著者

島本 多敬

出版者

一般社団法人 人文地理学会

雑誌

人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.71, no.1, pp.7-28, 2019 (Released:2019-04-23)

参考文献数

60

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本稿は,19世紀中期以前,近世の本屋仲間(書肆の同業組合)の活動期に出版された災害図を取り上げ,災害図の出版・改訂に影響を与えていた書肆の版権と出版活動について検討したものである。享和2年(1802)7月の淀川水害の後に大坂で出版された「摂河水損村々改正図」系統の水害図は,諸本を書誌学的に検討した結果,3つの版が存在していたことが判明した。大坂本屋仲間記録の記述によれば,この3つの版は,本屋仲間非構成員によって非公式に2つの版が出版された後,本屋仲間に所属する書肆が板木を買収し,4軒の書肆の連名で改めて公式に出版されることによって成立した。同図の板元は大坂町奉行所の御用絵師の名前を図中に示して,情報の信頼性を謳っていたとみられる。また,4書肆のうちの1軒は,本屋仲間に所属していない板元による水害図の出版を,自店の出版大坂図・河川図に対する版権侵害を理由に差し止めていた。同図の検討結果から,19世紀初頭当時の本屋仲間所属書肆は,自店の地図・地理書と関連付けた商業的な論理のもと,本屋仲間に所属しない板元による災害情報の出版をコントロールし,より詳細で「正確」な災害情報の出版を志向していたと評価される。

著者

島津 俊之

出版者

The Human Geographical Society of Japan

雑誌

人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.38, no.6, pp.544-560, 1986-12-28 (Released:2009-04-28)

参考文献数

75

被引用文献数

1

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In der Siedlungsforschung in der Geographie Japans ist die Betrachtung der räumlichen Seite der die Ortschaft bildenden Sozialgruppen eins der Fächer, für die sich Forscher bisher interessiert haben. In diesem Bericht nennt der Verfasser die räumliche, hierarchische Anordnungsform der Sozialgruppen in der ganzen Ortschaft die räumliche Sozialstruktur der Ortschaft und macht sich die Erfassung der räumlichen Sozialstruktur und ihrer Verwandlung im Zenjoji-Dorf in der Kyoto-Präfektur zur Aufgabe.Anschaulich sind die kleine Ortschaft, das Dozokushudan (die Gruppe der Verwandtshaft), das Miyaza (die Gruppe mit einem Vorrecht für die Feier des Gottes) und das Kinringumi (die kleinste örtliche Gruppe) als die das Zenjoji-Dorf bildenden Sozialgruppen gefunden worden. Der Verfasser hat die Zeit von 1705 bis 1984 in vier Zeitabschnitte geteilt und die räumliche Sozialstruktur am Ende jeden Zeitabschnittes und ihren Verwandlungsprozeß geklärt (Abb. 8). Die Ergebnisse werden folgenderweise zusammengefaßt:(1) Der erste Zeitabschnitt (von 1705 bis 1845)Das Zenjoji-Dorf teilte sich in zwei kleine Ortschaften (Kamimura und Shimomura) und darin wurde ein Dualsystem entdeckt. Kamimura setzte sich aus etwa sechs Kinringumis (Goningumis) zusammen und Shimomura aus etwa acht Goningumis. Es gab je drei Miyazas in Kamimura und Shimomura, und in Kamimura wurden zwei Dozokushudans gefunden und in Shimomura vier Dozokushudans. Das Tempelchen des Sainokamis, das ein Grenzgott ist, lag am Punkt der Grenze zwischen Kamimura und Shimomura.(2) Der zweite Zeitabschnitt (nach 1845 bis vor 1906)Beide, Kamimura und Shimomura, verloren das Ujigami (der die Gemeinschaft vereinigende Gott), und jede von beiden Vereinigungen wurde schwach. Das Goningumi wurde neu ins Eiseigumi umgruppiert. Daher kam es, daß sich Kamimura aus vier Eiseigumi zusammensetzte und Shimomura aus sechs Eiseigumis. Die Vereinigung des Dozokushudans wurde schwach. Das Sainokami erlosch, und daher kam es, daß der Ort, an dem das Tempelchen lag, Sainokami genannt wird.(3) Der dritte Zeitabschnitt (von 1906 bis vor 1945)Kamimura und Shimomura als Sozialgruppen hörten auf zu existieren, und daher kam es, daß die beiden Räume, an denen Kamimura und Shimomura lagen, Kamide und Shimode genannt werden. Sainokami verlor die Funktion der Grenze, und neu war, daß der Seradani-Fluß als die Grenzlinie zwischen Kamide und Shimode erkannt wird. Das Dozokushudan erlosch. Das Eiseigumi wurde ins Tonarigumi umgruppiert, und daher kam es, daß je fünf Tonarigumis in Kamide und Shimode verteilt werden.(4) Der vierte Zeitabschnitt (von 1945 bis 1984)Das Miyaza verlor das Vorrecht für die Feier des Ujigamis, und seine Vereinigung wurde schwach. Dagegen verstärkte sich die Vereinigung des Tonarigumis. Darauf wurde die Vereinigung des Zenjoji-Dorfs relativ schwach.

著者

金坂 清則

出版者

一般社団法人 人文地理学会

雑誌

人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.27, no.3, pp.252-295, 1975

被引用文献数

1 1

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Many studies have been published to deal with Japan's urban growth which began at the Meiji era, but there seems to be very few works which focus its examination on the urban functions and city and region relationship on a meso-scale, and have a scope to develop into macro-scale study of the whole region. Since a regon exists as a part of the whole, attention to such a direction will be urgently needed.<br>The writer intends to explain a historical change in the city and region structure in the Niigata Plain-the country's second largest plain-and its surroundings for the period of about seventy years since the early Meiji era. To this end the processes of forming the Ura Nippon Region must be unraveled dynamically and regionally, and location and the sphere of influence of urban functions, which may be classified into four categories-administrative, cultural, economic and transportational, are examined in relation to city size and distribution of cities. Parts of the results obtained are summarised as follows.<br>1. In 1879 there were thirty-three cities and towns in the objective region, and thirty-four in 1935. Cities in 1879 are classified into three, ie. a city in Class I, four in Class II, and twenty-eight in Class III (See Figure 1).<br>2. The four cities in Classes I and II were separated each other by 30 to 40 kilometres, and the distances between Class III cities were around 6 to 9 kilometres, the intervals being quite uniform. The outline of this structure had already been formed by the middle of the eighteenth century. Since that time most of those cities have had periodical fairs, and half of them were nuclei of textile and hardware industries which had been located at the rural settlements around them (See Figures 1 and 2).<br>3. On this foundation the administrative and cultural institutions such as government offices and schools began to be located corresponding to city size at the early years of Meiji. At the same time economic activities, especially of modern manufacturing industies which tend to be unevenly distributed, began to be accumulated around those cities. The framework of established orders among cities was therefore not broken down but was solidified more as the time passed.<br>4. Consequently larger cities genarally developed more in proportion to their scale. If the Zipf's rule is applied, the three largest cities had smaller scale than the rule's ideal value, and Class III cities larger than the same in 1887, and the case was reversed in 1935. As a result the difference in the scale of the largest and the smallest cities increased by 2.7 times during the period. This was also the process when the order among cities became rank-sized (Table 11).<br>5. After the middle of the Meiji era the objective region was gradually subordinate to Tokyo, and formed into a part of the Ura Nippon Region. The trend was definitely fixed at the mid-Taisho years. The cities developed only slowly in this region, and their influence over the countryside remained weak. Therefore the countryside began to be controlled by the cities outside this region and by the outer realm. The large-scale landlordship was the most important internal factor to keep the rural country into stagnation.<br>6. Another factor to bring about such change to the region was a drastic change in transportation: a shift from maritime and river-borne traffic to the modern railway. This should not be overlooked.

著者

梶川 勇作

出版者

人文地理学会

雑誌

人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.21, no.2, pp.89-102, 1969-04-01

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金沢大学大学院人間社会研究域人間科学系

著者

阪本 和仁

出版者

The Human Geographical Society of Japan

雑誌

人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.42, no.6, pp.545-561, 1990-12-28 (Released:2009-04-28)

参考文献数

36

被引用文献数

1 1

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Researchers of traditional nursery areas in the suburbs of metropolitan areas have reported that these areas are changing because of recent urbanization. In particular, the number of the nurseryman who pursues gardening as a side business increased in order to obtain more income. Although a few researchers have reported gardeners who pursues nurserywork as a side business, no one has get reported specialist gardeners.But, there are many gardeners who are not experienced in growing garden plants. Essentially, the gardener exists in the boundary territory between agricurture and the service industry, while the work of the nurseryman is agricultural. And, in the distribution system, the gardener takes a middle position between the nurseryman and consumers. So, we can't investigate gardeners as a subset of the tree-planting indusury using only the approach of the traditional nursery area.In this report we take up the gardening industry within the tree-planting industry, and investigate three problems in the Takayasu District and Ukyo-ku: 1) the formation process of gardening industry in both areas, 2) the change in distribution of gardener's offices and nurseries, 3) the production structure of the gardening industry.We have got the following results: 1) In Takayasu, some farmers started gardening as a side job in the Meiji Era, and the gardening industry has grown ever since owing to housing booms. In Ukyo-ku, gardeners appeared in the Heian Period, and the gardening industry has grown ever since because of temples and shrines. 2) The scale of agricultural land per gardener is small, and gardeners depend on distributors and agricultural lands that have gone out of use, because of recent urbanization. 3) The Earnings rate of the gardening industry is high, and many gardeners are engaged in not only landscape gardening but planning and maintaining of gardens. One of the reasons that the gardening industry exists in the suburbs of the metropolis is the high earnings rate.

著者

三上 正利

出版者

The Human Geographical Society of Japan

雑誌

人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.16, no.1, pp.19-39, 1964-02-28 (Released:2009-04-28)

参考文献数

45

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On the basis of the “text” of the Siberian Map of 181 (1672-1673), it had been conjectured in Russia since the nineteenth century that the Siberian Map was made up around the years 1672-1673. The original Map of Siberia of 181 (1672-1673) has never discovered yet, but fortunately we have what are believed to be its threedifferent copies.L. Bagrow, regarding these copies as having much to do with the “text” of 181, asserted that they were reproductions of the original Map of Siberia of 181 (1672). In spite of some opposition, not a few scholars of the Soviet Union have followed Bagrow.B.P. Polevoy, at the February 1954 conference of the U.S.S.R. Geographical Society, held in Leningrad, presented a report, saying that at least the eastern half of the Map of Siberia of 181 was made by S.V. Polyakov in 1673, and that the author of the “text” of the Siberian Map of 181 was also Polyakov. A.I. Andreyev supports this opinion almost completely.This view is so plausible that most probably the Map of 181 will hereafter be called the “Map of Siberia of 1673.”However, I do not believe the view will survive criticism and become an established theory before Polevoy's report, still not made public, be published.

著者

田中 薫 山崎 禎一

出版者

The Human Geographical Society of Japan

雑誌

人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.4, no.1, pp.41-46, 1952-01-30 (Released:2009-04-28)

著者

岡本 啓志

出版者

一般社団法人 人文地理学会

雑誌

人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.18, no.6, pp.565-581, 1966

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The history of apple-growing in Kagawa Prefecture, in the Shikoku region, is an old one beginning first in the middle period of the Meiji era. But the area under cultivation for this crops in this prefecture has decreased gradually since 1953, when it was most extensively cultivated, having partly been replaced by some other crops such as tangerine orange. However, the situation is quite different in Tokushima prefecture, Kagawa's neighbor, where the area under cultivation for apples showed a sudden, remarkable increase since 1953 to 54, with a gradual declining only in recent years. These facts tell that apple cultivation in these two prefectures, in spite of the similarities in their natural and climatic conditions, has undergone a quite different transition. In this paper, the author has tried to clarify the various reasons why in Tokushima prefecture, which is relatively warm and apparently not a suitable area for apples, apple growing really flourished even for a short period, and especially why it has fallen into decay. What sort of difficulties and problems caused this sudden decline are also the important point of disussion here.<br>Thanks to the untiring efforts of Mr. Kenji Tada, who as a grower as well an investigator, valiantly recommended apples as the most profitable crop, and that of the authorities concerned, apple farms spread extensively in Mima and Miyoshi counties, whose location is along the Yoshino River in the western part of this prefecture. However, apple production began to decrease, though in the up-stream area of the Yoshino River it is less affected. Some of the reasons for this may be listed as follows:<br>1) Small amount of profit from apple production. This is the result of the tied-up market price of apples, and small quantity of the crop in this particular area. Ill or inadequate management of farms has been connected with these reasons and caused a vicious circle.<br>2) Damage by blight and insects.<br>3) Concurrence and consequent competition with other crops in respect of labor.<br>4) Bad influence of spray on mulberry farms; damage caused by typhoons and other reasons.<br>The above-mentioned may be grouped as direct reasons which caused declining in apple-production, while some other indirect causes might be pointed out as is shown below.<br>i) Lack of experience on the part of growers. Consequently, want of necessary information and technical know-how was unavoidable.<br>ii) Small-scale management and scattered and isolated location of the farms.<br>iii) Insufficient guidance and dvice. These problems might have been, more or less, solved if farmers had deen properlhy directed. When a new kind of crop is to be introduced, especially in the case of fruit-culture, which needs a consideralbe amount capital and high level technical know-how, proper guidance and direction after its introduction are of the utmost importance, to say nothing of the sufficient information and understanding before it is planted.

著者

小川 佳子

出版者

The Human Geographical Society of Japan

雑誌

人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.47, no.4, pp.313-334, 1995-08-28 (Released:2009-04-28)

参考文献数

70

被引用文献数

3 3

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This paper's aim is to clarify the spatial organization of Nissan Ltd and its parts suppliers, especially first-tier suppliers in Japan. Nissan has built up a more deconcentrated production region, unlike Toyota and Mazda. Nissan has five car assembly plants and four engine and transmission plants in Japan. Three old assemly plants are located in the Kanto Region, including the Tokyo Metropolitan Area, one in the North-Kanto Region, and the newest in the Kyushu Region 1, 000km distant from Tokyo.Nissan organized its subcontractors and part suppliers into cooperative groups, “Takara-kai” in 1954 and “Shoho-kai” in 1966. The latter consisted of a large number of large-sized suppliers. In accordance with the rapid increase in car production in Japan since the 1960's, Nissan's parts makers enlarged production capacity with Nissan's financial and technological support. Nissan had almost no need to do business with new parts suppliers while demand.Many of Nissan's suppliers constructed large-sized plants in the suburbs of Tokyo, because of increased production in the 1960s. Old parts plants in Tokyo have reduced and stopped operations with the urbanization of Tokyo. The opening of new assembly plants, The Tochigi plant in 1971 and the Kyushu plant in 1975, caused suppliers to move. Many parts plants were built near Nissan's new plants in order to deliver components under the JIT system. Nissan's subsidiary companies, especially, seem to set up plants close to Nissan's new plants.Generally, spatial proximity to an assembly plant depends on business and capital relations with Nissan, division of production between branch plants, and characteristics of the products in transportation. Bulky components, like seats and bumpers, required relative higher transportation cost. Firms producing them, are more likely to locate close to the assemblers. Small-parts suppliers, such as bolt or nut manufacturers, need not locate near the customer, because of lower transportation cost. They produce in a large-volume to increase scale merit, rather than build plants near assembly plants.A number of parts manufacturers entrust JIT delivery to the forwarding agents. Almost all parts are delivered to the assemblers by truck several times a day while bulky components manufacturers often posses subsidiaries created for transportation.Nissan is now undergoing restructuring of domestic production. It invested in the Kyushu plant being as important for the future, while the Zama assembly plant, established in the Kanto Region in 1965 is closing down. But most suppliers still have their main factories located in the old production region, Kanto or North-Kanto. There is a mismatch in the strategy of division of production in domestic plants between Nissan and its suppliers.

著者

半澤 誠司

出版者

The Human Geographical Society of Japan

雑誌

人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.56, no.6, pp.587-602, 2004-12-28 (Released:2009-04-28)

参考文献数

54

被引用文献数

4 5

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アニメーション産業と家庭用ビデオゲーム産業は, 現代日本の最も広く知られた文化産業のうち2つである。両産業は, 高い離職率と東京への集中という共通の特徴を有する。しかし, 詳細な立地や, 労働市場, 企業間関係という点では明らかに違いがある。ゲーム会社に比べてアニメーション会社の立地は, 国単位ではより東京に, 地域単位ではより東京西部に集中する。ゲーム産業の労働者は, 新卒であろうと中途であろうと公募を通じて採用され, 時折深刻な人間関係の悪化があるためしばしば企業間を移動する。逆に, アニメ産業では, 明らかな人間関係の悪化は少ない。アニメの離職者のほとんどは, フリーランサーになるか自分の会社を設立するかして, そうでなければ完全に当該産業から離れる。ゲーム会社は, アニメ会社に比べ取引関係が少なく, 取引先を替える柔軟性も小さい。これらの違いは, 特有の流通システム-アニメ産業における「合法寡占的」テレビキー局と, ゲーム産業におけるプラットフォームホルダーの存在-と特有の制作工程-前者の「ウォーターフォール工程」と後者の「リバイズド工程」-から生じる。それらは, 産業レベルで相互に影響するだけではなく, 個々の企業の行動にも影響を与える。

著者

半澤 誠司

出版者

一般社団法人 人文地理学会

雑誌

人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.56, no.6, pp.587-602, 2004

被引用文献数

5

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アニメーション産業と家庭用ビデオゲーム産業は, 現代日本の最も広く知られた文化産業のうち2つである。両産業は, 高い離職率と東京への集中という共通の特徴を有する。しかし, 詳細な立地や, 労働市場, 企業間関係という点では明らかに違いがある。ゲーム会社に比べてアニメーション会社の立地は, 国単位ではより東京に, 地域単位ではより東京西部に集中する。ゲーム産業の労働者は, 新卒であろうと中途であろうと公募を通じて採用され, 時折深刻な人間関係の悪化があるためしばしば企業間を移動する。逆に, アニメ産業では, 明らかな人間関係の悪化は少ない。アニメの離職者のほとんどは, フリーランサーになるか自分の会社を設立するかして, そうでなければ完全に当該産業から離れる。ゲーム会社は, アニメ会社に比べ取引関係が少なく, 取引先を替える柔軟性も小さい。<br>これらの違いは, 特有の流通システム-アニメ産業における「合法寡占的」テレビキー局と, ゲーム産業におけるプラットフォームホルダーの存在-と特有の制作工程-前者の「ウォーターフォール工程」と後者の「リバイズド工程」-から生じる。それらは, 産業レベルで相互に影響するだけではなく, 個々の企業の行動にも影響を与える。

著者

北川 眞也

出版者

一般社団法人 人文地理学会

雑誌

人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.59, no.2, pp.111-129, 2007 (Released:2018-01-06)

参考文献数

94

被引用文献数

2 3

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The purpose of this article is to examine a form of biopower that operates for geopolitical reasons in the contemporary globalized world. The object of analysis is a camp in which the sovereign power demonstrates its primordial structure. According to Giorgio Agamben, the Italian philosopher, such camps are a part of the paradigm of modern biopolitics, that is to say, a space where the state of exception becomes the norm. People held in the camp are abandoned by the ordinary juridical order and become ‘human beings in excess’ and ‘bare life’.In this paper, I analyze a mechanism of biopower at a Center for Temporary Stay and Assistance (CPT) for ‘illegal immigrants’ in Italy as a pertinent example of one of these camps. Anti-CPT movements radically confront the camp’s functions of administrative detention and violence. But, even if this perspective grasps undoubtedly some rationales that make the CPT operational, there could also be a risk of being politically near-sighted in reducing biopower to these characteristics. Because we can say that the power in the CPT tries to save, protect, and reproduce lives somehow. Its major functions could be not only the power of detention but also that of ‘hospitality’.Regina Pacis, a CPT situated near Lecce in the Italian southeast, has welcomed illegal migrants as ‘guests’. It has provided charity to the entrants, even if they may be excluded or expelled from Italy in the near future. Such power can operate, being based on absolute morals such as the dignity of human life. But this sort of charity or humanitarian assistance represents the newcomers as ‘victims’. Finally the power of good will to ‘aid survival’ can gradually reverse into the opposite direction. This process demonstrates that the life over which it is exercised is not outside the sovereign power.So, it will be necessary to examine ‘critical geopolitics’ from the point of view of various forms of biopolitics.

著者

水津 一朗

出版者

The Human Geographical Society of Japan

雑誌

人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.3, no.2, pp.37-47,106, 1951-04-30 (Released:2009-04-28)

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Various tribes of old Germans crowded together in small villages dotted here and there in open spaces surrounded by woods consisting mainly of oak-trees. Caesar's Bello Gallico suggests us that the average population of each civitas belonging to Suebi League was between 15, 000 and 20, 000. According to Delbrück's calculation the density of population of old Germans was from 4 to 5 per square kilometre, and the average population of each tribe was 25, 000. A small number of natural villages, their smallest units of society, formed a “Hunderschaft” dnd several. Hunderschaft formed a Gau, a unit of local society. This Gau later developed into Grafschaft in Germany and had its law court. Hunderschaft developed into English hundred, subdivision of a county or a shire.Civitas in the South-west of Germany were small and many of them were crowded while in the Northeast Civitas had wide areas. In the South-west civitas consisted of settled people mainly occupying themselves in agriculture and cattle-raising, and developed into agricultural manors of the Middle Ages. The process by which these civitas solved aud formed into Stammstaaten is evident by Ptolemy, Peutingerische Tafel and so on.

著者

岩間 信之 田中 耕市 佐々木 緑 駒木 伸比古 齋藤 幸生

出版者

一般社団法人 人文地理学会

雑誌

人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.61, no.2, pp.139-156, 2009 (Released:2018-01-10)

参考文献数

74

被引用文献数

5 15

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The purpose of this paper is to clarify the local residential environment of the elderly in Japanese cities, and to provide an introduction to ‘food deserts’. The case-study city is Mito City, Ibaraki Prefecture, Japan. Food desert issues represent a social exclusion problem. These issues include access to food for low-income households in low-income neighborhoods, particularly to food that is integral to a healthy diet. These issues are openly discussed outside Japan, especially in European countries. Food deserts are defined as, “those areas where car-less residents, unable to reach out-of-town supermarkets, depend on the corner shop, where prices are high, products are processed and fresh fruit and vegetables are poor or non-existent.” It has further been stated that, “the increasing tendency toward out-of-town supermarkets has led to the creation of ‘food deserts’, where cheap and varied food is accessible only to those who have private transport or are able to pay the costs of public transport if it is available.” In the UK, fatal diseases such as cerebrovascular disease and breast and lung cancer have been linked to poor nutrition, which in turn is linked to food deserts. In addition, these social exclusion issues often lead to crime, violence, and terrorism.The main factors that cause European food desert problems are social exclusion and poor access to food retailers. We find similar factors in Japanese cities. Japan is facing a crisis resulting from a rapidly aging population, and many elderly people live in downtown districts. A decline in downtown shops is notable. As a result, a food deprivation problem occurs for many elderly people living downtown in Japanese cities. This paper provides an introduction to the Japanese food desert issue, based on a case study of Mito City, Ibaraki Prefecture. People over the age of 65 in the CBD of Mito comprise 25.4% of the residents. Many neighborhood fresh-food stores have closed since the 1990s.The authors studied food retail access using a GIS (Geographical Information System) and found large food deprivation areas around the CBD of Mito City. Subsequent interviews and questionnaire surveys in these areas clarified the residential environment of the elderly. Many elderly people from inner Mito travel more than three kilometers each way, by bicycle or on foot, to go shopping. They shop only once or twice per week, and their daily consumption of fresh vegetables and fruit is less than half that of the national average.There is little doubt the elderly in inner Mito are facing a nutrition deprivation problem that is a food desert issue. Some European studies have considered the effectiveness of large-scale, retailer-oriented solutions to such problems. However, a strategy for tackling the issue of Japanese food deserts must be considered from a local perspective. Yet Japanese studies have just begun.This is a case study of a provincial city, but similar problems may also occur in other metropolitan centers and rural areas. We must first define Japanese food desert issues and then develop a research agenda to address them.

著者

鶴田 英一

出版者

The Human Geographical Society of Japan

雑誌

人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.46, no.1, pp.66-84, 1994-02-28 (Released:2009-04-28)

参考文献数

158

被引用文献数

4 12

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The geography of tourism in Japan substantially began during the 1960's. At that time, tourism development spreading to rural area, was very marked. But, as it was just a speculative boom, tourism study has forced to staguate since then. The so-called ‘Resort Boom’ in the late 1980's, however, stimulated tourism study again, so that it brought about remarkable phenomena not only at a regional scale, but also at a national one. As a natural consequence, this boom subsided because it was also a speculative one. The geography of tourism in Japan today is now adrift just as it was 20 years ago. Now is a turning point, to see whether the geography of tourism in Japan will more towards a stagnation again or not.From a broad point of view, this paper, considering geography of tourism not only as a representation of tourism phenomena but also as a socia science, aims to inquire whether geography of tourism in Japan has any raison d'être the after ‘Resort Boom’. For this purpose, first of all, the author examines the problems and the socio-economic circumstances the in geography of tourism while comparing Angle-American studies with the Japanese ones.The subjects of Angle-American studies on geography of tourism can be generally classified as follows:(a) Tourist recognition of tourist areas and tourism resources, and tourist behavior.(b) Tourist flow analysis.(c) Location of tourism industries.(d) Tourism development.(e) Impacts of tourism on economy, society, culture and natural environment.(f) Evaluation of resources and landscape as tourist attractions.(g) Tourism planning and regulation.One of the features in these studies is that the each subject is divided according to geographical aspects of tourism while keeping in close contact with others. The other is that all the subjects show a strong intent for practical use within the limits of the results. Tourism development in Anglo-America except U.S.A., where soft tourism and political influence are dominant, may affect the strong practical intentions and the scholarly divisions of labor shaping holistic perspectives. As compared with the currents of human geography in Anglo-America, however, almost all the studies consisting of empirical research such as morphology, positivism or behaviorism still remain at the previous level of the 1960's or 1970's.As for the geography of tourism in Japan before ‘Resort Boom’, there are five research divisions as follows:(1) Analyses and descriptions of tourist flow and recreation facilities.(2) Distribution of tourist areas.(3) Locational development and development process of tourism areas.(4) Tourism development as a factor in regional development.(5) Tourism resources analysis.The political framework and regulations on tourism in Japan, unlike Anglo-America, has been, as it were, laissez-faire, and private companies have taken the lead in tourism development. Also, tourism development by private companies and their effects on a region have inevitably caught geographer's attention. The main currents were in (3) and (4) above, and the remaining research divisions were evaluated as subsideries. Compared with Anglo-America, Japanese studies have a good point concentrating on historical perspective, but they could hardly deal with the social and environmental problems because studies on the impacts on natural environment, planning and regulation were very few due to a lack of philosophy and social theory. Until the middle 1980's, the geography of tourism in Japan was generally inactive, and there was little controversy. In the late 1980's, studies on tourism development, its impact and relevant policy have appeared one after another in the context of the ‘Resort Boom’. They however are still an extension of the existing empirical perspectives.

著者

兼重 賢太郎

出版者

The Human Geographical Society of Japan

雑誌

人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.44, no.1, pp.68-81, 1992-02-28 (Released:2009-04-28)

参考文献数

54

被引用文献数

3 1

著者

樋口 忠成

出版者

The Human Geographical Society of Japan

雑誌

人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.31, no.1, pp.5-27, 1979-02-28 (Released:2009-04-28)

参考文献数

29

被引用文献数

3

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A study of the residential structure of the American city has produced an increasing literature under the technique of factorial ecology. The study of large cities however is not enough compared to that of smaller cities because of the labor dealing vast information when taken a small area like a census tract as a observation unit.The auther investigated the residential structure and its spatial pattern for the Detroit metropolitan area by performing factor analysis upon 1960 and 1970 census data. Change in the structure and pattern is also studied by comparing the extracted factors and factor scores obtained at different points in time.The area studied is the entire Detroit Standard Metropolitan Statistical Area. (Fig. 1) The census tract is employed as a observation unit. After omission and consolidation a total of 762 tracts constitutes the analysis in 1960 and 986 in 1970. 56 variables from population characteristics available in the U.S. census of population were selected for the study. (Table 1) The same variables were chosen in the analysis for both 1960 and 1970. They are classified into 10 major categories: (1) sex and age, (2) family and household, (3) marrige status, (4) race and ethnicity, (5) mobility, (6) labor force, (7) occupation, (8) working status, (9) education and (10) family income.Product-moment correlation coefficients were computed for all variables. These matrixes were then subjected to principal factor method factor analysis. Eight factors were extracted in 1960 and nine in 1970, accounting cumulatively for 83% and 81% of the total variance respectively. Those factors were rotated to orthogonally to simple structure. Varimax rotation was employed. The matrixes of factor loadings are shown in Tables 2 and 3.The 1960 factors were interpreted as follows: (I) Family Life Cycle, (II) Racial Composition, (III) Socio-economic Status, (IV) Women in Labor Force, (V) Eastern European Immigrants, (VI) Youth Predominance, (VII) Sexual Composition and (VIII) Italians. The first three factors accounted cumulatively for more than 60% of the total variance and there was a sizable difference in significance between each of them and each of the rest.The 1970 factors were interpreted as follows: (I) Socio-economic Status, (II) Racial Composition, (III) Family Life Cycle, (IV) Women in Labor Force, (V) Residential Mobility, (VI) Eastern Europian Immigrants, (VIII) Sexual Composition, (IX) Youth Predominance/Italians. The first three factors were also observed as significant and accounted for about 58% of the total variance.In order to test the relationship between 1960 and 1970 factors, correlation coefficients were calculated and are shown in Table 4. Factor I in 1960 has strong correlation to Factor III in 1970, Factor II in 1960 to Factor II in 1970, and Factor III in 1960 to Factor I in 1970. Therefore it was confirmed that the first three factors of both years, which were Socio-economic Status, Racial Composition and Family Life Cycle were the major stable factors that explain the residential differentiation of Detroit. Minor factors of each year do not correspond clearly with each other except the factors of Women in Labor Force and East European Immigrants, which are considered to be the stable minor factors.The spatial patterns of the major three factors were then analysed. Prior to it the entire metropolitan area was devided into seven concentric zones numbered 1 through 7 from the C.B.D. outward and seven sectors numbered 1 through 7 from southwest to northeast, which made 49 cells. (Fig. 2) The spatial patterns of factor score distributions were examined by three steps. First, a series of analysis of variance were undertaken to judge objectively whether the factor score distributions of Socio-economic Status and Family Life Cycle correspond to concentric model or sector model.

著者

林 宏

出版者

The Human Geographical Society of Japan

雑誌

人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.11, no.2, pp.97-116,192, 1959-04-30 (Released:2009-04-28)

被引用文献数

1 1

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While comparing the ways of naming places in Japan, I have brought together data revealed in existing materials and by on the spot investigations made while in Java during the war. Place names in Java originally derive chiefly from the Djawa, Sunda, and Madura tongues of the Malay language groups, and the influence of the Hindu culture which was dominant until about the fifteenth century is quite pronounced. Over against this, Islam, the dominating religion of the present exercises but small influence. And the few place names from the Dutch were crased following independence.First, in connection with the roots of the name “Djawa” I have introduced the opinion set farth by Prof. Purbatjaraka in his “Rice” and the theory resting upon the common expression “pulo dawa” (long island). In what follows I shall explain the numerous and not so numerous origins of Javanese place names. Outstanding are the extreely large number of instances where village names come from coupling the names of plants and animals, particularly with river (kali, tji), spring (sumber) and pool (kedung).Severally it may be said that names are taken plain and simply directly from the surrounding natural scene and that many of them are directly linked with a naïvelife, very concrete, obvious, and without design. The Javanese tend to link auspicious names for historic places and principal towns (e.g. Djakarta=City of Success) and this manner of name-giving was favored even for the big plantations developed after the arrival of the Dutch. Their form and volcanic activity are reflected just as they are in the names of mountains. By connecting even bazzar (pasar) which are the heart of the farming village's economy to specific market days place names are formed. A want of interest in the sea is shown by the lack of place names alleeding to coves, harbars, ports and beaches. It is thus also with fisheries. The lack of place names having to do with communications and the military as well as with the names of crops including rice, beasts of burden, and particularly with paddies, fields and plains is altogether unexpected. Place names whose origins have to do with religions belief are to be seen occasionally (e.g. Priangan=Per-hijang-an Place of Gods) but rather than sacred terms of the Hindu era or even Islamic institutions giving names to villages, cases where villages lend their names to them are numerous. And there are no names associating religious edifices with villages. Even names connected with minig and the nature of the land practically nonexistant.

著者

本岡 拓哉

出版者

一般社団法人 人文地理学会

雑誌

人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.59, no.2, pp.130-150, 2007

被引用文献数

1

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<p>Recently, the idea of housing-for-life and housing welfare, which considers resident housing rights and independence rights to be of primary importance is permeating through Japan. Under this concept, squatter areas, once called 'barrack towns', have been observed by society and form the object of various support actions. Also, in academic circles some research has begun to shed light on the process of how the barrack towns have remained through time or how they have been improved while taking notice of the residents' housing and independence rights.</p><p>However, such research seldom examines the barrack towns that have disappeared and does not clarify the process of disappearance of barrack towns throughout the city. Indeed, most barrack towns have actually disappeared without being improved. When taking notice of the residents' independence rights regarding the maintenance and improvement of the living environment of their barrack town, it is also important to pay attention to the process of disappearance of barrack towns where this was not realizable. That is why this paper will discuss the process of disappearance and background of the squatter barrack towns in post-war Kobe City (from immediately after the end of the Second World War until the high economic growth period), while taking notice of the relationship between the trend of their municipal governance and the social circumstances of those days. The process from formation to disappearance of the squatter barrack towns in Kobe City can be summarized as follows:</p><p>Immediately after the end of the war, a large number of vagrants who had no place to live, and people who had no choice but to build their own barracks on burnt-out war sites, appeared in Kobe City. Although these two kinds of homeless groups were in the same situation of housing poverty, the response of the administration towards each group was completely different. Accordingly, in contrast to the vagrants, who formed a target of control, the act of building barracks itself, although most probably an illegal act, was permitted and accepted by the city administration as a result of efforts toward self-reliance. So for this reason many barrack towns were constructed while large flows of population were entering Kobe City.</p><p>From 1950 onwards however, even though rehabilitation projects were progressing, the removal of barracks by the city administration was begun. Nevertheless, the number of barrack towns increased, since the supply of both public and private housing was unable to fulfill the housing demand of the increasing urban population in the 1950s. This resulted in contrasting situations of barrack towns decreasing or increasing in different parts of Kobe City. The barrack towns in the central area were removed but reappeared afterwards at riverbeds and underneath elevated railway tracks in peripheral areas.</p><p>Because of this situation in the 1950s, barrack towns were frequently taken up in newspapers, forming the subject of social problems. This kind of social problem had four sides to it : the issues of landscape, disaster prevention, sanitation, and anti-sociability. These were repeatedly taken up by the mass media, and were used as justifications to the general public for the removal of barracks by the city administration.</p><p>In the latter half of the 1950s, the problem of illegal occupancy especially was also taken up as a social problem relating to barrack towns. The correspondence of the administration over this social problem was deployed not on a local scale but on a national scale. Six mayor meetings and chambers of commerce (Tokyo, Yokohama, Nagoya, Kyoto, Osaka, and Kobe) discussed possible measures against illegal occupation. Subsequently, each organization submitted request documents to the Ministry of Justice, and after that Law of Theft of Immovable Property was enacted in the Diet in 1960.</p><p>(View PDF for the rest of the abstract.)</p>

著者

小西 正雄

出版者

The Human Geographical Society of Japan

雑誌

人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.32, no.4, pp.312-327, 1980-08-28 (Released:2009-04-28)

参考文献数

48

被引用文献数

4 3

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In Japan, the number of minshuku (private hostel) has increased after World War II, especially in the 1960s, when skiing, fishing and swimming became more popular, and farmers and fishers began to try another way to gain their income by offering their private rooms for tourist.Thus minshuku has increased and the region has spread at the foot of a mountain and along the seashore. This phenomenon is regarded by geographers as one aspect of the economic improvement of underdeveloped regions and of the inhabitants there. And the existence of non-minshuku households in the neighbourhood of minshuku households is often neglected and paid no attention to.The author, however, points out that such a phenomenon as mentioned above should not be dealt with only from the economic point of view, but also from the view point of total change in the social system of the community including non-minshuku households. Village that has not a few minshuku households in it is not a mere minshuku region but forms a “minshuku community.” The purpose of this paper is to describe and analyze the forming process and the inner structure of minshuku community.Suginosawa, the area studied, is one of the typical minshuku regions in Joshinetsu Highland National Park, located on a snowy mountain-side in Niigata prefecture. In this village, more than 100 minshuku households for skiers are found, which comprise 40% of the households. The new enterprise of minshuku is not necessarily effective enough to improve their economic conditions. The reason why minshuku has increased in Suginosawa should be considered from the social point of view; that is, the remarkable system of traditional society should also be taken into consideration. Its forming process is as follows.The leaders of this community found it desirable to increase the number of minshuku households, because they had already started minshuku and wished to expand the ski ground, but part of the lot for a new ski ground was under control of the community as a whole. By increasing the number of minshuku, they could easily change the land utilization from woods to a ski ground. In various ways, the leaders encouraged the non-minshuku households to set up minshuku.Still, 60% of the households in Suginosawa are non-minshuku. Yet most of them hold some relation to minshuku and ski ground management. In the first place, they often serve at the neighbouring minshuku managed by their relatives, just in the same way as they help them to farm the land. What is more, the rent of their common land for ski ground is used for the improvement of their residential environment, for example, pavement of the main road, construction of their community hall, etc., just in the same way as they made use of the common woods for the material of their houses.In consequence, to gain more income is not the only reason minshuku has increased in this village. And the increase of minshuku has influenced most of the households. The author, therefore, regards the case in Suginosawa as “minshuku community” rather than minshuku region, the village making up a “community for ski ground management.”It is often said in Japan that the traditional community system prevents the village (region) from developing or modernizing. But in Suginosawa, the system has had the function to develop and modernize the village. So, the author concludes that geographical research for minshuku and modernization of a rural region should be made having in mind the thought that a traditional social system can often bring a modern system into it.