's. In the 1960's city centers rapidly declined in America though we can't conclude whether they are in an advanced stage of urban development or in circumstances peculiar to the metropolitan areas of the United Sates. But the suburbanization of employment now in Japan makes the commuting rate to the central city decrease and it means that factors are increasing which cannot be explained within the framework of the metropolitan area. We need a new framework which can explain those factors.We can cite two types given by E.J. Taaffe (1963) about the new structure of the region in order to understand the metropolitan area hitherto. One type is the ‘concentration of the peripheral laborsheds’ and the other is the ‘dispersion’ of these.

出版者

一般社団法人 人文地理学会

雑誌

人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.59, no.3, pp.288-290, 2007 (Released:2018-01-06)