著者
中川 敏
出版者
日本文化人類学会
雑誌
民族學研究 (ISSN:00215023)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.68, no.2, pp.262-279, 2003

この論文の目的は密接に関連した二点からなる:(1)ギアーツの「文化システムとしての宗教」とそれに対するアサッドの批判をあたらしい光の中で再解釈すること、そして、(2)そうすることによって、このような論争から帰結するとされる理論的な袋小路から抜け出す道を探り、同時に、人類学的な比較というもののあたらしい可能性を探り出すことである。アサッドの批判は、端的に言えば、ギアーツの議論はエスノセントリックである、ということである。ギアーツの宗教の定義は、ギアーツ自身の文化に特徴的な宗教、すなわち宗教改革以降のキリスト教の考え方に、無意識にせよ、多大な影響を受けているのである、とアサッドは主張するのである。このような批判からギアーツの議論をすくい出すために、私が主張したいのは、ギアーツの議論をローティの反・反エスノセントリズムの議論の脈絡で読め、ということである。反・反エスノセントリズムとは、簡単に言えば、自らのエスノセントリズムに自覚的であるべきであり、そして、(エスノセントリズムを破棄せよというのではなく、)あくまでそれから出発し、他の立場を受け入れることができるようにそのエスノセントリズムを拡大していくべきである、という考え方である。この立場は、もちろん、単純なエスノセントリズムではない(ちょうど反・反相対主義が単純な相対主義ではないように)。それゆえ、あくまで思考実験の中だけにせよ、ギアーツの自称する立場、すなわち、反・反相対主義と相容れない立場ではないと考えることは可能であろう。反・反エスノセントリズムという光の中で、当該の論文の中でのギアーツの作業は、次のようにとらえられることになる-彼は自らのもつ「宗教」に対するステレオタイプ(パットナムの言葉であるが)をできるだけ解明(カルナップの言葉であるが)しようとしているのだ、と。このようにしてギアーツの作業をとらえると、論争それ白身がまったく異なった様相を呈してくることとなる-それはもはや論争ではなく、対話(あるいは、ローティのお気に入りの言葉をつかえば、会話)なのである。二人の対話は経験に近い概念(「痛み」「苦しみ」「訓練」などなど)と経験に遠い概念、すなわち「宗教」との間を振り子運動する。対話者はさまざまな時代、さまざまな場所から民族誌的事実を引用し、そうすることによって、自らのエスノセントリックなステレオタイプを解明していくのだ。この対話こそが、私は主張したい、人類学の比較の模範演技である、と。
著者
真島 一郎
出版者
日本文化人類学会
雑誌
民族學研究 (ISSN:00215023)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.55, no.4, pp.406-432, 1991

本稿の目的は,西アフリカ,象牙海岸共和国のダン族に於ける仮面表象を通して,秘密結社の政治体制を支えるその「力」観念の特質を探っていくことにある。ギニア湾西部のいわゆる《ポロ結社文化》の諸社会に比べ,ダンの社会では,権力の行使が秘密結社に集中している。ただ,結社権威の観念的な拠り所となる「力」は,実は妖術と同一の概念あり,重大な規範侵犯への制裁も妖術制裁の形をとっている。とりわけ,森由来の精霊である仮面は秘密結社と密接に連係し,結社と同じ「力」に訴えることで,制裁への恐怖に裏付けられた規範維持に寄与している。だが結社のイデオロギーは,邪悪な妖術と同じ本質を持つ「力」を自らの手で完全に正当化することができない。そこに,ダンの仮面表象に於いては例外的な,「面なき仮面」の生きる余地が生じてくる。秘密結社という支配集団は,「誰でもない」その声に託して,権力への自己言及の道を開こうとするのである。
著者
佐野 賢治
出版者
日本文化人類学会
雑誌
民族學研究 (ISSN:00215023)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.41, no.3, pp.235-258, 1976

The eel is an interesting creature from the standpoint of biology, that is, its migration, its geographical distribution, its transformation of sex and so on. And because of its mysterious life, many legends and beliefs concerning the eel also have been originated and transmitted all over the world since ancient times. What interests the author is the ethnographic information that some ethnic groups don,t eat eels at all in Formosa, Micronesia, the Philippines and so on, with relation to totem ,animal and ancestor worship. Although we can hear a lot of folklore concerning eels in Japan, a non-eel-diet taboo is almost always told with Buddhist Kokuzo-Belief. The folk-explanation is that an eel is the messenger or the favorite food of Kokuzo-Budhisattva (akasa-garbha) and therefore should not eat it. The purpose of this paper is to clarify the development of an interrelationship between eels and Kokuzo-Budhisatta and to analyse several aspects of a non-eel-diet taboo in the historical ,context. Japanese folktales around the eel are classified according to the following items : (a) An eel as the messenger of a Kami (god) or of Buddha. The deities usually represented being that of Suijin (a water deity) , Mishimamyojin (三島明神) , Konpiragongen (金比羅宮) or Kokuzo-Bodhisattva. (b) An eel which transforms itself into a man, usually a monk. This eel usually represents the guardian spirit of a pond or river. (c) A one-eyed eel. These always possess magical powers. (d) An unusual or mutated eel and its activities. (i. e. a red, yellow or white eel an eel having large ears.) (e) The origin of a place name after an eel ; i. e., eel-mound, eel-wamp, eel-abyss, eel-paddy, etc. An overview of these folk tales leads to the following concept : People in early times thought the eel was a water deity itself, or the messenger of a water deity who was the guardian spirit of a pond, marsh, river, deep or lake. The eel inspired apprehension among these primitive folk due to its strange appearance and activities. Also in Japan, there is some evidence which indicates that the eel may be a mythical ancestor. The belief that spiritual creatures in water bodies may change into a one-eyed eel, which indicates the tenement of a god, is an idea promulgated by the late Kunio Yanagita. In another legend, the eel appears in a deluge in which the eel is transformed into a monk who warns the populace of approaching disaster and consequently saves them from catastro-phe. Kokuzo-Bodhisattva beliefs have included the mitigation or avoidance of disaster since the Nara Period. One particular Kokuzo sutra, which prevailed widely among temples practicing Kokuzo beliefs in Japan, portrays Kokuzo-Bodhisattva as an itinerant priest who displays his ability to avert disaster more effectively than any other Bodhisattva. Shingon Sect priests (当山派修験) , as proponents of this Kokuzo belief, have connected this belief with that of the eel and its appearance during innundation. The aforementioned information is the product of research data obtained from Tokurenji Temple (徳蓮寺) in Mie Prefecture. Tokurenji Temple belongs to the Shingon Sect and has tradition that the itinerant Kobodaishi (a founder of the Shingon Sect) stayed at this temple at some point in its early history. Many "Ema" (small wooden tablets with an optative phrase and a suitable picture) are dedicated to this temple and most of them are pictures drawn with a catfish and an eel. we can guess that the catfish was added at a later date because of the synonimity of its name and the name of a skin disease "namazu" and the folk-connection of the catfish to the cure of the disease.
著者
小松 和彦
出版者
日本文化人類学会
雑誌
民族學研究 (ISSN:00215023)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.39, no.2, pp.130-158, 1974

Manokusa Taro (A Lazy Boy) is one of the most famous tales in Otogi-Zoshi, a collection of short popular tales formed through Muromachi Era and early Edo Era. For an analysis of the tale, the following procedures are taken in this paper . First, its sequential structure obtained through morphological analysis is presented. Second, its component elements are extracted and re-arranged into various schemes of binary oppositions. Third, the relations between the sequential structure and the schemes of binary oppositions are considered on the assumption that the whole text forms a system of paragrammatical network. Many features of analytical interest have emerged as a result of these procedures, but in this paper only two problems are taken up. The first is concerned with the validity of the strongly supported theory that the tale should be included in the category of Honji tales. The second is an old problem as to why the protagonist Taro changes his character or role so often in accordance with different situations ; lazy beggar→faithful servant→reckless bandit→good poet→handsome nobleman→deity of love. The morphologcal structure common to Honji tales is generally as follows ; protagonist of noble or sacred origin degrades himself by some misfortunes and after a long wandering in exile filled with much suffering somehow re-establishes himself in his former status. Tales of this type usually account for the origins of certain Buddhism and/or Shinto deities. Adopting Bremond's morphological models, it is possible to say that Honji tales consist morhologically of "processus de degradation" and of "processus d'amelioration". In the tale in question, however, Taro is a lazy beggar apparently humble origin in the beginning, his noble descent being disclosed only at the end of the story. Thus we find in it only the "processus d'amelioration". For this reason, it is not appropriate to regard it as a Hanji tale. It could even be argued that the tale is a parody of Honji tales, a subject not discussed in this paper.
著者
杉本 良男
出版者
日本文化人類学会
雑誌
民族學研究 (ISSN:00215023)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.43, no.1, pp.39-62, 1978

This paper is an attempt to present a structural analysis of the religious system of the Sinhalese of Sri Lanka (Ceylon). Anthropological study of the religion and society in South Asia has made great progress since SRINIVAS'S classic "Religion and Society among the Coorgs of South India" first published (1952). SRINIVAS pointed out two major problems in his monograph. On the one hand, he introduces the concept of 'spread' in Hinduism (All-India, Peninsular, Regional and Local). He emphasized the relation between all-Indian and Local Hinduism, or the sanskritic and the non-sanskritic Hinduism. The idea of this separation has been developed by some investigators, e. g. REDIFIELD(Great Tradition/Little Tradition), MARRIOTT (Universalization/Parochialization), and MANDELBAUM (Transcendental/Pragmatic) , in the studies of peasent society. On the other hand, SRINIVAS demonstrates how the religious notions of good-sacred (pure) and bad-sacred (impure) determine Hindu caste hierarchy and caste behaviours. The 'pure-impure concept' (or 'pollution concept') correlating religion with social structure has been assumed to be the basis of the Indian caste system. Especially, HARPER demonstrates how there is a broad reflex of three-class-caste system (high-middle-low) in three grades (gods, deities, spirits) and of ritual status (pure, pure/impure, impure) . HARPER'S idea is a knot of SRINIVAS'S two problems. First, I examine the utility of the hypotheses of SRINIVAS and HARPER critically, and then outline the total religious system of the Sinhalese through the structural analysis of rituals. The doctorine of Theravada Buddhism and primitive religion has been fused in Sri Lanka since 3c B. C., but people's religious behaviour now is that of a single religious tradition that is Sinhalese Buddhism, which is closely linked with the great tradition (Theravada Buddhism) . Sihhalese Buddhism includes various levels of Supernatural beings. This 'Pantheon' is neither Theravada Buddhist nor a magical animist one, but a 'Sinhalese Buddhist Pantheon'. The 'Pantheon' is hierarchically structured as follows. (1) The Buddha : the repository of power and divine authority, (2) Gods (deviyas) : Guardian deities and local gods who have power and divine authority over a certain area, and subordinate to the Buddha as a super deity, (8) Demons (yakas) : demons, dead relatives, goblins, and ghosts who are completely malevolent, punitive, and causing fear in men's hearts. Besides these Supernatural beings, there are some mediators who mediate between men and the supernatural beings. (1) The Buddhist monks (bbikkhu) : Mediators between men and the Buddha who is an other worldly being, (2) The astrologers (sastra kariyas) : Mediators between this world and the other world. Buddhism is connected with other-worldly oriented things (lokottara), while Magical-animism (god worship and demon worship) is connected with things of this world (laukika). Both systems are not contradictory but complementary. So, Buddhist monks may visit an exorcist to obtain cures in the case of irrational illness. This self-contradiction can be solved by the clear distinction between lokottara and laukika. The binary opposition between Buddhism and Magical-animism may be seen in the opposition between Buddhism and god worship as well. The Buddhist temple (vihara) and the shrines for the gods (devale) are often housed under one roof or at the same site. There are regular rituals in the vihara (Buddha pujava) and the devale (devapujava).
著者
西村 朝日太郎
出版者
日本文化人類学会
雑誌
民族學研究 (ISSN:00215023)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.44, no.3, pp.223-259, 1979

While researching the aquatic cultures along the coast of the Ariake Sea, the author's attention was drawn to two cultural traits in the realm of overt fishermen's culture. One is the mud sled, widely distributed along the muddy tidal zones throughout the world. The other is the stone tidal weir, built along reef coasts with conspicuous tidal ranges. The former is a leading cultural trait which represents the muddy tidal flat culture, and the latter, the reef culture. The latter in particular is quite archaic and presumably originated in the pre-sapiens phase of human history as pointed out by J. Desmond CLARK, although this is denied by R. A. DART. This paper deals with the stone tidal weirs and their relics found along the coast of Miyako Island and the adjacent Irabu Island. In 1957 the author set out to investigate a vast range of gigantic construction on the reef flat along the coast of Karimata in Miyako Island. The range comprised a fixed fishing gear known as a stone tidal weir. Stone tidal weirs at Karimata are mamma-shaped, while others, which are widely scattered in the area, including Iriomote, Kohama, Irabu. Ishigaki etc., vary in shape. Subsequent to several field researches on stone tidal weirs (called kaki or katsi etc. by the natives) in this region, the author sent several of his assistants there in 1972 with the aim of conducting an intensive investigation of the stone tidal weirs still in existence on those islands. This report brings out the results of our joint research, particularly on Miyako and Irabu Islands. A report will be presented later concerning the stone tidal weirs on Kohama Island. Stone tidal weirs, archaic primitive fixed fishing gear, have been under considerable oceanoographical influence due to their particular characteristics in location and function. The author describes in brief the oceanographic factors which have close relationships to stone tidal weirs. Along the northeatern coast of Miyako Island there were originally sixteen stone tidal weirs (photographically illustrated : fig. 5) but most of them were destroyed by the big typhoon named Sarah in 1959 and the subsequent Chilian tsunami (tidal waves caused by an earthquake) in 1960. As mentioned above, stone tidal weirs at Karimata, like those in other areas, are of ancient origin. A considerable number of poems referring to stone tidal weirs seem to be involved in "omorososhi", the oldest anthology of Okinawa. Genhichi SHIMABUKURO has pointed out several poems related to it, however, referring to the works of S. HOKAMA and K. TORIKOSHI, there is ample room for doubt. The author believes that an ancient poem handed down from one generation to another at Karimata, which is entitled "Upuja mabikirja nu fusa" is related to the stone tidal weir. This poem is found in the book "Alethology of Miyako Island" written by S. HOKAMA and K. SHINZATO. Stone tidal weirs of Okinawa can be classified into four types as far as the catching part is concerned, as indicated in figure 13. Type A is akin to a stone weir with its fishing method differentiated in principle from a stone tidal weir. This is the type which formerly existed in Henza Island. Type B is found at Karimata, and it consists of three parts : a) a 10w stone wall (kaki-nu-ti :) as long as 780m with mutu-gaki, b) a catching part (Bu-fuga) , and c) a flat stone-block seat (bi : si) set on both sides of the catching chamber. During ebbtide, water dashes into the catching chamber at the speed of 3/5 m/s on the water surface.
著者
中生 勝美
出版者
日本文化人類学会
雑誌
民族學研究 (ISSN:00215023)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.62, no.1, pp.47-65, 1997

民族研究所は, 戦時中の短い期間に存続した。そこの研究員は, 戦後に活躍する民族学者が数多く在籍していた。しかし, 「戦争協力をした研究所」との批判があり, その実態は明らかにされていない。民族研究所は, 終戦とともに廃庁となったため, 残された資料は完全でない。そこで, 公文書と関係者の聞き取りから, 民族研究所の設立経緯と活動内容を調べ, ウィーンに留学していた岡正雄の民族研究所設立の構想, その人脈に加え, 日本の民族学者を組織していた古野清人の協力で, 民族研究所が設立された経緯を明らかにできた。民族研究所の設立目的は, 日本軍の占領地を現地調査することにより, 現地の異民族工作のための基礎資料を集めることであった。しかし実際には, 直接的な民族政策への参与はなく, 現地調査や文献研究により, 学術的に水準の高い研究が生まれた。特に, 岡正雄がウィーン学派への疑問から, イギリス的社会人類学へ問題関心を転換しており, フィールドワークによる異文化研究を, 民族研究所で実現したいと考えていた。戦後の日本民族学会をリードするメンバーは, 戦後になってヨーロッパやアメリカの人類学を受容したのではなく, 戦時中に設立された民族研究所の時代には, すでに海外の研究動向に目を配りつつ, 占領地や植民地のフィールドワークにより, 戦後に連続する研究を始めている。その一方で, 国策機関としての民族研究所が運営されたため, 研究所の蔵書の一部が, 占領地の略奪図書を中心に集められていたことなども明らかになった。中国には「飲水想源」(水を飲むとき, 源を想う)という諺がある。日本民族学のルーツを直視して, 負の遺産も含めた歴史を記憶する作業は, 民族学の現在を考える上で意義があるのではないだろうか。
著者
吉野 裕子
出版者
日本文化人類学会
雑誌
民族學研究 (ISSN:00215023)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.41, no.1, pp.30-56, 1976

Ancient Chinese philosophy had considered Chaos (混沌) as the one and only primal absolute force. Out of this Chaos rose the clear and clean Yang (陽) atomosphere to become Heaven, while the dark and murky Yin (陰) atomosphere sank to become Land. Since Heaven and Land are the off-springs of the same maternal substance, it was thought that they should always mingle with each other. As knowledge of astrology deepened and expanded, the non-moving North Star was located and confirmed in the northern sky. This star was then considered as the center of the universe and sanctified as Tai-Yi (太一) . Tai-Yi evolved into one unity with Chaos and became the Supreme Ultimate(太極) . The Big Dipper (北斗) , because of its regular movement around the North Star, was thought of as either Tai-Yi's minister or his vehicle, while also being worshipped as the agricultural god. But couldn't there have been a much simpler reason giving rise to the worship of the Big Dipper ? What makes the Big Dipper so prominent in the night sky is its special spoon-shaped appearance. The Chinese worship and pay tribute to their ancesters. Their ritual is centered around food. It could be that their thought followed the pattern that if they offered food to the heavenly big spoon, the Big Dipper, it would reach the ancestral God of the universe. Incidentally, there is another big spoon besides the Big Dipper in the sky. It is the South Dipper (南斗) in Sagittarius. The ancient Chinese considered this star as the 'Mausoleum' enshrining the ancestral soul. As already expounded, Chinese philosophy has conceived the theory that the sky and the earth were of the same origin. Thus the celestial image was symbolically employed for the imperial court infrastructure. The emperor was considered to be the son of the heavenly king, and the central imperial courtyard was modeled after Tai-Yi's palace. It is said that the northern section of the palace of the Han dynasty was modeled after the Big Dipper, while the southern section, after the South Dipper. The writer assumes that the symbolic embodiment on the earth of these three heavenly bodies were accepted in Japan and its imitation completed in the era of Emperor Temmu (ruled : 672-686) . Through the spoon of the northern and sonthern dippers, offerings finally reach the ancestral god, the North Star. With the North Star forming the nucleus, the angle formed by the North and South Dippers is 67°. This infrastructure is reflected in the construction of the festival hall and the venue of Ohname-sai (大嘗祭-the festival honoring the ancestral soul during the imperial enthronement) of the Ise Shrine as clearly shown in Fig. I through Fig. 5. The Kammiso Festivals (神衣祭-the ritual in which wearing apparels are offered to the ancestral god) of the Ise Shrine are observed twice a year in spring and autumn, but it is full of mystery. The South Dipper is visible from May through October, and the festivals are held when the star becomes visible and when it disappears. The latter is the occasion of the Kammiso Festival. Offerings to the ancestral god are only possible when the big spoon appears. The confirmation of the big spoon is the ritual of the Kammiso Festival which is followed immediately by the Kan-name Festival (神嘗祭) , the food offering ritual to the ancestral god. The Ise Shrine enshrines the imperial ancestral god, Amaterasu (天照), the Goddess of the Sun. Chinese philosophy, hand in hand with astrology, highly esteems the Nohth Star, Tai-Yi (太一) as the fundamental factor of the universe. The incarnation of Amaterasu and Tai-Yi has explained in the writer's previous reportwhich stated in sum as the unification of the Sun and stars.
著者
石井 美保
出版者
日本文化人類学会
雑誌
民族學研究 (ISSN:00215023)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.63, no.3, pp.259-282, 1998

奴隷貿易によって「新世界」へと離散した黒人たちは奴隷制時代から現代に至るまで, 多くの社会宗教運動を生みだしてきた。なかでも1930年カリブ海地域のジャマイカで誕生したラスタファリ運動は, パン・アフリカニズムの思潮を受け継ぐとともに都市貧困層の連帯を支える文化運動として世界的な発展を遂げている。本稿は, 東アフリカのタンザニアにおけるラスタファリ運動の展開について論ずる。地方出身の出稼ぎ民の流入とともに人口増加と民族混交の進むタンザニア都市において, ラスタファリ運動は若年貧困層を中心に新たな路上文化として発展している。また運動は民族を越えた共同体を形成し, NGO団体として農場建設運動を推進している。さらにこの運動はカリブ海地域や欧米からアフリカに移住してきた離散黒人とタンザニア人の双方によって担われ, 運動の継承と解釈をめぐって相互の交流と差異化が生まれている。本稿はタンザニアにおけるラスタファリ運動の展開を検討することにより, 都市貧困層の社会的実践のもつ多様な可能性を示し, また現代アフリカにおける市井のパン・アフリカニズムの実状と問題を検討する。
著者
肥後 和男
出版者
日本文化人類学会
雑誌
民族學研究 (ISSN:00215023)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.14, no.2, pp.108-115, 1949

That the present Japanese have a physique resembling the Koreans more than the Ainu shows that their ancestors were nearer to the Koreans than to the Ezo (ancestors of the Ainu). The same may be argued with reference to language and mythology. Therefore, it seems reasonable to believe that the forefathers of the modern Japanese people may have come from the Korean area. However, the period of this movement is not clear. The Wei (Wa) of the ancient records of China were the ancestors of the Japanese. According to these records, they had already built many small states by the 1st century A. D. They practiced agriculture and had communications with China. The forefathers of the Imperial Family seem to have unified those small states under its rule toward the end of the 2nd and the beginning of the 3rd century. Their point of origin is still unknown. The opinion of some scholars that they were of the same stock as the horse-riding tribes who established dynasties in Manchuria and Korea in the 3rd century has not been verified. If Chinese records can be trusted, the Yamato (Yeh-ma-tai) kingdom seems to have been already in existence about the end of the 1st century. The erection of great tomb mounds for the burial of the kings at the beginning of the 3rd century A. D. seems to have followed the unification of the small Wa states under the Yamato dynasty.
著者
山田 隆治
出版者
日本文化人類学会
雑誌
季刊民族學研究 (ISSN:00215023)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.20, no.3, pp.209-212, 1956-12-25